The following article was presented as the IFA contribution to one of the Round Tables at the Saint-Imier gathering on 10th September entitled ?Faire l?anarchisme aujourd?hui?, translated as ?Anarchism in practice today?. It starts by expressing some of the common principles of anarchist communism and then proceeds to look at its relationship to recent social movements, using Occupy as the main example. It then asks some ques- tions about how we can benefit from understanding across borders, re- flecting the implicit internationalism of much of the Occupy ethos. There have been various other texts coming out analysing Occupy. We hope this will be a useful contribution. Principles Social anarchism or anarchist communism as practiced by member organisations of the International of Anarchist Federa- tions (IAF-IFA- ???) is based on some key principles: We are revolutionaries. Our ac- tivity and propaganda is rooted in the today, but always looks ahead to revolution. Revolution involves a total change in the way society is organised and how individuals relate to each other. In particu- lar, capitalism and authoritarian relationships must be replaced with a society of free association and an economics without owner- ship or money where the world?s resources are shared according to need (communism). We are not in favour of reforms as an end point of our activity. We aim to help create mass movements based on class strug- gle. Anarchist organisations as they exist in IFA aim to ferment class struggle. While class rela- tionships exist there should be no peace between the bosses (ruling class) and the majority working class. Anarchist organisations aim to build solidarity, confidence and experience in the working class to help create mass movements across the world that are aiming to make change happen. This also means we do not want to cre- ate relationships only between activists. Even when anarchist activists aim to influence others by creating examples of meaning- ful activity, we are always seeking to organise actively and directly with more people outside of our organisations to widen the strug- gle. Non-hierarchical organisation. Today, we aim to sustain organi- sations where individuals work collectively. The anarchist organi- sation aims to work internally in a non-hierarchical manner across a wide geographical area. Com- monly this means a federation of local groups where the members of each group operate as equals without leaders, and the relation- ship between groups is also one of equals without leadership. To make this happen we use the structure of delegation of individ- uals from groups so that decisions can be made involving more than one group, regionally, nationally, and internationally. The national group is partly one of conveni- ence and is often based on lan- guage. For this reason we have in IFA, for example, the French- speaking anarchist federation (La F?d?ration Anarchiste Franco- phone, France and French-speak- ing Belgium) and the german- speaking anarchist federation (F?deration Deutschsprachiger AnarchistInnen, Germany and German-speaking Switzerland). We aim to be transnational. Direct Action. Our activity is aimed at making a change directly and taking full responsibility for our participation as individuals and groups. We do not aim to in- fluence authorities to change laws or to ask for reforms of the cur- rent system. At the same time, we want to build a mass movement, so anarchist organisations can- not do things on behalf of other people. For example a movement of the unemployed must be led by the unemployed themselves. Action by groups needs to be mindful of the mass of the work- ing class. Actions that are not understood outside of a small ac- tivist group may have little wider effect and they can more easily be misinterpreted by the media or police, especially if they can be labelled as criminal actions. Some recent history This section looks at historically recent social movements that have been influenced by anar- chist practice. Following Stop the City actions (London, 1980s), the Carnival Against Capitalism (J18, London, 1999) against the Cologne G8 summit and the anti- WTO protests (N30, Seattle, 1999) were organised by people seeking to highlight and oppose the ef- fects of neoliberal trade policies. Both these events involved an- archists and direct action orien- tated movements such as Reclaim the Streets, and environmental groups, all having experience with direct action on the streets. They also attracted labour or- ganisations, religious groups and artists. During N30 direct action was taken by workers such as the International Longshore Workers Union who closed ports. These kinds of protests have continued over many years since 1999. These events of the late 1990s were significant because they contested the right of richer na- tion states and corporations to decide how to run an economic system. Some of these were fo- cussed on reforms such as reduc- tion of debt and poverty in the ?South? (developing world) or to reduce carbon emissions. Since 2008, responses to the global economic crisis and local auster- ity have included widely copied movements such as those making up the ?Arab Spring?, the Indig- nados of Spain and the Occupy movement, as well as groups focussed on banking and tax such as UK UnCut. Between these periods we can also examine the response to austerity in Argentina in 2001 following an IMF loan with emergence of ?horizontal- ism?. As before, some anarchistic elements can be identified, or at least elements that can also be identified with anarchism exist in these movements. As anarchists in IFA we have been directly involved in some of these move- ments. To encourage some discussion, let us ask, to what extent can we find the following attributes in recent social movements and/or other contemporary anarchist activi- ties? ? Revolutionary (versus reform- ist) agenda? ? Emphasis on class struggle? ? Prefiguration? Acting now in a similar manner that we want post-revolutionary society to be like. ? Encouraging formation of mass movements? ? Non-hierarchical/horizontal organisational forms? ? Explicit decision-making pro- cesses? ? Replicating (copying) examples of good practice? ? Anti-political/popularist? ? Use of Direct Action? We can use these attributes as a way of describing and evaluating the anarchistic nature of contem- porary social movements. We now try to explain ?See table below? some of the reasoning for the scores. The lower score for revolutionary is due to the kinds of political demands implied, which were mostly reformist, although unfairness and cor- ruption of the capitalist system was generally highlighted by the camps. Class struggle is also scored low because the idea of the 99% versus 1% was not really expressed in class terms, although it does grasp the idea of ?us and them?. The camps were seen as moderately prefigurative because they aimed to operate in a col- lective manner with a sharing of resources. Occupy did encourage the formation of a mass move- ment and this was evident in the number of camps and level of support. Also some camps did outreach to the wider community by organising public meetings. Camps aimed be non-hierarchical although hierarchies were evident in the relationship between adults and younger participants in the camp, and some individuals did dominate. Decision-making was explicit through regular camp meetings and public assemblies where campers and supporters were able to be involved in the aims of the camps. But important camp decisions could be made by smaller groups or even individu- als. Little attempt was made to create decision-making structures between camps. The camps did rely on replicating good practice between camps, shared through the internet and social media. On the other hand, there was some repetition and reinvention of practice. The camps were explic- itly anti-political which was often positive but sometimes included negative ideas such as conspiracy theories. Finally the use of direct action was evident in the forma- tion of the camps, but mostly the camps did not aim to extend di- rect action outside of the camps, and some resorted to legal means to stop the camps being evicted. Direct action was often used to support the needs of the camps such as obtaining fuel and food. But some participants became disillusioned when camps were ?not doing anything? except oc- cupying the space. We can also note that the above scoring may be seen as too posi- tive. Some bad things did happen. But we are concentrating on the intention rather than the results. We can use our experiences of Occupy to refine our tactics in other struggles. The above is a picture of Occupy in Britain. We can note that Occu- py is not necessarily the more an- archistic or important struggle in Britain during 2012 but it serves as a good example of a recent social movement. Other examples include the students? movement, the anti-cuts movement and the anti-workfare movement. An example: The Occupy movement in Britain, 2011-12 As a starting point for a group discussion of social movements we used a scoring system for the different attributes. The following scores were agreed collectively by a small number of members of the Anarchist Federation discussing each attribute at their annual conference in July 2012, based on their experience of Occupy camps in 2011-2012. This raises further questions for IFA. ? Does this picture differ from other similar movements e.g. the Indignados movement in Spain? ? How much are political organi- sations involved (parties, unions) in addition to more anarchistic organisations? Has the collapse of traditional forms of leftist struggle given rise to these new move- ments? What is the level of influ- ence of a working class base? For example, the miners in Asturias and Leon. ? What difference does police repression make? The level of po- lice repression in Britain was low relative to Portugal, for example. Also the recent political history of the country makes a difference e.g. fascist or social democratic? ? How much widening of struggle has occurred? We know that in France and Greece movements held assemblies in working class neighbourhoods. ? How sustainable are the differ- ent movements across Europe and the world? How long did they/will they last? ? Could anarchist ideas have been more effective in Occupy and elsewhere? Postscript ? September 2012 The Round Table at which the above presentation was made did not achieve as much as was hoped by IFA in terms of develop- ing these ideas further because the discussions tended to restate principles and stop there. But some of the more casual conver- sations we had with non-British anarchists were enlightening. One thing that is evident is that Occupy Wall Street was a very different beast to those Occupy Camps in Europe and even to oth- er Occupy camps in the USA such as the ones in Atlanta or Oakland. A couple of books have come out in 2012 including 'Occupy', a ed- ited set of speeches and texts by Noam Chomsky, and 'The Occupy Handbook' which compiles the views of activists, academics and the (especially Democrat) estab- lishment. Some of the demands from US-based activists are quite specific in terms of calling for limiting corporate sponsorship of political candidates and even a demand to abolish 'corporate personhood' which is enshrined in the US constitution. A diverse set of 'Hubs' has been created as part of an Inter-Occupy initia- tive, which is aimed at network- ing after the main camps. At the time of writing, this is being used to promote a global pot-banging protest GlobalNoise on 13th October towards social and eco- nomic justice. But looking down the list of links, the website also includes 'identity hubs' including OccupyPolice for 'people with police issues and police with government issues'. This is hardly a revolutionary approach! On the other hand, in Atlanta, the local movement has been success- ful in preventing evictions due to foreclosure (repossession of houses due to mortgage arrears). So reformist demands are not dominating everywhere. In Spain, the engagement of the 15-M movement with workers is clear, some of this action taking the form of direct confrontation with the police, such as in Astu- rias in the North of the country. The idea of mass assemblies has really taken hold in working class communities. And in some regions, like Andalucia in the south, entire unfinished apart- ment blocks are being occupied. Families who have lost work and had benefits denied or cut are receiving food from looted su- permarkets. Also it is 15-M that initiated the GlobalNoise call out in an attempt to strengthen local resistance with a internationalist emphasis, saying, ?Strengthening the local networks is very important. But at the same time, we need strong global ac- tions to reinforce our local work. Often the problems generated by our governments and false democracies do not let us look beyond our local presidents and politicians, to see the full global context of the issue we face. The problems are global because the scam is global, and to combat these problems we need global action.? In Britain there has been little in the way of political demands (generally a good thing) but nei- ther has Occupy sparked a mass movement of direct action against evictions or utility prices. The la- bour movement in Britain mostly ignored Occupy, preferring to concentrate on traditional union demands using tactics of negotia- tion with minimal threat of indus- trial action. In 2012 it is clear that potential for grassroots action through broader based anti-cuts or 'save our services' campaigns has dwindled and much of the left have resorted to ballot box politics by backing Labour candi- dates and/or opposing Coalition candidates through a 'Target Seat Campaign'. In contrast to the left- ist approach we can certainly take away some good points from Oc- cupy in Britain. While the Occupy camps are mostly gone, the idea of reclaiming public space and contesting inequality is still very much alive.
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maandag 3 december 2012
(en) Britain, Anarchist Federation, Organise! #79 - Anarchism in Practice Today
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