First of all, thank you to the more than 5,000 people who signed the proposal to name a street after Giuseppe Pinelli, where he lived with his family and the San Siro neighborhood, which has always supported us. I got to know Pino because we shared the same ideals and the same struggles. Pino was an anarchist deeply committed to spreading his ideas; he had been a young partisan, a railway worker, and an anarcho-syndicalist engaged in labor union struggles. He was against all wars, convinced, as we are, that only a homeland understood as the entire world can eliminate the cancer of war, contrary to what is tragically happening today, which is proliferating because it is closely linked to the prevailing interests of power and profit.
April 25, 1969, was already the dress rehearsal for what would happen later. Fascists detonated explosive devices at the Milan Fair and the Central Station, following a well-tested pattern, blaming anarchists, several of whom were arrested and given lengthy detentions. The operation was led by Commissioner Calabresi of the Political Bureau of the Police Headquarters. Pinelli immediately took action in solidarity and support of those arrested, and thanks in part to the mobilizations, the fabrication was later dismantled and they were acquitted.
On December 12, 1969, the Piazza Fontana massacre was immediately, as expected, blamed on anarchists. Many were arrested, some arrested on charges of complicity, Valpreda labeled the monster; Pinelli, held at the police station beyond legal limits, was thrown from a window. The anarchist Pasquale Valitutti, held at the police station and positioned in front of the room where Pinelli was being interrogated, was an important witness who was never heard.
We all know the primary objective of that massacre: to halt the labor movement's struggles for rights, which, supported by the student movement, was undermining the very mechanisms of economic and political power. The movement's mobilization and counterinformation immediately exposed the frame-up, calling it a state massacre, and pointing the finger at fascist organizations and the complicity of the secret services as the perpetrators, ultimately leading to responsibilities within the Ministry of the Interior. As it later came to light:
Giuseppe Pinelli was the designated sacrificial victim. Unable to accuse him while he was alive, despite all the efforts made up to the last moment, he could be accused after his death. In the press conference following his death, Prefect Guida, flanked by Police Chief Allegra and Commissioner Calabresi, declared that Pinelli had committed suicide because his alibi would not be confirmed. A lie for which neither he nor anyone else involved ever paid the consequences. Indeed, he was later promoted for these services.
The disconcerting fact that was kept hidden, and which emerged only after all the relevant trials had concluded, is that Silvano Russomanno, head of the Reserved Affairs Office, a body within the Ministry of the Interior, was present at the police headquarters. He had come specifically from Rome to direct the investigation and interrogation of Pinelli. A combination of puppets and puppeteers. This is also why we do not consider Judge D'Ambrosio's conclusions valid, attributing Pinelli's death to an unlikely "active illness" rather than attributing it to the institutional representatives who interrogated him.
The institutional responsibilities, after the fall of fascism, are grave for having pardoned and then reinstated, in leadership roles within the institutions themselves, individuals who had held significant responsibilities under that regime. This is the case of Prefect Guida, former director of the Ventotene prison/confinement center, and like Russomanno, head of the Reserved Affairs Office, a former participant in the Salò Republic with Nazi-Fascist positions. And many others, who remained hidden, allowed the misdirection of the fascist massacres that continued in the following years, such as those in Brescia, the Italicus train, and Bologna, to name the most notorious.
Equally serious are the institutional responsibilities in school curricula for never properly giving space to the history of the twenty-year Fascist period, nor to that of the liberation struggle, nor to the fascist massacres that bloodied Italy in recent years.
All these shortcomings were among the factors that paved the way for the current right-wing government, which, as we know, traces its origins to the post-fascist MSI party, which is characterized by its repressive laws and warmongering policies, at the expense of social issues and in an attempt to rewrite history.
Giuseppe Pinelli has become a symbol, even outside Italy, of the social injustice he was a victim of, and we will continue to remember him and mobilize until full justice is done. We also remember his partner Licia, who recently passed away, who fought for the truth throughout her life. It would be appropriate for the book-length interview "Una storia quasi soltanto mia," edited by Piero Scaramucci, to be printed and distributed free of charge in Milanese schools, as a contribution to the truth she championed.
Committee "Una Via per Giuseppe Pinelli"
https://umanitanova.org/un-giusto-riconoscimento-lintervento-del-comitato-allinaugurazione/
_________________________________________
Link: (en) Italy, FAI, Umanita Nova #10-26 - A fitting recognition. The Committee's speech at the inauguration (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
Geen opmerkingen:
Een reactie posten