The Senate's approval of the constitutional amendment (PEC) to end the 6x1 schedule-a system requiring six days of work for every one day of rest-is a victory for the working class. It is, above all, a triumph for those in the most precarious sectors, who mobilized to denounce the grueling, exploitative work schedules imposed by employers. This significant win not only secures two days of rest per week but also caps the workweek at 40 hours, providing more time for education, rest, leisure, and political or social organization. While it may fall short of the working class's full, real-world needs, ending the 6x1 system will nonetheless improve the material living conditions of the population. Reducing working hours is a historic demand of the international working class; 140 years ago, the Chicago uprising took place, fought in pursuit of an 8-hour workday. It remains essential to continue the struggle to both secure and expand these rights.
The initiative that led to this constitutional amendment began with the "Life Beyond Work" (VAT) movement. It gained momentum on social media, developing outside the structures of the official, highly bureaucratized trade union apparatus. The movement faced intense opposition from the media and the political establishment-including the Lula-Alckmin administration, which initially rejected the demand, later proposed a "broad dialogue," and only committed to the cause once it realized the issue could serve as an electoral asset. The struggle took root in various sectors, sparking strikes in areas with no prior history of mobilization, while resonating across the country and shaping the national debate. This created space for the development of class consciousness, as well as discussions regarding wages and work schedules. The segment of the labor movement committed to "class independence" played a key role in this process, consistently advocating for a reduction in working hours without any loss in pay, pushing for a 4x3 schedule (four days of work, three days of rest), and championing these demands in the streets. However, the process is also open to criticism: the rise of Rick Azevedo-a leader of the VAT movement-into institutional politics led the movement to shift its focus toward parliamentary maneuvering, effectively abandoning mobilizations in the streets and workplaces over the last few months. The struggle that had captured the nation's attention lost momentum, giving Congress and employers time to regroup and water down the proposed constitutional amendment (PEC), making it far less favorable to workers. Without pressure from the streets, it took months for the proposal to pass in the Chamber of Deputies in May. Senate President Davi Alcolumbre (of the *União Brasil* party) sat on the bill, using it as a bargaining chip with the government to ensure his own political survival amid corruption allegations. The proposal took five months to clear the Senate, remaining unchanged throughout the process. This episode highlights the pitfalls of prioritizing institutional struggle.
The push by Brazilian workers for a shorter workweek is nothing new. From the intense strikes during the First Republic (1889-1930)-most notably the General Strike of 1917-to the enactment of the Consolidated Labor Laws (CLT) in 1943, the length of the workday has always been a core issue. The 1988 Constitution established a 44-hour workweek, and there has been no improvement since-even as many other countries have moved toward shorter working hours.
Yet, the working class must remain vigilant: the far-right, in collusion with certain sectors of the Brazilian business community, is already plotting ways to undermine the end of the 6×1 work schedule (six days of work followed by one day of rest). One such measure is the so-called "Working Hours Amendment" (*PEC das Horas Trabalhadas*), which represents a concrete assault on established rights, including the minimum wage and paid vacation, among others. The Supreme Federal Court (STF) is also set to rule on a case with broad legal implications-a case that could pave the way for the unrestricted conversion of formal employment into "contractor" (corporate-entity) status, representing yet another assault on formal, protected labor. Workers must mobilize at the first sign of any threat of regression, whether by taking to the streets or by strengthening their presence in workplaces, labor unions, social movements, and other grassroots organizations.
It is through the power of the streets that the interests of the oppressed classes can prevail over those of the politicians currently in power. In the past, the present, and the future, it is through organization and a combative spirit that rights are won, advanced, and defended. Through direct action and class independence!
Libertarian Socialist Organization
October 2026
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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