(en) France, Organisation Communiste Libertarie (OCL-lyon) - Courant Alternatif #246 - Burkina Faso: Compaor? of the fall of a confiscated revolution (fr)

(en) France, Organisation Communiste Libertarie (OCL-lyon) -
Courant Alternatif #246 - Burkina Faso: Compaor? of the fall of a
confiscated revolution (fr) [machine translation]

Arrived at a head of state with the coup of 15 October 1987, Captain Blaise Compaor? 
Com-seated its internal power by controlling the military and internationally playing 
pivotal role of Fran?afrique and imperialism occi-dental part of counter-terrorism in 
recent years. But this plan, some French sycophants have not stopped singing the praises 
eventually see its social base shrink to a family clan and a few auxiliaries attracted by 
the prospect of power and easy money. Yet ready to handle the consti tution-as it has 
always done since 1991, Compaor? was driven from power by a popular uprising of 
unprecedented magnitude. Unfortunately, the political sequence that followed suggests that 
the victory of the people is not so far gained.

The foundations of the Compaor? regime

Referring in the first years of his regime gone-tionary process initiated by Sankara that 
time was to "rectify" the Compaore regime has a civilian facade from 1991 with the 
adoption of a con-stitution. Despite this renovation, the regime remained fundamentally 
military relying on the military, including the Presidential Security Regiment. Deve-nu, 
following the death of Houphouet-Boigny in 1993 a centerpiece of Fran?afri-in the 
sub-region, it has relied throughout his reign on re-nouvel?s French political support 
they are "right" or "left" despite repeated violent crimes and implications in civil wars 
meur-triremes in neighboring countries such as Liberia and Sierra Leone, or more recently 
in Ivory Coast. Paradoxically, this has not prevented as a mediator in the crisis in the 
sub-region. In fact he was involved in the manage-ment of six West African crises (Niger, 
Togo, Guinea, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast, Mali) where the label of "pyromaniac 
fireman" that eventually stick to the skin, to the point, for example, have been 
challenged by the Malian part in the nego-tiations on the crisis in northern Mali. Another 
opportunity which he was able to enter the international level is the presence of armed 
Islamist groups in the Sa-hel. Thus, for several years, iil had discreetly welcomed the 
redeployment of French troops, the Special Operations Command (SOC), and US forces in the 
country under the "fight against terrorism".

Social protest and former policy

On 3 January 1966, a popular demonstration led by the unions was ousted Maurice Yameogo, 
the first president of what appe-milk then Upper Volta. In 1975, the trade union was also 
against power-mobi-lise the population to dissuade the general Lamizana to set up a 
one-party regime. This shows that the ability of the people to oppose even met-end to be 
dictatorial or authoritarian rule is not new in the history of the country. Under 
Compaor?, as often in Africa are the stu-dents who were the first to mobilize against the 
regime, in May 1990, resulted in a fierce crackdown by the Presidential Security who 
tortured students and even assassinated the president of the National Association of 
Burkinabe students (ANAB), Dabo Boukary. But it is especially in 1998 that the regime will 
be confronted with mass protests following the murder of investigative journalist Norbert 
Zongo.

At the time of his death he was investigating the death of David Ouedraogo, chauffeur of 
Fran?ois Compaor?, brother of the head of state, following its passage into the hands of 
torturers of the presidential guard. For nearly two years, the regime is facing an 
unprecedented challenge. after making apparent concessions on both the political and 
judicial meet the demand for justice and questioning the patri-monial power, the regime 
was its basic income, repression and intimidation of opponents. But from 2008, a new round 
of protests began in the Coalition against high prices set up by the unions have continued 
to play their role against-power. In parallel with other mobilizations less "central" took 
place, for example against mining companies in the context of the "mining boom" of gold 
(see previous CA No. 244 in November 2014), against transgenic cotton culture developed by 
Monsanto or on land grabbing by agribusiness, which clearly reveals the role of relay 
imperialism played by a nepotistic regime whose character was well known, with two central 
characters: the president's brother Fran?ois Compaor? and his stepmother Alizeta Ouedraogo 
who had the upper hand in the Burkina Economic Affairs. In 2011, following the death of a 
schoolboy to his release from police custody by the police, the official version of death 
by meningitis puts the city of Kudu-gou in a state of insurrection. The movement is 
growing across the country in the coming weeks.

In anger against impunity, arrest and death of protesters piggyback other social demands, 
such as stopping the water cuts and electricity for unpaid bills, reduced registration 
fees for exams (BEPC, BA), strong measures against high prices, the independence of the 
judiciary and the security of judges, the grant of some gran-consumer products, the 
elimination of certain taxes, repair of roads in the provinces The end of the pollution 
caused by the activities of transnational mini-eras, the end of the tenure of CEOs of 
state enterprises, the end of the land grabbing by the oligarchs, the improvement in the 
price of purchase of cotton producers and lower prices for inputs, the right to artisanal 
gold mining, etc. This popular movement came then superimposed mutinies in the army about 
eight waves can extend over several days and at various garrisons in less than two and a 
half months causing deaths, rape, wounded, in-structions public and private property, 
looting. On 14 April 2011, the presidential guard it itself rebels, forcing Blaise 
Compaor? flee his palace a few uh-res. Once his demands were taken into account, the RSP 
will be used to subdue the other mutineers.

Started in February 2011, the extent of the popular phrase ras-le-bol only ended in June 
2011. These various movements that often erupt spontaneously in response to an event 
(often given the repressive nature of the regime ) are also enrolled in an organizational 
framework that was created from the late 1980s with the creation of the General 
Confederation of Workers of Burkina Faso (CGT-B) and the Burkinabe Movement for Human 
Rights and (MBDHP). These are the same organizations that were the basis for the 
collective struggle against impunity born as a result of the Zongo case in December 1998 
or CVCC in 2008. More recently in the same orbit did the Democratic Organization Youth 
(ODJ). However, after 2011, there is the emergence of "citizens' movements", the 
most-Mediati that is the citizen Broom appeared in 2013 with singers like Smockey and 
Sams'K. The Jah, particularly influenced by the movement Enough 's enough appeared at the 
same time in Senegal.

The bursting of the power bloc and mobilization for the alternation

During the years 1990-2000, elections were held, but because of fraud or corruption 
opponents by the regime, there is no real opposition in Parliament, which will change for 
the first time from 2010. Zephirin Diabr?, minister several times in the 1990s and 
presi-dent's advisor for economic affairs, before continuing his career outside made, 
namely in UNDP, and from 2006 to 2011, within the AREVA Group, creates his party, the UPC 
(Union for the change). In the parliamentary elections of December 2012, if the ruling 
party, the CDP (Congress for Democracy and Progress) won a majority of seats in the 
National Assembly (seventy to hundred and twenty seven), the Union for Progress and Change 
(UPC) made a remarkable entrance, with nineteen seats, making Z?phirin Diabr? the leader 
of the opposition. The first mass mobilization organized by the political opposition was 
held June 29, 2013 in reaction to the vote of the meeting for the establishment of a 
se-nat, a second bedroom suspected of facilitating "tamper-tional constituted".

Then events will rush there about a year to run if more clearly the reform bill to amend 
Article 37 of the Constitution to allow Blaise to re-enlist in 2015 for two new orders 
until 2025... At the beginning of 2014, the crisis was brewing internally in the ruling 
party, while ?cla thee openly: a number of caciques CDP - Salif Diallo former minister of 
agriculture and especially the " man dirty work "of the plan, Simon Compaor?, the former 
mayor of Ouagadougou, Roch Marc Christian Kabore former pre-chairman of the National 
Assembly - facing the monarchical drift of the regime increasingly evident, create their 
own MPP party (People's Movement for Progress). After hesitating to adopt its draft in a 
referendum, the regime decided at the last minute on October 21 to do so by means of a 
parliamentary vote. By adding the voice of the CDP to that of another party, the ADF-RDA, 
the required majority was his own, but it was without counting on the mobilization of the 
people of Burkina Faso who would thwart these politicians calculations.


The scenario of the fall of Compaor?


Tuesday, October 28 demonstration called by the opposition and the soft-ments citizens 
reached record levels. International supporters of the regime still re-ask him to withdraw 
the draft. But it goes further by establishing a security apparatus to vote MPs immune to 
manifest tions. But this device is shattered before the determination of young people who 
have understood that it was now or never. The National Assembly in smoke, members fled and 
the law will never be passed. The mobilization is being built around the refusal to see 
Blaise Compaore in the presidential election of 2015, the People's radical insurgent 30 
and 31 October surprised and paralyzed the so-called opposition parties and many of the 
actors civil society. Throughout mobilizing them felt that the fight for the starting 
Blaise Compaor? was in itself sufficient which prevented them from having to talk about 
their political project.

The political vacuum created by the departure of Blaise Compaor? which promises 30 October 
and becomes effective the next day will be filled by the takeover of the military is being 
done in some confusion: General Traor?, head of state -Major who had put forward to be 
head of state finally dismissed along with another general Kwame lougue whose name was 
chanted by some mani-festants. The coming to power of Colonel Zida, No. 2 of the RSP only 
confirms that this institution was the "real power" in the Burkinabe power while active 
support to the latter by the figures of some "movements citizens "as a citizen broom or 
anti-referendum Collective reveals a contrario the superficiality of politicization within 
these MOTION-ments. Also, what is equally telling as of the end of reign is leaking 
Compaor? escorted by elements of the RSP and finally exfilitr? by French soldiers to Ivory 
Coast

A political transition that devotes the permanence of a military power

Since October 31, 2014, with the grip by Zida Lieutenant Colonel of the situation, 
everything went very fast. After the adoption of a charter of transition, a National 
Transitional Council has been established and the government. The announ-these were quick 
to respond to the demand for justice for the victims of Compaor? regime about the 
assassination of Thomas Sankara and Norbert Zongo particular-ly. The will of rupture is 
displayed with the dismissal of some officials as the director of the electricity company 
SONABEL or that of the hydrocarbons, SONABHY but we can see this as heads thrown it up to 
the people to remember that if the head is gone, the heart of power remains the same. In 
fact, the political process has been completely bypassed by Zida who managed to establish 
itself as prime minister while the head of state. Kafando appears more and more as a 
figurehead president who is there to give a civilian fa?ade to an essentially military 
transition.

Zida seems to mimic the populism of Sankara playing his charisma and taking initiatives as 
may Repor-ter some popularity, for example by announcing that national companies that had 
been privatized for a symbolic franc by the presidential clan would be new nationalized. 
Finally recently, it is the parties who had supported the constitutional reform (the CDP 
and ADF-RDA), which were suspended. But for now, we do not know who "roll" Zida? For 
Diend?r? colonel who was chief of staff of the special regime since the coup of 1987, 
which played a central role in the story of the fall of Blaise and was not worried since 
the tran -sition unlike the secretary general of the former ruling party, Assimi Kuan-da 
was detained? For the leader of the opposition in the pre-vious meeting Diabr? that 
appears best placed clas-sic without electoral scenario, supported by the westernized 
powers because of its relational capital and its displayed neoliberalism? For dissidents 
CDP MPP who left the navi-re before the reign Compaor? or for Sankarist currents derive 
relative benefit of the situation - more symbolic than political - and are re-presented 
through figures for the transition as a lawyer or journalist B?n?wend? Sankara Ch?riff Sy? 
Or simply for itself as evidenced by its ubiquity - with the cumulative prime minister and 
the defense - which can only suggest a scenario for Putin.

Faced with the obvious risk of forfeiture of the popular victory, unions have adopted a 
cautious position. They do not take part in the institutions of the transitional-tion 
except to the Commission of national reconciliation and reform in order to remember their 
claims on the defense of workers and the fight against impunity. On a political level, the 
position of the Voltaic Revolutionary Communist Party (PCRV) calling for the continuing 
insurgency and establishment of a revolutionary government "workers and peasants" had no 
effect on reality. It appeared in 1978 underground party claiming the Albanian 
Marxist-Leninist Enver Hoxha was then responsible for the creation of the CGT-B and MBHDP 
in the late 1980s has often been presented as the great manipulator of protest 
MOTION-ments of the Compaor? regime, but does not seem to be able to play the role of a 
vanguard that continues to claim. However, it can build on the political consciousness 
accumulated over the protests by the people of Burkina Faso that ousted dictator pampered 
by Western powers so that it does not deprive permanently leaves his victory. Meanwhile, 
the question of a revolutionary political alternative building to avoid a return to 
"square one" remains.

PB

Notes

1. - To get a glimpse of what was the pro-Compaor? lobby in France can be built in al-lant 
on the website of CISAB http://www.cisab.org/index.php.

2. - The death toll of the uprising stood for the whole country to 24 dead and 635 
wounded. The issue of research leaders of these victims is also a question to the new power.

3. - An attempt to protest against the seizure of power by the military was held Sunday, 
Nov. 2 on Revolution Square, but it was broken.

http://oclibertaire.free.fr/spip.php?article1635