Since the fall of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in late 2024, several armed and imperialist groups have been vying for control of Syrian territory. The northeast of the country, where the Syrian people have waged a democratic, feminist, and ecological revolution, is no exception. While some are announcing the end of the revolution in the face of government attacks and Western pressure, what is the reality?
The overthrow of Bashar al-Assad's regime in Syria by a coalition of Islamist opposition forces led by the jihadist group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) is being celebrated throughout Syria, particularly within the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES). In this region, encompassing Kurdish Rojava and the Arab territories liberated from ISIS, a coalition of Kurdish-Arab forces is attempting to build a new Syria capable of hosting a democratic, ecological, feminist, and confederal society based on local autonomy. However, as early as December 2024, collaboration between the Syrian Arab Nationalist Army (SANA) and the new Syrian Transitional Government (STG) was expected to be complicated. This was particularly due to the hostility of Turkey and its mercenary forces on the ground, grouped under the name Syrian National Army (SNA).Sharing Syria at the expense of its people
Turkey, embroiled in a conflict on its own territory against the Kurdish organization PKK[1], is hostile to the SANA and is waging a low-intensity war against it through airstrikes and with the help of its SNA mercenaries. Despite this, the Turkish state announced to its NATO allies that it had "resolved the situation in Syria." Europe sees this as an opportunity to send Syrian refugees home, but also as a financial opportunity. It has thus sent over EUR600 million in investments to the transitional government. This facade of openness will be marred by numerous ethnic crimes committed against several minorities in the country in March and April 2025.
In addition to Turkey and Europe, other imperialist powers are intervening in Syria. Under the pretext of defending minorities, Israel has extended its illegal occupation of the territory and has bombed the country repeatedly. The United States is also present in Syria as the main force in the international coalition against ISIS. Amid all the clashing imperialisms, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF)[2]have been able to forge tactical alliances, particularly with the forces of the international coalition. However, the emergence of a new regime in Damascus, aligned with the West, is changing the situation. The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) are no longer the coalition forces' preferred ally in the fight against ISIS: a unified Syrian state subservient to Turkey is preferable to revolutionaries seeking to liberate the Middle East.
The Kurdish left has clearly understood this paradigm shift. With Assad's fall having opened the door to a new redrawing of the Middle East's map, the peace attempts between the PKK, an ally of the Syrian Arab Nationalist Party (SANP), and Turkey can be interpreted as a way to avoid being wronged again. Despite these diplomatic overtures, it is the United States that will act decisively. At a conference hosted by France in Paris in December 2025, they force their two rival allies, Israel and Turkey, to agree on a partition of Syria into zones of influence. Syria thus signs a military cooperation agreement with Israel, promising not to militarize the south of the country. This gives Turkey free rein to eliminate the SANP in the north.
In January 2026, the autonomous districts of Aleppo were targeted by intense attacks from militias allied with the transitional government. A ceasefire was negotiated, but immediately broken by a government offensive. A shift in allegiance by some Arab tribal forces previously integrated into the SDF forced them to retreat to the predominantly Kurdish regions of Jazira and the Kobani canton.
In this context of a virtual siege, a general mobilization was called. The balance of power favored the Syrian regime, which was superior in numbers and equipment, and possessed logistical, diplomatic, and air support from Turkey. However, it faced the most disciplined military force in the country and a population ready to resist to the bitter end. A ceasefire, followed by a peace agreement, was signed between the SDF and the government, thus ending the autonomy of the AANES and integrating the SDF into the regular army as brigades in the cantons still under their control.
Is there still a revolution in Rojava? In a way, yes. The revolutionary institutions (communes, academies, production cooperatives) have lost their autonomy and will have to coexist with an authoritarian and centralizing Syrian state.
Every January, the Kurdish left gathers in Paris to demand justice and truth for murdered Kurdish activists, and a political solution for Kurdistan.
Daniel Maunoury
The Communes Are Not Dead
However, these institutions, which seek to organize grassroots power for women and peoples, are not dead, and the SDF, as a self-defense force, continues to exist, albeit in a particularly small and vulnerable territory, with limited room for maneuver. Furthermore, the successive ceasefires are part of the strategy of the democratic confederalist movement. Their goal is to build a democratic nation that is not limited to northeastern Syria alone. With the civil war exacerbating tensions between the peoples of Syria, peace is the only way to conduct political work on a national scale. The revolutionary fervor that burned brightly in Rojava will be less intense in the coming period, but it has not disappeared. A new phase of the political struggle is beginning for our comrades in Syria.
Syrian society will be grappling with certain contradictions. One of these is the right of return for refugees from various ethnic minorities. This right is stipulated in the peace agreement, but it will require a fierce struggle. It cannot be achieved without a drastic shift in the balance of power, since the refugees come from predominantly Kurdish regions occupied by the Syrian National Army (SNA) militias. These mercenary troops, paid by Turkey, see themselves as the new rulers of these regions and prevent the return of the local population, particularly Kurds of fighting age. The other contradiction will be the women's revolution, which must be closely monitored. For democratic confederalism, women are the vanguard of the new society, and the efforts of our comrades will surely lead them to try to extend their self-organization to the entire country.
In a context of reactionary power grabs and the possible return of refugees with diverse ideologies, this struggle will likely become central in Syria in the coming years. The revolution is not dead; it is not an abstract idea but is embodied by the people of Rojava. As these lines are being written, a humanitarian crisis is unfolding in Kobani, precisely because this city remains a threat to Turkish imperialism. While we can remain critical of the tactical choices made by the revolutionary forces of Rojava, our role as internationalists remains crucial in supporting our comrades in their project of emancipating the peoples of the Middle East.
Corentin (UCL International Relations Committee)
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[1]Kurdistan Workers' Party, the main organization of the Kurdish left, engaged in an armed conflict against Turkey since 1979.
[2]Armed forces born from an alliance between the Kurdish left and the long-standing opposition to Bashar al-Assad, it liberated northeastern Syria from ISIS and then defended its autonomous civilian institutions.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Rojava-Ecrasement-ou-adaptation
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Link: (en) France, UCL AL #369 - Spotlight - Rojava: Crushing or Adaptation? (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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