A disease that confines those afflicted by it to an imaginary world and
robs them of all sense, all memory, all understanding of the crudeexternal world. ---- (Karl Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis
Bonaparte, chapter V, 1852) ---- "Parliamentary cretinism," a true
disease and curse for the labor movement and the working masses, still
lingers in the leadership groups not only of the supposedly progressive,
even radical, or self-proclaimed antagonistic parties, but also in the
leadership groups of the trade unions themselves.
We have already had occasion to explain in previous articles the CISL's
essentially "yellow union" drift, having called its own national
demonstration in Rome on December 13th, in support of the government's
plan. Its national website unequivocally states: "National demonstration
on December 13th in Rome: for a Responsibility Pact between the
Government, social partners, and political forces, in view of 2026 and
the conclusion of the PNRR to give substance to shared strategic goals."
The UIL, distancing itself from joint initiatives with the CGIL until
the last strike, has also called its own demonstration for November 29th
in Rome, concurrent with the national demonstration for the
International Day of Solidarity with Palestine, a continuation of the
demonstrations held on October 3rd.
The CGIL general assembly on November 6th and the subsequent assembly of
national delegates held in Florence the following day, confirming their
total negative opinion of the upcoming budget, called a general strike
for December 12th. Without going into detail about the opportunity,
although expressed by some delegates present on November 6th and 7th in
Florence, to converge on the national student demonstration on November
14th, but above all about the date of November 28th, the day on which
the USB and the majority of grassroots unions called the general strike
against the budget. This does not confirm and fuel the unified will that
had positively crystallized in the streets for the general strike on
October 3rd following the attack on the Global Sumud Flotilla by the
State of Israel, the final declaration tragically confirms that the CGIL
leadership is still afflicted by the disease of "parliamentary cretinism."
It's true that sectarian logic is widely present in grassroots union
leadership, particularly the USB, which itself has made no attempt to
recreate a unified initiative in the wake of October 3rd, preferring
instead to ride a resurgent protagonism, particularly among youth, all
for electoral and "party" purposes, to the detriment of any real impact
on the budget and the real balance of power in the workplace, which
cannot be changed without the presence and capacity for united, mass
struggles.
Confirmation of such a disastrous approach is evident in some passages
of the document in which Potere al Popolo, at its national assembly on
October 25th, the day of the CGIL national demonstration in Rome,
advocated "the construction of an independent political and social bloc
towards 2027." After a shared analysis of the serious and precarious
economic and social situations facing our class and the younger
generations, the strong recommendation is to "enter the institutions and
the media to denounce what is happening, block their 'normal'
functioning, and achieve victories."
Materialistic reasoning, as we can see, is completely reversed. It is
the presence of power relations favorable to the working masses in the
workplace and in society that can also lead to a presence within the
institutions, provided that this presence can represent a real step
forward toward the emancipation of the working masses. This analytical
reversal is further confirmed when, in view of the upcoming 2027 general
elections, it is stated:
"We want[...]to bring into the institutions[...]worthy and courageous
people who know how to oppose[...], who know how to represent the
interests of the majority against the privileged minority. Who know how
to present a beautiful, exciting politics that exploits popular
creativity and strength to make Italy a happier country, not one doomed
to extinction and marginalization."
It's not clear what marginality we should escape from, perhaps from the
global economic market that we remember as the capitalist one, perhaps
by siding with other economic and political fronts such as the BRICS,
but in any case the problem of problems is finding "worthy and
courageous" people.
Likewise, the CGIL leadership continues to position itself as a
surrogate for political formations alternative to the governing
majority, whether classified as a "broad camp" or generically
center-left, clearly indicating neither specific objectives to assert
nor a strategy of united struggle that could truly attempt to change the
balance of power between the classes in this economic and political
phase. In the final document of the national general assembly of
November 6, no comprehensible or real objective is indicated. A generic
list of good intentions, repeated at every national general assembly,
from the generic call for "renewal of all employment contracts," to
"hiring and stabilization of precarious work"-it's unclear why only in
the "public sectors"-to generic "investments to strengthen the
universalistic system, starting with healthcare, education, local
authorities, non-self-sufficiency, and the right to housing," as well as
unspecified "industrial policies for the manufacturing and service
sectors," aimed at eliminating "gender gaps in employment and wages and
creating new, good jobs," and ending with a very generic and vague
"strategy for the revitalization of Southern Italy." Furthermore, still
on the parliamentary-legislative level, and not content with the defeat
suffered in the referendums, we find further reference to a signature
drive for a popular healthcare law initiative, the details of which are
currently completely unclear. This contradicts the need for critical
reflection and a robust reversal of the hypotheses of national and
territorial bargaining among individual categories, regarding healthcare
funds and contractual and corporate welfare, which have proven to be
fundamental tools for the government and employers to undermine public
healthcare and the very concept of universalistic services, returning to
the practice of the old health insurance companies.
Finally, unconditional support is expressed for the upcoming April
referendum on the justice reform passed by the Meloni government,
without even remotely linking this institutional conflict to the social
conditions of the working masses. This carries the real risk of losing
this further battle, which is not very understandable at the mass level,
and will further distrust and discouragement among the working masses.
This raises the prospect of the current political majority being
confirmed in the next general elections of 2027.
The same just and commendable support for the civil service and school
sectors that have not signed the 2022-2024 contract, lacking the will
and ability to launch a generalized battle for cross-sector wages, will
certainly have repercussions on the CGIL's own stability in these
sectors. It lacks the strength and will to overturn the bargaining
tables, particularly in the second-level negotiations, which will see
the CISL, UIL, and the signatory independent unions justify their
actions by saying "it's better than nothing." The very request for tax
exemptions on contractual wage increases demonstrates the management's
confusion, which, in order to bring home a little extra cash, risks
making the same mistake it made with supplementary funds and, in
particular, with contractual and company welfare.
We have already addressed this contractual aspect on other
occasions[Cristiano Valente, "For a real defense of the wage and social
conditions of workers, it's time to change gear," "Il Cantiere," no. 38,
October 2025]and how, not coincidentally, employers are willing to hand
out significant amounts of money on this front and not on basic wages,
as these amounts of money are tax-exempt. This employers' strategy,
supported by the Meloni government, is so blatant and obvious that the
Bank of Italy itself, during its parliamentary hearing on the proposed
Budget Law for a reduced 5% rate on wage increases resulting from
collective bargaining agreements signed in the two-year period 2025-2026
for employees with annual incomes not exceeding EUR28,000, had to admit
and state: "It is inappropriate to assign the public budget the task of
recovering workers' lost purchasing power."
Once again, we are back to the usual round-robin game. Industrial
profits are not affected in favor of wages, but since the majority of
taxation falls on employees, by shifting our own monetary resources,
"indirect" wages, we self-finance supposed wage increases. Furthermore,
40% of private sector employees are already covered by contracts signed
before 2025 and are therefore excluded from this relief, as are workers
in the retail and tourism sectors. It is entirely unclear how these
sums, taxed at 5%, will be included in the general tax calculation after
2026.
In short, sheer confusion.
Confusion and inconclusiveness in launching a generalized wage battle,
the unwillingness to broaden the front of the struggle with school and
public sector workers, and the unwillingness to rescind the Factory Pact
agreement, which, by tying wage increases to the HICP index, results in
increases that do not fully cover real inflation.
This inconclusiveness has been well understood by the employers, so much
so that the November 13-14 meetings between Federmeccanica and Assistal
with the Fiom, Fim, and Uilm trade unions regarding the termination of
the metalworkers' contract, which expired in June 2024, have not yet
resulted in the dispute being resolved, almost a year and a half after
its original conclusion. Indeed, the employers continue to assert their
desire not to conclude the contract with the figures indicated by the
unions, namely EUR280 at the C3 level, but continue to indicate their
willingness to provide additional wages and industrial welfare. Further
meetings have been postponed until the end of November, which the
timeframe of this magazine does not permit, and which we will return to
in the first issues of next year.
https://alternativalibertaria.fdca.it/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
Geen opmerkingen:
Een reactie posten