Anarchic update news all over the world - 30.06.2017

Today's Topics:

   
1.  Greece, Circle of Fire - APO: AGAINST MODERN
      TOTALITARIANISM, STATUS EXCEPTION, THE INTENSITY OF                   REPRESSION AND SOCIAL CONTROL (gr) [machine translation] 
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
  
 2.  US, black rose fed: 10 THESES ON THE U.S. RACIAL ORDER
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1




"Society without State does not exist" -- N. Toskas, Public Order Minister ---- "A State 
may not have any ethics. The most you can have is a police state" -- A. Camus ---- In 
April 2015 the hunger strike of the political prisoners and fighting demonstrations 
outside prison set with dynamic terms the need for a broader social and class rallying and 
fighting against upgrading the repressive arsenal of the state and the shield of the state 
of emergency. H, then newly formed, government SYRIZA- ANEL will hardly satisfy the 
demands of racers and will invade evacuating the occupied Rectory which was a reference 
point during the match and solidarity. ---- It was then visible, and then became even 
clearer, how stifling conditions -in economic and social level; that would continue to be 
imposed by the local and international political and economic elite in a growing segment 
of society, and will be accompanied by development and improvement of police and 
repressive mechanisms; dikastikon- and state propaganda mechanisms.

The evolution of the repressive strategy in more than two years left management of power, 
is entirely consistent with the enforcement process of modern totalitarianism and the 
consequent -pagia- targeting sovereign to eliminate the resistance that emerge from below, 
to hit the most active, radical and competing political subjects, to submit to the society 
in the state plans and bosses:

Targeted by the katstolis squats and self-organized class and social struggles

Faced  with a series of lawsuits and legal proceedings are lately base unions because of 
their demands in the workplace and the effort put in mounds employer lawlessness and 
terrorism. At the same time, workers organanonontai class-or even attempt to organothoun- 
and to fight, even with their participation in a strike, facing the specter of redundancy 
and their targeting of the bosses. On April 7 fighters from unions, neighborhood 
assemblies and collectives were brought en masse from police forces outside the depot OSY 
in Piraeus when they tried to divide texts on the right to free movement. At the same 
time, the struggle conducted in Exarchia from social and political collectives against the 
state, mafia and social cannibalism is constantly targeted by an orchestrated ekstarteias 
mud and slander in the media, which paves the way for a broad repressive operation in the 
region.

Already in the summer of 2016 is in progress a renewed repressive campaign against 
katalipseon- temporarily halted but never stamatise-, both visible space race and as a 
self-organized structures for housing hundreds of refugees and immigrants who are trying 
to live out collectively and against the bleak isolation of the concentration camps laid 
down by the state policy. The conduct of the No Border Camp in July 2016 in Thessaloniki- 
and dozens of slanderous reports and reports on SME-evacuation followed three squats in 
the city (Orphanage, Charles Diehl and Hurriya), to follow the evacuations squatting and 
arrests in Villa Zografos and Alcibiades in Athens, Thessaloniki and Albatros Barricada in 
Larissa. Alongside continued targeting occupied spaces throughout Greece with continuous 
reports of hacks apologists of the regime, while only recently became known court order to 
evacuate three more squatting in Athens (Papoutsadiko, City Plaza, Cyclopi).

The dictatorship of counterterrorism and rags of "legal culture":
The cases of T. Theofilou, M. Seisidis, Iriannas V.L

A further field in which is evident enhancement of suppressor is that the manufactured 
persecution agonists followed by dikes- mock and perennial crippling sentences. Typical is 
the case of the anarchist communist Tasou Theofilou sentenced at first instance to 25 
years in prison without any evidence linking him to the case of robbery in Paros for the 
accused, only obsolete data added to evidence from the police to serve a predetermined 
sentence. Even in the case of T. Theofilou happened to bear the unprecedented time to be 
tried at second instance in the appellate court and could be sentenced to a higher penalty 
because of the prosecutor's anti-appeal in his own appeal to the first instance court! The 
T. Theofilou brought under five years incarcerated and confronted both with the police 
structures and judicial arbitrariness and the possibility of more conviction in isovia- 
after the prosecutor's proposal in the second trial because insults in progression-as an 
agonist remains consistently dignity and purveyor to the side of the exploited and 
oppressed of this world: "the class war chose side with the wronged and oppressed, the 
excluded and persecuted by the guilty and the damned. " as he said in apology.

Moving to the same methodology as in Theophilus, the ASTYNOMIKO-speckled mechanisms have 
held another predatory sentence weight anarchic M. Seisidis. The M. Seisidis hostage found 
an older police and experiences of media construction of "robbers in black", and attracted 
the wrath of law enforcement mechanisms because of absconding road chosen. In these ten 
years it was targeted directly or indirectly by journalists parrots security and 
epikirychthike by the state in a modern version headhunters. Without any evidence to 
connect him with the charges attributed to him in mock trial following the arrest last 
summer took place a bid in the years of conviction as the final penalty of 36 (!) Years 
exceeded and the prosecution still proposal ...

The most recent event that confirms the existence and operation of a special exemption 
regime institutionally and legally regulated by the "anti-terror laws" 187 & 187A, 
ideologically and operationally oriented obsolescence, the slander and hit the most 
militant and radical piece of society, these the state defines as "internal enemy", 
especially the anarchists, is the sentence to 13 years of imprisonment Irianna V.L. An all 
respects absurd, untenable and vindictive condemnation was based on a scientific stale 
partial matching DNA mixture conviction which actually sought to criminalize personal and 
partnership of Iriannas V.L by one of the defendants in the same case, however, it has 
irrevocably acquitted by each category. In another special court humiliated every legal 
sense and common sense to accommodate the machine "guilty" of special terrorist courts and 
build careers of judges following the instructions of their political heads of 
counterterrorism and security through and even criminalization of what personal and 
friendly relations have a anatagonistiki to the regime political identity and positioning.

The struggle of prisoners in prisons against the tightening of "penal policy" and the 
special exemption regime

On May 18, dozens of prisoners and detainees in many prisons in the country have started 
mobilizations initially denying lunch blocking the cells, resisting thus the reduction and 
violation of fundamental rights and the "prison policy overall tightening" as implemented 
through in prisons. In the opening text of mobilizations said the "We the prisoners we 
prisons of the Greek State decide to join forces overcoming the artificial divisions that 
want to impose on us the basis of ethnicity and religious beliefs we have or have not to 
We assert a series of demands that concern us all and that are fighting fronts that come 
into conflict with the tightening of prison policy. The three requests concerning 
proclaiming the establishment of the Law 4322/2015 provisions, the abolition of the 
prosecution vetoed the institution of licenses and the abolition of abortion law on 
cumulative sentences served in the commission of specific offenses in prison, during or 
after the violation regular licenses. "

The just demands of the prisoners have individually its own significance and reflect the 
areas in which applied the repressive policy of the state prison as part of the wider 
repressive strategy.

Political prisoners in order to get the permits are entitled since they fulfill all the 
conditions required, blackmailed to make repentance or disclaimer statements as with D 
fighters. Koufodinas and K. Gourna whose applications for permission to aporriptontai- 
real cause - the fact that they continue to struggle and in prison participating in the 
ongoing protests of prisoners, to be placed on public issues and fronts of struggle out of 
prison and refuse to from iryxoun ideas and their revolutionary values as they seek the 
lackeys of the state. The same scheme for authorizations extended to other prisoners after 
suffice prosecutor's refusal and a formal justification for rejecting an application.

The introduction of modern totalitarianism, dictatorship of the State and Capital and 
expansion of control over every aspect of life, in line with increasing state violence 
upon society, upgrading means of restraint, the establishment of special "anti-terrorism" 
laws and extending the application thereof; such as the recent attempt to expand the 
"anti-terrorism" law in the public political discourse in the form of brute logokrisias- 
in increasingly wide range of social and class antagonism. The enhanced role of the 
judiciary and the judges function as the peak of repressive attack is primarily evident in 
the extensive interpretation and application of nomon- allows up to their violation and 
covers judicial afthairesies-, increased penalties even in cases of minor importance 
offenses to revenge detentions and excessive guarantees the continuous demonstrators 
convictions even with koukoulonomo although it has been abolished!

Prosecutions, imprisonments, heavy sentences, the evacuations squatting, deprivation of 
prison leave not intended only self-organized social and class structures, the most 
radical and militant parts of the movement, anarchists militants yet attempt to 
letourgisoun exemplified the continuous efforts to terrorize and discipline of the society 
in the state and capitalist dystopia of exploitation, oppression and exclusion of reserve.

For our part we must step up efforts for the organization, development and strengthening 
of the anarchist movement. To combat both ideological attack the regime attempts to 
slander, to aponoimatodotisei denervation and the race, and the repressive operations, 
moving towards creating a broad front of social connection and class resistances in social 
base. To support our solidarity with struggles on specific fronts trying to break the grip 
of repressive police and judicial mechanisms of the state.

SOLIDARITY IN RACE MOBILIZATION OF DIRECT KRATOUMENON- LICENSES TO POLITICIANS KRATOUMENOUS

SOLIDARITY FYLAKISMENOUS FIGHTERS FACING POLICE AND STATE SKEFORIES vindictiveness

SOLIDARITY IN KATALIPSEIS AND THEIR SOCIAL AND AFTOORGANOMENOUS TAXIKOUS GAMES

Anarchist Collectivism "Circle of Fire" -
  a member of the Anarchist Organization Policy

http://apo.squathost.com/

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Message: 2




This piece was originally was published on the website of the now defunct Fire Next Time 
Network in 2012 during Obama era but prior to the Ferguson rebellion. It attempts to 
understand how the US racial order has changed in recent decades, how it is working at the 
moment and to understand this in the context of revolutionary social change that would 
overthrow capitalism and white supremacy. ---- By Ba Jin ---- 1. The impact of the civil 
rights and Black Power movements domestically, and the defeat of traditional European 
colonialism internationally, have shaken the national racial order more profoundly than 
any event since the Civil War, and the global racial order more profoundly than any event 
since the Haitian Revolution.

2. The dismantling of legal segregation after 1954 allowed a small but ideologically 
significant layer of blacks to enter the non-segregated bourgeoisie and upper middle 
class, to live, work and learn in the same places as so-called whites. Shortly thereafter, 
the rise of neoliberalism and deindustrialization destroyed the livelihoods of many 
working class blacks, and doomed millions to impoverishment and prison. The recent 
economic crisis has cemented this trend by decimating the black housing base, and cutting 
the public sector jobs on which many black households rely. Thus the "black community" 
today is more profoundly split by class differentiation than at any time in its history. 
Some blacks have "made it" into bourgeois and upper middle class institutions, where they 
encounter the prejudices of individual whites, but the majority remain structurally barred 
from even entering these arenas by the police, prison, housing, education and welfare systems.

A stable black working class remains despite the process of "lumpenization," its members 
largely employed in the public sector, but it has so far been immobilized by decaying 
union structures and the aloofness of the black elite. Meanwhile, a volatile sense of 
disillusionment simmers from below, only temporarily appeased by the Obama presidency. 
Many lumpen and working class blacks are aware that black "leaders" and the rest of U.S. 
society have abandoned them, and now live with a mix of nihilism and explosive rage. The 
state represses and manages these sentiments along gendered lines, targeting mainly 
(though not exclusively) men with police and mass incarceration, and mainly women with the 
punitive welfare system. Proletarian blacks nonetheless express their energies in periodic 
urban rebellions, and daily resentment toward the police force, which with the decline of 
white mob violence is the most visible representative of their oppression.

3. Immigration reforms starting in 1965 opened the way for new waves of legal immigrants, 
many of whom were bureaucratically selected for their technical skills and educational 
achievement. The vast majority of these groups have not "become white" like the Irish, 
Poles or Italians that preceded them: that is, they have not gained unquestioned access to 
the housing, education and employment benefits monopolized by white Americans, and come to 
be considered members of a white "race." Instead, they inhabit a middle ground in which 
they have partial access to such benefits, and are not considered white, yet remain 
racially distinct from blacks. Racial "middle layers" with similar class mobility and 
racial statuses have existed in throughout U.S. history (with Chicanos following the 
Mexican-American War, for example, or Chinese during the gold rush). However, the racial 
categories associated with these groups rarely became nationally predominant, and were 
sometimes absorbed into the white/black binary in the course of legal and social conflicts 
(as in the case of the Irish in the late 1800s). Today the situation is different.

The contemporary racial order includes a "middle layer" more predominant and longer 
lasting than any such layer in U.S. history. This arrangement has been made possible 
ideologically through the ruling class adoption of "multiculturalism" and "colorblind" 
public policy and discourse. Multiculturalism allows groups across the U.S. to retain a 
non-white status for a long period of time-perhaps indefinitely-without becoming either 
"white" or "black." With this status, groups may climb the class ladder in a manner 
unimaginable under de jure segregation, distinguishing themselves from most blacks, 
fraternizing with the white middle class, and even entering the ranks of the bourgeoisie 
in limited numbers, while retaining a distinct "cultural" identity. The class mobility of 
groups in this "middle layer" depends partly on their passive acceptance of the 
subjugation of proletarian blacks. At the same time, they remain distinct from whites and 
vulnerable to white supremacist backlash, as in the case of East Asians in the rustbelt 
during the 1980s, or Arab Americans nationally after 9/11.

http://blackrosefed.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/raceclasschart.jpg

4. Part of the "middle layer" suffers from a degree of class immobility similar to that of 
proletarian blacks, and thus acquires a "darker" racial status than other non-black 
groups. Groups are "darkened," so to speak, by structural factors that consistently hold 
them in the lowest layers of the proletariat (the reservation system among Native 
Americans, or intransigent underdevelopment in the home countries of Cambodians, 
Salvadorans, and many other immigrant groups). "Dark" racial groups participate in 
domestic, agricultural, and dirty, dangerous or non-unionized industrial labor. Sometimes 
these groups must enter the workforce along starkly gendered lines, with men assigned to 
low-wage production and transport work (for example, construction or other day labor) and 
women assigned to low-wage reproductive work (nannying or housekeeping) after traveling to 
the U.S. alone. Members of "dark" racial groups struggle alongside lumpen and working 
class blacks in poor urban neighborhoods, the prison system, warehouses, sales floors, 
construction sites, small factories, and the street force that first appeared in the 1992 
L.A. riots. The main structural factor maintaining a "dark" layer in the current period is 
the division between documented and undocumented. Since 2006, the roughly 11 million 
undocumented immigrants in the U.S. have waged a nationwide general strike, only to be 
intimidated by ICE raids and racist state legislation, and frustrated by tepid federal 
reforms. They continue to struggle clandestinely, take action with prudence, and seek out 
allies.

5. Whites remain a privileged stratum in the U.S. by definition, though the "wages" of 
whiteness have shrunk in absolute terms for 30 years, and have grown more porous with the 
adoption of colorblind public policy. The bourgeoisie remains overwhelmingly white, and 
the white proletariat continues to waver in its allegiance between white supremacy and 
class struggle. Whites retain access to the housing, education and employment benefits 
from which most blacks and "dark" racial groups are excluded; yet the defeat of de jure 
segregation has limited the extent of these benefits, and allowed some "middle layer" 
racial groups, and a few blacks, to gain access to them as well. At the same time, 
deindustrialization and neoliberalism have steadily eroded the living standards of lumpen 
and working class whites in most parts of the country, driving many into poverty or 
extreme debt. Proletarian whites have responded with bewilderment and outrage to these 
developments, giving rise to contradictory political trends. On one side, they have 
engaged in fascist militia-ism and the Tea Party movement; on the other, they have 
predominated in the ranks of the Occupy movement and trade union battles, which the unions 
must now embrace for their very survival even as they work to limit their potentials. In 
opposing the regressive gender regime of the far right, white women, queers and trans 
people undermine support for potentially fascist politics among the white proletariat.

6. The racial order today is characterized by instability, perhaps more so than in any 
other period in U.S. history. The white proletariat is growing increasingly polarized 
between a commitment to old-style white supremacy, which would likely require a fascist 
movement to re-impose, and class struggle in association with some or all of the non-white 
proletariat. "Middle layer" racial groups with a high degree of class mobility tend to 
ally themselves with the liberal wing of capital, but a "dark" portion struggles in 
political isolation against extreme oppression. The majority of lumpen and working-class 
blacks struggle under similar conditions, despite the occasional concerned gesture from 
the black bourgeoisie, which so far has sufficed to contain mass rebellion. The 
bourgeoisie is divided over how to reproduce class rule, and what form of white supremacy 
is appropriate to this task. Persistent divisions in the U.S. ruling class and Republican 
Party on questions of, for example, immigration reform, reflect ongoing conflict among the 
capitalists about what should happen. Even though "multiculturalism" appears to be the 
dominant ruling class policy nationally and internationally, the success of fascist 
movements in Europe and Russia could contribute to the retrenchment of a more rigid racial 
order in the U.S, perhaps cast in cultural terms. It is a time of great uncertainty, and 
our actions will make a difference in the outcome.

7. This account of the racial order suggests several possibilities. First, it suggests 
that the terms and strategies of previous eras will prove unsuited to this period. The 
category "people of color" will fail to cohere a revolutionary bloc, as it encapsulates 
too broad a range of racial groups, with widely varying experiences of racialization, 
lived material conditions, and relations with proletarian blacks. Nor will a politics 
which views racial privilege as an attribute or object possessed by individuals pose a 
serious challenge to the system. These politics not only obscure the institutional 
arrangements through which racialization occurs, but also provide a basis for bourgeois 
blacks and "middle layer" racial groups to assert their individual "right" to climb the 
class ladder, at least as much as they provide a means for proletarian blacks and "dark" 
racial groups to challenge their subjugation.

Black bourgeois nationalism will likely be hampered in this period by the unwillingness of 
black women, queers and trans people to submit to rigid gender regimes, and their openness 
to forming autonomous organizations with women, queers and trans people of other "middle 
layer" racial groups; both are the results of the gay liberation and feminist struggles of 
the 1970s-1980s. Furthermore, black nationalist politics that don't explicitly aim to 
overthrow the black bourgeoisie will tend to be marginal and reactionary in practice, 
ensuring the deference of the black proletariat to the black bourgeoisie, rather than, as 
in previous periods, creating openings through which the black proletariat might transcend 
its segregated bourgeoisie as the latter struggles for integration.

8. Second, this account suggests that a variety of social and cultural conflicts will 
unfold as different sectors of the population navigate, and develop their own 
understandings of, the shifting racial order.  These will likely entail battles over the 
meaning of "authentic" blackness, itself an expression of the conflict between lumpen and 
working class blacks, and upper middle class and bourgeois blacks. They may involve the 
emergence of new subjectivities capable of unifying blacks and "dark" racial groups, while 
remaining porous to working-class and lumpen whites: for example, geographic or "hood" 
identities, already grasped at by the thousands of multiracial youth who address each 
other as "my nigga," and the small "nations" of street organizations. In the course of 
these conflicts, proletarian blacks and "dark" racial groups will probably be forced to 
challenge the legal idioms with which much of the colorblind racial order is maintained, 
such as "illegal" and "criminal".

If global capitalism continues to experience extended stagnation and crisis, the white 
proletariat will continue to polarize between far right and the left. This could entail 
conflict within white communities over their relations to non-white groups of different 
types, and whether parts of the white population are "becoming black." The same conditions 
could generate conflicts within "middle layer" racial groups over their relations to 
blacks, and the content of their own identities (for example, a resurgent focus on 
afrolatinidad or indio status in Latino communities). The outcome of these conflicts will 
indicate what kinds of alliances are possible in the current period between different 
layers of the proletariat.

9. It is possible to cohere a revolutionary bloc, which draws together the revolutionary 
social forces in U.S. society, given the present balance of forces. Objectively, this bloc 
must: (a) incorporate lumpen and working-class blacks while breaking decisively with the 
black bourgeoisie, thus expressing the revolutionary energies of the former independently 
of the latter; (b) unify black and "dark" racial groups, thus challenging the anti-black 
basis of the racial order, while fostering insurgency in more neighborhoods and sectors of 
the U.S. economy than those inhabited by proletarian blacks alone; (c) on the basis of 
this alliance, radicalize other "middle layer" racial groups whose class mobility would 
otherwise cause them to vacillate politically, such as most East Asians in the U.S; and 
(d) draw a plurality of proletarian whites to the side of revolution, thus decisively 
splitting the allegiances of the white population and abolishing the "white race" in the 
process. A bloc of this type will be able to defeat both fascism, and the "multicultural" 
racial order which may be taking shape even now: a regime that unites the liberal wing of 
capital, the white proletariat and most "middle layer" racial groups against "dark" racial 
groups and proletarian blacks, and in which state repression is carried out and 
legitimated in legal, "cultural" and colorblind terms.

10. The decisive factor in the creation of this bloc is likely to be the appearance of 
some form of "black-brown" alliance, which draws together proletarian blacks and "dark" 
racial groups, and is articulated across a range of different contexts. Blacks and "dark" 
racial groups live alongside each other in poor neighborhoods in many regions, and lay 
claim between them to a broad swath of production and transport in the U.S. economy. A 
"black-brown" alliance thus has the potential to bind together the U.S. lumpenproletariat 
and industrial working class, and maintain the cohesion of a revolutionary bloc.

Many developments could help forge this alliance: a spate of riots that draw blacks, 
"dark" racial groups, and lumpen whites into the streets; a new wave of immigrant 
mobilization; a "black-brown" feminist movement that reaches beyond the academy, 
publishing houses and nonprofits to poor and working class neighborhoods; a surge of 
wildcat actions in small or non-union shops; or a series of public sector strikes 
coordinated with poor communities. Class struggle by proletarian whites could help spur 
this alliance by demonstrating the feasibility and potentials of resistance, as well as 
the limitations of such movement without the participation of blacks and "dark" racial 
groups. In many parts of the country, a "black-brown" alliance could take the form of 
solidarity between the "criminalized" and the "illegal". Both proletarian blacks and 
undocumented immigrants possess explosive revolutionary potentials, while both have faced 
serious defeats in recent decades that oblige them to seek allies among the rest of the 
proletariat. Unity between black and "dark" racial groups, in this and other forms, may 
lie at the core of the insurrections to come.

http://blackrosefed.org/5179-2/

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