Confederal statement about the European elections is shy about the claims, bland on the ETUC and vaguely Republican to defend the institutions. The text is the image of the national leadership: unable to stimulate debates and fights the level needed to fend off employers. ---- The claims: ---- The declaration proposes various measures very vague to improve the distribution of wealth, establish protective standards and other empty phrases. It is a radical on one point: tax harmonization but wearing a dubious explanation: "tax harmonization to drain tax havens "that could be dried countries while interest such harmonization would course to end the fiscal dumping that offers businesses real reasons to outsource anything anywhere. Finally it's radio silence on the word order that is worth and that is not the "harmonization" but "matching" the social rights of European workers on the best achievements in each country. On the CES: Still a hollow phrase that forgets to mention that the CES is a huge bureaucratic machine whose function is to give a union endorsed the anti-social measures decided in Brussels. And that the choice to be in order not to cut large unions (very reformist) should not prevent us from bringing including public controversy with the ETUC and unions that compose (eg signatures of repetitions agreements rotten by the UGT and CCOO in Spain). Finally, the text laments forbearance which endangers democracy. While this is the opposite. It is the absence of democratic issue that causes the abstention of those who do not trust the electoral discourse. Also not the slightest criticism of the few democratic foundation of our institutions. This puts the coup CGT in the wake of government parties who play the democracy fixed dates but quickly outdated ... ------------------------------------------------ Who are we? analyzes and reflections CGT: Building a majority trade union left For years, it was announced the breaking of the reformist CGT on the model experienced by the CFDT in the late 1970s not that simple. Majority CGT trade unionists continue to practice the struggle over on militant bases Cgt rest for workers union struggle and the red flag. So how is it that the majority orientation confederal track of prospects claim-inspired largely by unionism regulation of market economy? The last Confederal Congress was marked generally by continuing guidance previous congresses , suggesting that the CGT is truly committed to the rails unionism proposals and negotiations, mixed with a few great days of strikes and demonstrations in support of a union strategy in which social dialogue between the social partners responsible under the auspices of a State that would be expected that protects employees, is the means to gain social conquests. This observation is partly true if you do pay attention to notices of its most high-profile leaders as the only reading of his texts Congress. Indeed, the notions and concepts such as CGT "unionism together", "social democracy", "unionism membership", "unionism proposals and negotiations" ... often do not have much to do in the way many trade union CGT conceive and implement them on the ground. And because a large minority, all combined sensitivities of the base to the top, have a different approach, marked by the primacy of the balance of power. Different approach redoubled differences between unions in the private and public sector. The major problem, which is still checked last Confederal Congress in March 2013, is the inability to construct a coherent alternative to the guidelines proposed in the preparatory texts orientation. This can be verified in contradictions voted at the end of the congress final texts. It marks progress on many points. For example, when the CGT intends to open the debate on social ownership and therefore the legitimacy of private property. But you can read along in protest marks the CGT fights for business support by the various employee savings schemes of regional funds to promote sustainable employment. It oscillates between a timid anti-capitalist approach and assumed a non regulatory approach of market economy. Yet many amendments asking to correct texts in a sense of class struggle still back in Congress. The thunderous applause at the last convention to greet the hardest to interventions against the Socialist-Green government and the MEDEF show a radical demand of the trade unions. How to explain this shift with much more measured response leading member of the national leadership? How to explain that during NCC, the majority of Departmental Secretaries Unions stick to implementation in fine of the reformist understanding most of the confederal leadership guidance of congress? Remove obstacles to unity anticapitalist CGT There was virtually several obstacles to the expression of an anti-capitalist alternative in CGT: many activists, whatever their level of responsibility, reluctant to lead the fight collectively, not wanting to be perceived as divisive . However, and this is a shame, is not it a kind of reformist fraction that is in control of most of the key positions in the umbrella organization? There is a real problem of collective expression and union democracy. The other obstacle, which is the cause and the consequence is the refusal to harm the organization if the CGT is torn internally, it can only weaken against its external enemies ( employers, other unions ...). Admittedly, this may weaken for a time but letting the CGT in the muddy waters of reformism is also weaken and permanently. Another obstacle and size: diversity, dispersion and bigotry of activists who clearly demonstrate their opposition to the current direction. These three factors are full as a foil for a majority of union CGT preferring warp somewhat genuinely reformist orientations. So there is a responsibility that the anti-capitalist currents unite on a common basis and wide open, leaving aside their different ideological often related stories and militants different route (PCF, the "Trotskyists" revolutionary syndicalists , the "Maoists" libertarian ...). As we must be able to understand and hear the differences in vocabulary, which often result in sterile discussions and oppositions then we mean the same thing. What should heckle the various organized minorities is their ability to speak with one voice and with a language understood by all union CGT references. The question of develop tools to afford such a policy may go through a union magazine, a website, by regional and national meetings, etc. ... This issue is not trivial and purely technical because it come the problems of union democracy. Building a union left potentially majority But this unity of the anti-capitalist union displayed may not be limited to be an anti-confederal leadership gathering. It will make sense in the desire to build in the struggles and the CGT alternative guidelines and practices for all workers. For most of the CGT union leading the class struggle on a daily basis are not part of organized minorities do not know most of the time or watching warily. However, if many are stowed CGT conventional reformist conceptions reflecting the division between social democratic party that structural reforms and union claims at the margin, the vast majority of activists and union members are fighting without perspective Overall their many battles. It is this ideological vacuum that reformism also wins. It is this abyss of alternative thinking capitalism exists potentially a majority, given the contradictions of the period (economic, political and ecological crises) and positive changes in CGT although still fragile (autonomy to against political parties, societal struggles integrated into the overall discussion, Trade Union Unity).
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zondag 1 juni 2014
(en) Communistes libertaires de la CGT - European elections: a timid statement (fr)
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