We anarchist militants politically organized in FAG meeting in late 2013 in our Sixth
General Congress, we share our supporters and the whole left combative this declaration,
consisting of analysis of the historical period in which we live; minimum program to forge
unity among beneath the left and combative, giving a notion of political expression and
assembly to advance the correlation of forces and face the dominant model characterized,
and operational elements of a strategy for the present reality in which we campaigned and
while anarchists. ---- Characterization of the period (full text soon) ---- The
characterization we performed was focused on understanding the interdependent elements
that form the core of the system of capitalist domination in its present form, which we
believe to be of financial capitalism. Therefore, we sought to score in outline these
elements in terms of Latin America and to a lesser extent worldwide.
We understand that the period has strong and singular events that influence variation in
the model. On one hand the struggles for destabilization of repressive regimes in the Arab
world, the changes experienced by Latin America in more than a decade and recently the
massive demonstrations in dozens of cities across the country, on the other, September 11,
imperialist wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and the financial coup carried out by corporate
institutions and governments. The capitalist system is again going through crises,
conflicts and questions that determine adjustments in their mechanisms of power. Nothing
indicates that we are on the verge of a revolutionary change, but it is true that we live
in a busier period, that is breaking the silence, resignation and fear.
Gas war, Bolivia - 2003
Are large ongoing struggles and popular protests around the world in which youth have
participated strongly and workers defended their rights, responding in each place,
different agendas, factors and concerns, all derived from the same system. At the same
time indicate, by their occurrence in various regions of the globe, discontent - a rich
experience of people, a production of ideas and collective representations that can open
up new possibilities.
In Latin America, The USA are not the same regional alignment to its imperialist policy.
We can not say, however, that his power is questioned. Yes there are different levels in
their different spheres of activity (political, economic, military and ideological)
influence. However it is his attempt to permanently maintain and expand their power in the
global geopolitical picture. We believe that it is not possible to say that it would be
forming a block against hegemonic neoliberalism composed of said progressive countries in
the Latin American continent. Despite their internal characteristics, they are placed in
the logic of the current stage of financial capitalism. Therefore, the analysis is not
correct that is homogeneously or under the sign of the same training strategy parties or
nationalist-reformist center-left that in more than a decade has come to governments in
Latin America. If it is true that many of them were raised up by a living popular feeling
of rejection of neoliberalism and the model in the context of popular uprisings that
toppled governments in Bolivia, Ecuador and Argentina and have gained a strong position in
the social movements against political scene policies of privatization, unemployment and
cutting rights, it is also correct that the trajectory of their governments at no time has
questioned the core of the system.
Indian resistance in B?gua, Peru against IIRSA Plan
Common place in the regional reality, the South American countries adhere to the Plan for
the Integration of South American Regional Structure Plan (IIRSA) and independent of the
pattern of governments, "progressive" or aligned with imperialism, both models have
undertaken projects that plan, with a common discourse of "economic development and
integration of peoples." However, between the effects of these projects are: the
encouragement of transnational from the exploitation of natural resources of the continent
(water, minerals, biodiversity, hydrocarbons); environmental devastation and destruction
of traditional communities and the dependence of countries to funders of said development
projects.
Roughly speaking, in spite of the continuity of the structures, strategies and economic
policies laid down by the hand of governments and institutions that make the conservative
role of lackeys ever, or ebbs and disappointment in relation to fantasies by the electoral
mechanism, one can recognize . variants that are present current and other developments
Throughout its history, capitalism has not always presented with the same face: has
achieved conduct required by the general situation to the management of its crisis
settings; has done a creative game with their fundamental structures to continue its
dominance, injustice, misery and brutal inequalities that historically accompany it. This
more upset, more angry and confrontational time, which brings urgent problems for the
control of the dominant power, definitely will not break the system by force of
circumstance - the system does not tend to settle well. Consider the moments, the
correlation of forces in a period, the problems that weaken a structure of domination
always inserted in social antagonism is a prerequisite for a more decisive political action.
Squid and the Trade Union Bureaucracy
In Brazil, we see that the Lula years down here the system varied his style. Without
doubt, the operating model that is ongoing in the context of a significant inflection in
every region, has characteristics determined by a re-accommodation of system elements for
more effective social incorporation. This is carried out in a period that brings hope,
confusion, searches, and present on the scene means change, curves, frustrations. already
said: the game is in a creative manner of articulation that keeps the hard core of power
outside the crosshairs of radical projects and comes to its reproduction by freshest
mechanisms. We call this the social contract engineering , in which the PT to raise the
government makes from engagement with the structures of power and the dominant classes
articulated with the cooptation traditional bureaucratic organizations of the working
class and left the state apparatus. This engineering compromises, arguing the defense of
the country's development, government, entrepreneurship and bureaucracies of social
movements. Thus the administration of PT distinguished by advancing agendas that bourgeois
another moment authorities could not do: wage freeze, pension reforms, labor and fiscal
adjustments in the public sector, cuts in social investment, stoppage of agrarian reform,
deregulation environmental and favoring new methods of privatizing management of public
affairs.
Along with this, the emergence of production dominant discourses in the social body - with
real effects on institutions and worldly practices - ideas that validate a conciliatory
national solution, which contained the pactuador state, economic growth and social
advancement. In the context of these discourses is touted a Brazil full employment, which
reduced poverty and extreme poverty forming a middle-class country. Are daily discourses
that naturalize the historical background of violence and exploitation of Brazilian
capitalist formation, are a relatively integrated social subject by the forms of
consumption, government aid, etc.. and form an ideological-cultural structure that
operates to promote a perception of better living conditions, without, however, any change
in the violent structure of social inequalities in Brazil. It is this functional
"operating model" a popular adherence to highly expressive power structures, its
mechanisms for conservation and reproduction and a technique of assimilation and / or
debelamento conflict with the organized sectors of the class struggle.
Sergio Cabral and Dilma Rousseff Eike Batista
The continuity of Brazilian capitalism, subject to market control of transnational groups
and putting the country in a prominent place in the world system as a major producer and
exporter of commodities, possesses, however, a variation in the economic model, which some
studies are calling neo-developmentism. Among other things, because of the participation
of the Brazilian state in the increase of subsidies and in inducing economic growth.
The divisor of the popular June days
Days of June, 2013 - SP
The people did days of fighting in the country that became irrepressible in June. The
fight for public transportation, which is organized by leftist militants of a social
movement that takes years, and outrage regarding the high expenses of Mega Events
(Confederations Cup, World Cup, Olympics ...) to the detriment of other areas as health,
education, etc.. gave way to a flurry of demands that throbbed in neurotic, fragile and
grueling life of middle and popular sectors. This popular rebellion claiming their rights
by force alleges the streets, especially the rotten world of private profits, the impunity
of elites and encroachment the commons and brings with confusion and uncertainty gestated
a new experience with politics, with an imaginary protesters who shake the world, strongly
backed the modes of interaction and social recognition that produce new technologies of
communication. The people in the broad concept does not preclude class against class and
plays the scene of events a contest of ideas, values ??and social project to act
critically, with a class design to date with the Brazilian social formation of the times
we live. However, we have no doubt that the movement is coming under the most fertile to
the class struggle, direct democracy and build muscles to develop a strategy of popular
power land.
You need to make the base unions, the instruments of organization of the working class and
the rural social movements and city take a place in the demonstrations and help build a
program to fight forward and unite the oppressed. 's governismo the class collaboration
and party and union bureaucracies play in the water mill reaction. The demobilization and
bureaucratism in the ranks of the working class, the fragmentation of world poverty and
the coalition of ruling parties in the common grave of bourgeois democracy gave way to the
right give rise to plans, from outside and within government.
Days June 2013 - Porto Alegre
In pregnancy this new correlation of forces in the fight against rising tariffs of public
transport is the most articulate expression of an avalanche of feelings and repressed
demands that go beyond the dominant controls of Brazilian society. There is a saturation
depth capitalist model in the last 10 years by neo-developmentalist version of PT
governments. This model promised a large modern Brazil at the expense of a brutal
deterioration of the environment, public spaces and the conditions of life and labor of
working people and youth.
For us, the open period is therefore resistance to fighting bias . In our view it is
about a pattern of social conflict and class struggle in our country. Under this concept,
without reference to old patterns that suggest a straight and linear plot of the
social-historical process we represent a political backdrop for the factors of social
change and the characteristic elements of a correlation of forces in society. Here we
consider certain features of the social and popular movement and the degree of occurrence,
amplitude and radical actions and struggles of all oppressed classes.
At first we need to consider that the struggle of the oppressed class and the socialist
project goes a step reflux, restructuring of the organizational means of scattered and
fragmentary actions that do not reach a set form with ideological and programmatic
elements that make a strong antagonism to the system . An important part of the popular
sectors, organizations and unions embark on the old promises of economic growth and bow to
the ideas of neo-developmentalism. There is a crisis of social movement, grassroots
organizations, the struggle of forces accumulated in excess acts spontaneous and achieve
federated action. seriously are filed by recent history strategies of the left who seek
social change within institutions of the functional relationships of the dominant power.
Timing is splitting water, adjust the lens to think about the conditions and possibilities
of relative strengths of the moment. Requires ability to insert a revolutionary project
finalist in the interior of the problems and conflicts of this historic gift. Groundwork
between popular demands which are not absorbed by the capitalist model controls the
direction of a strong people practices that favor breaking the historical construction of
a subject antagonist structures of capitalism.
Porto Alegre, 2013
However, have emergency scene of historical events, new winds that cause us a more nuanced
reading conflicting elements with certain ideological weight that has opening for a
different pitch. So in that case we seek an accumulation of combative forces was so far
out of our scene. So a stage of resistance, albeit with a combative bias.
A minimum program
Over the past few years in our nation-building (through the process of building the
Brazilian Anarchist Coordination - CAB), discussed and pointed a minimum program like
outlook for the struggles of this period. A program resulting from an interpretation and
selection of great guidelines crossing our social formation, to build a targeted output by
the left that logre create and join social forces to confront the dominant model that
feature. Attempt to demarcate friends and enemies along the central themes that define the
settings of social life, the common space where acts politics and power relations. For it
is certain that we have the strength and ability to pelear alone in this direction, nor
have such sectarian claim.
There are a number of criticisms, proposals and actions emanating from this period of
capitalism, the class struggle, social practices of resistance to shift their governments
and all sorts of structures of domination that can be articulated as a program of popular
solutions. It should be, as favoring a small fighting force in its own way, from the
bottom up, outside the institutional controls and collaborating class.
The minimum program seeks to make a joint panel between the struggles of low and socialist
organizations to organize ahead of the demands of the oppressed and accumulate social
antagonism to move to a new correlation of forces, an alternative open space for popular
power. There is a government program, but a program to forge unity by the struggles and
give political expression, a sense of the whole, a position of strength in the national
agenda that binds with our ideas to create a strong people.
(A) working, decent salary and pension
Reduction of working hours without lost wages and decent work with social rights. Against
the farce of meritocracy and deception productivity. Minimum wage according to the basic
needs provided for in the constitution and against the rising cost of living.
Defense of a public pension with decent adjustments for retirees and against the Revenue
Decoupling Mechanism Union (DRU), which diverts resources from Social Security for public
debt and distorts the social security deficit. Against the privatization of security
mechanisms and financial speculation with pension funds.
Strengthening advocacy and political autonomy of grassroots bodies of workers and the
maintenance of the right to strike. Against the fragmentation of union representation and
the criminalization of labor unions.
Monitoring and solidarity with the struggle of workers in Europe and North America,
positioning itself against cuts in labor rights, in particular, changes in welfare.
(B) Education
Increased investments in basic school (daycare, preschool, elementary and middle school)
and combating the problems of lack of infrastructure (school meals, adequate libraries and
other resources) and the precariousness of work in education. Against the closure of rural
and urban schools.
Combat market policies implemented by the National Education Plan (PNE), facing the
precariousness and the privatization of public education.
Community participation in school management and the expansion of higher technological
education, technical and public, free and without precarious character. Expansion and
implementation of effective student assistance policies that guarantee access and
permanence. End of bailout with public money intended for private universities through the
University for All Program (PROUNI) and Student Financing Fund (FIES), and that these
resources are applied in the qualitative expansion of places in public universities.
Production of science and technology with social control. Expansion of higher education
courses in partnership with social movements with political and pedagogical control the
movements themselves.
(C) Health
Implementation of mandatory health funds by the Union, the states and municipalities.
Expansion of the Unified Health System (SUS).
Confronting the private companies, foundations and social organizations (OS) in health.
6% of GDP to public health without private intermediation.
(D) Urban Reform law and the city housing plan
Against privatizing the system of public-private partnerships and provision of credit from
BNDES for big capital, the PAC and the mega-event like the World Cup or the Olympics to
promote the segregation of urban space.
Combating property speculation and private usurpation of the right to the city. Defense of
the social function of urban land. Expropriation of buildings and vacant land for
affordable housing programs that serve millions of popular without proper housing, with
construction plans by the task force, co-operatives and self-management system.
Against programs of "social cleansing" of urban centers and evictions by reason of the
mega-enterprises and mega sporting events like the World Cup and the Olympics.
Uncompromising policy truly public, free shipping and quality, which guarantees the right
to locomotion of the poor and the unemployed in urban and rural defense. Rejection of the
commodification of transport, with public management and public participation.
Defense of a policy that prioritizes public transportation over individual, encouraging
alternative means.
(E) Land reform and fight agribusiness
Agrarian reform against landlordism and extensive monoculture agribusiness and production
without the use of pesticides and GMOs, which poison the field workers and other
consumers. Warranty conditions for realization of agrarian reform and limit the private
ownership of land.
Agroecological methods of production that prioritize popular management of agricultural
production in harmony with the environment. Control the seed for field workers: against
property and patent seeds for agribusiness companies.
Demarcation of indigenous territories, maroon and support for fishing communities and
other traditional communities.
(F) Tax reform and break with the moneylenders public debt
Break with the perverse mechanism of public debt, paying high interest to the moneylenders
and financial market policies and cut social spending for the poor. Implementation of a
tax reform with taxation of the rich and not the poor.
Break with the moneylenders public debt, which consumes almost half the public budget,
with greater investment of this amount in health and education.
(G) Human Rights
Effective opening of the archives of the dictatorship and punishment of torturers and
representatives of State crimes in that period.
Against the criminalization of poverty and protest, and by the end of the extermination of
the poor. The recognition of the social debt with blacks and indigenous peoples.
End of oppression in prisons: violence and torture of prisoners and against vexatious
searches of visitors. End of asylums and incarceration of people with mental disorders.
Ending violence against women and the right to them for the public and ethical service in
the Unified Health System (SUS) for abortion. Combating sexism, homophobia and defending
freedom of sexual orientation and the rights of children and adolescents.
(H) Democratization of communication and tackling monopolies
Popular control over the communication system and end the monopolies of communication.
Popular communication and freedom of expression, including the right to free transmission
of community radios and TVs. Against criminalization imposed by ANATEL and the
bureaucratization of the grants.
Against the restriction of freedom and control of information on the internet.
(I) Participation and popular protagonism
Right to call for popular plebiscites and referendums deliberative strategic decisions for
the country, if effecting directly on issues such as debt, property boundary and free trade.
Against institutionalized repression and criminalization of social movements and popular
protest.
Strengthening of direct action, building the base and the broad popular participation in
social movements.
(J) Environment, oil and natural resources in the service of the people
End of auction Petrobras and cancellation of privatization. Public model for oil reserves
in the pre-salt, no sharing with private capital and revenue investment in government
policies on labor, social and housing rights.
Decision and popular source control and energy reserves. Against development policies that
invest in the construction of hydroelectric deployed authoritatively and with dire
consequences for populations with serious environmental and social impacts. Energy model
for the service of the people.
Against IIRSA plan applied by enterprises and serve as mega-events, the megaportos and
hydropower, at the expense of popular aspirations.
Against the privatization of water, oil and natural goods.
(L) Anti-imperialism and the right of self-determination
Immediate withdrawal of occupation forces of Brazil in Haiti.
Permanent warning against the blows of the oligarchies and imperialism on Latin America,
giving resolute to change processes of popular bases that are experienced throughout the
continent, irrespective of their government policy support.
Scathing denunciation of the militarization of the continent, especially from military
bases in Colombia and policies that criminalize protest folk and traditional communities.
Defense of the right of peoples' resistance.
An operational strategy for the present reality
However, we do not believe that only the analysis of the period and a set of program
guidelines allow change the current balance of forces. We need definitions which point a
strategic path that allows closer to our goal which is the finalist of social
transformation through a social revolution. Accordingly, our VI Congress considers
necessary and decisive medium / long-term construction of a structure catalyzing the
movement of workers and popular sectors, a federation of seated struggles of grassroots
organizations that can lead to class-vocation by mass struggles to enforce a minimum
program. However, this structure can not be forged or by decree from above. It is a
process of accumulation of forces and organicity that we will be one of the protagonists.
For our part, militant to connect the spectrum of social struggles that confront the
dominant model of Brazilian capitalism with a minimum program of popular solutions,
helping to forge unity from the bottom up to create a strong people imposing on the
national scene a proposed new correlation of forces applied to a project of social
transformation. A line of work that encourages, compete and support the gestation of a new
structure of pasta, a catalyst of social power of the oppressed classes, articulated the
bases, which does not fall within the bureaucratic bourgeois way of institutional controls.
Thus, we believe that the current situation requires a common space shared by those
struggling. Its construction and consolidation will thus be our modest contribution in
that first moment. A space that has the ability to be a collective and programmatic
construction that meets militant sections based on social movements, collective and urban
and rural backgrounds, and opposition unions, student organizations, groups and
independent media culture that goes overcoming your own weaknesses the popular process in
recent months, as the fact of street mobilizations take advantage of mechanisms for social
networking and virtual and ephemeral associations not rooted in the struggles of
grassroots organizations with constructive guidelines in daily life.
This is our focus and our effort. And this is the invitation we make to militant sectors
who want to build a departure from below and to the left.
Sixth General Congress Gaucha Anarchist Federation - FAG
December 2013
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