Anarchic update news all over the world - 13.11.2017

Today's Topics:

   
1.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL Novembre - Violence
      against women: Denounce, loud and clear, all the time (fr, it,
      pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


2.  Poland, The teachings of the Hungarian revolution Leszek
      Nowak [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  anarkismo.net: Right to self-defense by Anarchist Collegiate
     m(A)nifesto (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL Tract - Against Macron the
      president of the Patrons: Beginning of the renewable strike on
      November 16 (fr, it, pt) [machine translation] 
     (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1






November 25, International Day Against Violence Against Women. How to write an article 
that would say something different from previous years ? Other than the sad fact that men 
persist in mistreating women or claiming means of prevention ? Other than the need to 
defeat male domination, patriarchy ? ---- Social networks and the press rustle as this 
article is written about the "  scandal  " of denouncing assaults by a US film producer. 
Everyone knew it, everyone was silent. Men accomplices or not concerned, victims stuck 
between contradictory injunctions. ---- Media and Justice Add Abuse to Abuse ---- To speak 
and not to be believed, to have to prove their word, to hear the facts minimized ; to say 
nothing and to feel complicit in the next attacks, to say nothing and to feel shame in the 
place of the aggressor, to say nothing and to be criticized for this silence.

To denounce or keep quiet, women victims of violence are always wrong. The media are 
accomplices, The Inrockuptibles have just afford a cover to the glory of the emotions of 
Cantat who massacred Marie Trintignant with fists. The trash TV mistreats an author who 
testifies, or trivializes the sexual assault when an aggressor raises a skirt. Justice 
overwhelms women victims. Sexual intercourse with an 11-year-old child was not recognized 
as rape as the girl did not protest ; a father who raped his daughter from 9 to 15 years 
was sentenced to 18 months suspended ... The trap is total.

Stop talking, denounce pigs

But at each denunciation, other women speak. Not the journalists, not the police and the 
justice of which they have nothing to wait for most of the time. They talk to associations 
that are overwhelmed by calls, they talk on social networks inventing keywords that unite 
them like #balancetonporc or #moiaussi. And all, famous or anonymous, have a history of 
aggressive gestures, humiliating words, rapes. That may be the solution: the end of the 
silence that protects the aggressors, the public denunciation. First, few women will dare, 
but we see that it is contagious. Denouncing by giving a name exposes to prosecution, but 
if several women denounce the same pig (sorry for the animals already victims of the 
industrial breeding) ...

The powers are not in the women's camp, let's forge other tools. Let's use shame, bad 
publicity, fear of scandal, denounce and get the aggressors off their backs, their jobs.

Of course, for some women, in some circumstances, talking is too much pain or difficulty. 
The right not to speak must be absolute.

Christine (AL Orne-Sarthe)

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Violences-faites-aux-femmes-Denoncer-haut-et-fort-tout-le-temps

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Message: 2





The Hungarian revolution is circulating in Poland quite popular stereotypes: brave, but 
insurgent Hungarians instigated the uprising, Nagy bowed under the pressure of the fevered 
crowds and exonerated the Warsaw Pact, provoking the Russians eventually to aggression. In 
the background of this stereotype lies the conviction of the superiority of the organized 
revolution of Solidarity over the chaos of the Hungarian revolution. And as is usually the 
case with stereotypes, it more obscures than it explains. ---- It was not at all that our 
revolution was organized, and the Hungarian constituted an uncontrollable element. Both 
were arranged, but on different rules. ---- The Hungarian revolution has proven not the 
first and not the last - that the convictions of the revolutionary chaos that are 
subjected to organizational rigor are sucked out of the finger (state ideologues). Already 
in the first days of its existence, Hungary was covered by a network of workers' councils.

Crews spontaneously chose the most trustworthy people to administer in their interest and 
on their behalf in the face of the collapse of state-owned structures. The council handled 
the work of factories and transport, dealt with the distribution of food, and issued 
newsletters. They were the organs of grassroots self-organization. And they faced a strong 
resentment on the part of all political parties, both communist and newly formed parties, 
referring to the old, dissolved years of dictatorship. Nothing unusual. The structure of 
the political party - and that of each party - is directly opposed to the structure of 
self-government or council. The party is a miniature of the state: it has leaders, has a 
mechanism organized on the basis of obedience from above to the bottom, has finally 
members of the uninformed in the complexities of the political game, which takes place at 
the top of the camera and manipulated without much difficulty by professionals. The party 
is organized to take over the state power, that is, its officers can receive a monopoly on 
the means of exercising power, and thus become rulers. And that is the real interest of 
the party apparatus - ideology, whatever content it is not, acts as a cover that conceals 
this mesmerizing pursuit. Political parties are a natural form of organizing current or 
potential rulers, councils or self-governments are the natural form of organization of the 
masses. This was shown in Hungary after the Soviet aggression. All non-communist political 
parties disappeared without a trace. The workers' council, on the other hand, was persistent.

They carried out a general strike, one of the best organized in the history of the labor 
movement. In the streets of Hungarian cities a few thousand Soviet tanks were helplessly 
helpless, but the factories did not produce anything. There were no trains, trams and 
buses, and post offices and telephones accepted orders only with the consent of the 
council. Kadar was controlling only the officials and nobody else. The 200,000-strong 
Russian army was enough to suppress the resistance of the insurgent insurgents, but it 
could not resume its social life in Hungary. They could only do it.

Kadar meets with the workers' councils and, at the cost of canceling the general strike, 
makes some concessions. Local governments receive official recognition in their official 
speech:

"The workers' government should be allowed in all factories and enterprises. Democratic 
elections will be guaranteed in all existing administrative bodies and revolutionary 
councils "(cf. Ch. Harman, Bureaucracy and Revolution in Eastern Europe, London 1974).

He also promises to set up an independent journal - an organ of self-government. The 
councils conduct official negotiations with the cadre administration, and even directly 
with the Russians (among others on the suspension of deportation to the USSR), and their 
activists receive from the military authorities Soviet passports to travel in the occupied 
country. The Central Workers' Council of Budapest is established, which organizes life in 
the recently paralyzed capital. All major decisions of the Council are approved by the 
General Assembly of Workers' Crews, and the mandates of its members are subject to 
revocation at any time by the decisions of the General Meetings. A general conference of 
representatives of local governments is being prepared.

But it does not come to her. On December 3, 1956, the Soviet tanks surrounded the building 
in which the deliberations took place. The authorities decided to rehearse with the 
masses. The response was again a general strike. Hungary again froze. On December 15, the 
death penalty for "incitement to strike" was introduced, the first sentences were made. In 
spite of the wave of terror, the strikes continued until the second decade of January 
1957, sometimes transforming into an open struggle with the "forces of order." In the end, 
the exhausted people succumbed, the strikes ended. Kadar has also tried bribery, 
recognizing the existing councils, only to accept the "leadership role of the party." In 
response, the Central Council of Budapest dissolved:

they do not give us "no other role than the execution of government orders. We can not 
make demands that contradict our mandate (...). We believe that extending our existence 
could mislead our members. We therefore return our mandates to the workers "(ibid.).
What arouses admiration, even from the perspective of a quarter of a century, in which 
quite a lot in the socialist world has happened, the enormous will of resistance in people 
condemned from the very beginning of loneliness, and therefore inevitable defeat. 
Hungarian workers were fighting two months after the Soviet aggression! They did not scare 
thousands of dead, tens of thousands arrested and deported, and did not overwhelm the 
sight of thousands of tanks and hundreds of thousands of victorious soldiers. In the 
hopelessly from a military standpoint, the conditions were able not only to paralyze the 
power but also to take over the administration of social life.

We must not avoid difficult questions if we really want to learn from history. So let us 
ask directly why the scale of the resistance of the working masses in Poland - with all 
due respect for those who heroically defended factory halls and mines before the ZOMO 
cohorts - was much weaker after the dissolution of the Solidarity authorities than in 
Hungary? And despite the fact that there was no bombing of the streets in Warsaw, even if 
the guns were used at all, it must be said, seldom and cautiously, in comparison with the 
Soviet counterrevolution in Hungary.

It may be assumed that if the martial law was introduced in Poland in December 1980, 
perhaps in March 1981, the response of the Polish masses would be no worse than that of 
Hungary. So what happened this year that in December 1981 the masses did not appear in 
defense of Solidarity so much as how ready it was to do it a year ago or maybe even in 
March of this year? The answer to this question, as I think, appeals to two factors. The 
first is the dismantling of the economy as a result of - conscious or only defensive - 
actions of the triple-class. I have written about it several times (it was also mentioned 
in the first part of this collection), so I will not discuss the matter with the 
conclusions relevant to the matter discussed. The conclusion is: the suffering of the 
masses has lost faith in the effectiveness of the anti-crisis measures of Solidarity;

However, this does not explain the matter fully: Solidarity was not only a means of 
improving the economy and a factor leading to improvement of the living standard. Do not 
avoid difficult answers. Let us recall a certain fact from September, 1981. The printers 
working for the Gdansk Region of Solidarnosc proclaimed a strike against their inattentive 
demands. Strike against your employer - NSZZ "Solidarnosc". The response of the management 
- from what is known about it, it was rather about a part of the leadership of the Union - 
was determined: sent the boycott - because it is necessary to specify - armed with pipes 
and keys "brought order." On the anniversary of its existence, the workers 'union has 
suppressed the workers' strike by force.

No, I do not want to argue that it was because of this that the mass support for 
"Solidarity" weakened. Not many people knew about it. I want to assert that something 
important in the internal structure of our Union must have changed since such a shameful 
decision could have been taken and executed, since the outraged members of the Presidium 
of the National Commission denied expressing their condemnation only in the backdrops of 
the convention at that time, The price of cigarettes was echoed, but no one shouted that 
the workers 'union was violating the workers' right to strike, as there was no storm in 
the independent trade union press. About what changed in the Union, I wrote many times in 
the days of "Solidarity" (see also part two of this collection): Our union underwent a 
progressive bureaucratization, Over the course of the months, our non-communist political 
elites gained in us the form of self-organization of the masses similar in their origins 
to the system of Hungarian councils, transformed into a structure closer and closer to the 
political party. And I want to assert that it was not unnoticed downstairs among the 
member states. And the people are instinctive dislike for all political parties, 
understanding that whatever they say about themselves, whatever they declare in the 
programs, they still do what corresponds to the interests of the party elites. The 
interests of the elites gathered around our Union, not the masses, were responsible for 
making the most important decisions - for example, who would have the enormous power of 
running the trade unions - in the privacy of the bricks and cabinets. The interests of our 
political elites, not the masses, After all, it was easier for them to influence the 
"leader" and his surroundings than the general assembly of factories or universities. The 
interests of our elites, not the masses, corresponded to the concept of the "national 
salvation government" of autumn 1981. All this happened somewhere in the bizarre regions 
of the "great politics" of which the average member of the Union knew little about it. 
exactly none. The only thing that matters is that the Union is moving away from them, that 
it becomes part of the distant game of political forces that have developed in the 
country, that it is increasingly busy with "big politics" and less and less of its own 
interests. Does not that explain it, added to the discouraging and overpowering misery 
that when the three gentlemen finally set off for the attack,

The basic science of the Hungarian revolution sounds so. The form of a centralized trade 
union is poorly suited for capturing the struggle of the masses with a system of triple 
control in organizational faults. Such relationship must sooner or later become an 
alternative state able and willing to play the political game with the competent state. A 
game that takes place over the heads of its members, causing only the destruction of their 
revolutionary potential until the authority becomes capable of dissecting them with no 
greater risk of being exposed to the might of the gray people. The only form of 
organization that these people defend to fall is the form of councils or self-governments, 
their own self-organization: loose federation of bodies representing the crew, which, 
without negotiations and laws, simply take over the management of enterprises and 
administer them according to the will of their electors; A federation that does not 
organize strikes against the tri-power (implementing its strategy of economic 
decomposition in this way), but organizes its work with the just distribution of its 
effects; a federation that does not have the "chiefs" (who heard of the leaders of the 
Hungarian revolution) to reach the heights of the highlands, but whose upper cells 
coordinate the activity of the basic cells; The federation, which does not particularly 
care about press spokespersons and their own image on the so-called. world, but it is true 
that every main link has its own means of expressing its opinion completely independently 
of the activists whose duty it is to criticize; federation of local governments,

Tell someone: anarchist utopia. He who sovereign or aspires to say, or someone whose 
ideologies serve to justify and hide such interests in the fits of supposed "praxeological 
necessities", impose old millennial schemes as unconditional and obvious. In the vision of 
a centralized structure leading up to the "chief", who is supposed to see better from his 
heights, there is nothing obvious in this type of vision. It is obvious here that the 
interests of all those who in their structure work on their power, position, prestige and 
popularity. And the alternative: loose, bound by praxeological precisely, not the 
sovereign, ties the federation of self-governments is not utopian, proves the Hungarian 
revolution. Concluding Poland's Six Months with Hungary's Three Months, Which of the forms 
of organization of revolutionary people is more effective. The effectiveness of the 
organization of the revolution is measured in one way: the support of ordinary people. 
Let's make the next mass organization more supportive of Solidarity.

Leszek Nowak
August 1983

Originally the text was published on the portal Lewicowo.pl
_______________________
The above text from the set of reprint articles Leszek Nowak entitled "Neither revolution 
nor evolution", issued by the émigré publishing house Slovo-La Parole, without giving the 
date and place of issue (in fact, Paris 1985). In 1984 he went to Frankfurt am Main with 
the same title, and presumably the text was printed there as a first edition. For the 
needs of Lewicowo.pl, the article was published and edited by Wojciech Goslar. In the 
photo the crumbling statue of Stalin in Budapest during the events of 1956.

http://www.rozbrat.org/publicystyka/walka-klas/4574-nauki-rewolucji-wgierskiej-

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Message: 3






We have no illusions about the apologists for the violence of violence, which by various 
means denounce their supposed anti-escape, in order to "wash out" a series of incidents 
that are masked and buried. ---- No tolerance to the patriarchs and their apologists, 
whether judges and cops, relatives, friends, known, or "comrades," or family and "good" 
children. ---- We defend the right to self-defense.  ---- "On June 23, 2016 in Corinth, P. 
resisted an assailant rapist who sexually harassed her, exerted violence and threatened 
her and her minor girlfriend. He stabbed him with the knife he held for self-protection, 
as he was at home for many periods. He died and P. was guarded. The court did not 
acknowledge her with almost any mitigator and convicted the 22-year-old P. on September 
27, 2017 at the Joint Court of Nafplion in 15 years in prison for the felony of 
manslaughter intentionally in a calm mental state.

N. is a young woman who was born in Athens by parents from Africa. Last summer, while 
working on a Greek island, he met a Greek-French man and began to live together, but soon 
this relationship turned into a oppressive and violent relationship, with repeated verbal 
and physical attacks. One day of last autumn, when a fight began in their home, her 
partner's behavior became very violent to the point that N. was afraid of her physical 
integrity, so she took a knife and injured him in order to immobilize him. He is now 
accused of domestically dangerous personal injury and illegal weapons and weapons. The 
first audience is on Nov. 8 in Syros.

T. is a woman, a migrant worker and a mother. She had the bad luck to find herself in an 
abusive relationship with a Greek man. Relationship with those who make the neighborhood 
hear voices, as every day the same repertoire of violence, verbal and physical is 
unfolding behind the closed doors. Her "companion" exploited her economically, and despite 
her appeals she did not abandon her violent attitudes, nor her house that she had 
appropriated with her so I wanted. One of the many days of abuse, in mid-August 2016, T 
was defeated in the violence that accumulated signs on her. She responded defending 
herself in self-defense, against another partner's physical assault. Her abuser was 
transferred to the hospital where she died after a while. The T.

(text excerpt of the event - debate: Three women, three races - for women's self-defense 
in Greece)

In the world of patriarchy, the world we live every day, male violence are not isolated 
incidents but a daily occurrence that oppresses every person not bears the privilege of 
cis straight, a bunch of guys.

Now the voices of those who have survived incidents of sexist attacks and break silence by 
talking about their experiences confirm the rule of gendered violence that permeates our 
lives. These voices are very few in relation to the actual number of grievous abuses ...

When a cis or trans woman is abused or murdered, the incident is silenced while at the 
same time the apologists of patriarchy are quick to disguise the perpetrator or 
perpetrators. When a woman defends itself, when she is in self-defense against the one who 
goes to attack her, rape her, murder her, she is condemned.

P. recently sentenced to 15 years in prison for killing the rapist who attacked her and 
her girlfriend in self-defense, despite the cameras that had recorded previous rapist 
attacks. N. defended her multiple abuses by killing her tortured partner and is being 
prosecuted for "intra-family, dangerous personal injury and illegal weapons and weaponry." 
T., who also defended her partner's recurring abuses by injuring and killing him, was 
jailed and tried for homicide. Three women who defended themselves are being tried because 
they did not suffer rape, beating, abuse.

These women are fighting against the patriarchal zeal and the judicial mechanisms of the 
state, for the self-evident right to self-defense. They fight for all those who have 
defended themselves and for all those who have not managed to defend themselves. They 
fight for all survivors of sexist assaults and abuse by a day-old man, from a former or 
current, relative, friend, friend, "companion", unknown, carrying open wounds for the rest 
of their lives ...

We do not have delusions about the genders apologists of violence that by various means 
denote their supposed anti-escape, in order to "rinse out" a series of incidents that are 
obscured and buried.

No tolerance to the patriarchs and their apologists, whether judges and cops, relatives, 
friends, known, or "comrades," or family and "good" children.

NO MONASTERY OF THE PATRIARCHIA ZOFOS.

DEATH IN DEATH, FROM LOVE FOR LIFE.

Volos, Nov. 7, 2017

Anarchist Collegiate m(A)nifesto

Related Link: http://manifesto-volos.espivblogs.net/

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/30662

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Message: 4






Several unions are calling for a strike on November 16 against the ordinances tearing down 
the Labor Code before their final ratification. But it's all Macron's policy that deserves 
a strike: tax giveaways to the rich, decline in APL, selection at the entrance to fac ... 
The days of strike without tomorrow did not win ? So from the 17th we continue ! ---- 
Macron wants to destroy everything ---- On the left and the right the previous governments 
were slowly trimming our achievements but they were not going far enough or fast enough 
for the bosses impatient to break all the social gains imposed, not without evil, by our 
grandparents, to destroy the right to organize and the Labor Code so that employees can no 
longer defend themselves, to destroy social solidarities (social security, pensions, 
unemployment benefits ...) in favor of private insurance, to destroy the last public 
services to deliver to employers health, school ... And civil servants are directly 
impacted in their wages and working conditions too. These policies have long been applied 
in England, Spain, Italy and Germany. Everywhere they produce the same result: large 
fortunes are getting richer as the number of workers, students and poor pensioners 
increases. Precariousness becomes the norm with the extension of the scam of 
self-enterprise. It is necessary to say stop not only to this new law work but to all the 
destructive projects of Macron.

The strike to win

Losing a day's wages and standing up to the boss by going on strike is not always easy. 
This is not a game. Several days of strike without a future have already taken place since 
September without success; it's not another day that will roll Macron back. And in many 
sectors people say they do not want these days without tomorrow and without efficiency. 
November 16th is good but the 17th must be held. The isolated days did not allow to win in 
2010 on pensions or in 2016 against El Khomri. On the other hand we won in 1995 after 
three weeks of strike against Juppé or against the CPE in 2005. A strike that lasts 
several days really paralyzes the profits of the bosses who eventually give way. A strike 
of several days allows to organize itself locally, to hold GA of strikers of the private 
and public companies, to consolidate the union unit, to envisage demonstrations and 
blockages in all the cities, to go to the front of the employees boxes that are slow to go 
on strike.

Capitalism is the war between countries, between companies, between individuals. It is the 
law of the strongest, of the richest and misfortune to the vanquished. It is at school the 
competition of children, the cult of success, performance. In short, it is the war of all 
against all. And, like the lotto, the winners are rare ! In general, the winners are the 
inheritors of wealth transmitted. Enough of this jungle where selfishness and contempt 
reign. For an egalitarian world, soothed, a revolution is to be made. Let's talk about it.

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Contre-Macron-le-president-des-Patrons-Debut-de-la-greve-reconductible-le-16

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