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zaterdag 24 maart 2018

Anarchic all over the world - 24.03.2018

Today's Topics:


1.  Workers' Initiative won the raise in Municipal Water Supply
      and Sewerage of Bydgoszcz [machine translation] 


2.  [Kurdistan] Turkish air strike kills British anarchist in
      Afrin By ANA (pt) [machine translation] (

3.  Syria-Kurdistan, A libertarian communist in the IFB # 09:
      blind spots of democratic confederalism (fr, it, pt) [machine
      translation] (

4.  Gabon: With the Bongo clan, it's every day bingo (fr, it,
      pt) [machine translation] (

 5.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #280 - 1978: Birth of the
      Libertarian Communist Workers Union (fr, it, pt) [machine
      translation] (

6.  US, On the Student Walkouts By A, First of May Anarchist
      Alliance - Michigan Collective. (

      WAITING!" by dirty horse [APO] (gr) [machine translation]


Message: 1

In September 2017, the Employee Initiative was joined by a commission associating 
employees and employees of Municipal Water Supply and Sewage Systems in Bydgoszcz. It is 
the first structure of a compound operating in a municipal enterprise dealing with the 
supply of drinking water and sewage disposal. In March this year colleagues from the MWiK 
commission were able to win increases for all employees. ---- The MWiK employs over 650 
people, of which the majority in administration, about 100 people work in the three-shift 
mode (in the water and sewage service), the remaining part of the crew in the single-shift 
day mode. The Commission was established as a response to the dissatisfaction of employees 
and employees with the amount of earnings and activities of the trade unions functioning 
so far in MWiK. For many people creating commissions, the financial policy of the 
company's governing bodies is also a problem (for example, keeping an expensive leisure 
center that is not used by all people working in the plant).

IP was established as the fourth trade union in the company, but currently it is the 
largest company structure in MWiK: it has 129 people, while the second in the order of the 
relationship is less than 60. The crew believes that the trade unions operating at MWiK 
did not deal with the matters of female workers and employees: the chairman of one of the 
committees went into national politics and became a Member of Parliament and the remaining 
committees deal with the organization of trips rather than the struggle to improve working 
conditions. IP activists emphasize that they do not want to isolate themselves from the 
crew in trade union rooms obtained from the employer and want to be a union that genuinely 
represents the employees and employees of the plant.

The main area of activity of the Work Initiative in MWiK is wage issues and it was the 
first success in this field: during wage negotiations held on 9 March, it managed to win a 
7% increase in the base amount of wages in 2018 and 5% in the next two years. For those 
employed in MWiK, this means an increase in salaries of around PLN 650 gross (depending on 
the grade) spread over the next three years. Compared to the previous increases, this is a 
big change - up to now, the annual salary indexation was around 2% (which translated into 
approx. PLN 20 net), and initially the company's management proposed a 5% pay rise in 
2018. This is all the more important that average MWiK employees and employees earn 
between PLN 2,200 and PLN 3,800 net, while the company's financial situation is very good 
(it is estimated that in September 2017 alone

However, this is not the end - the commission is already announcing that it is planning to 
start negotiations in the near future about the renegotiation of the collective labor 
agreement in force in the company and the rules of using the Social Fund. Among the 
postulates there is also a demand to change the terms of using the lane pass (meals 
financed by the employer). However, the prospect of fighting for financial matters of 
employees and employees seems to be difficult due to the Water Management Act, which has 
recently entered into force. It instructs the local water authorities to set the rates for 
water fees together with the newly established state-owned institution called the Polish 
National Water Farm (which is to manage water management in the whole country) once every 
three years. Now the management boards of municipal enterprises may explain the refusal of 
increases with the budget frozen at the level of the Act.

The area of the committee's activities is also the control of health and safety 
conditions: in February this year a member of the Workers' Initiative commission became 
the company's Social Labor Inspector, and let others become branch Social Labor Inspectors.

KZ in MWiK in Bydgoszcz also engaged in social activities outside the workplace - it 
cooperates, among others with the Bydgoszcz initiative "Food Not Bombs", and members and 
members of the commission participate in the preparation and issuing of free meals for 
those in need. The Commission also established contacts with the local group of the 
Anarchist Federation, with which it discusses jointly the possibilities of establishing a 
social and cultural center in Bydgoszcz, following the model of the Rozbrat district of 

Contact with the IP committee at MWiK in Bydgoszcz: ipmwik[@]


Message: 2

Anna Campbell, a British internationalist fighter was murdered in a Turkish air raid on 
Afrin. ---- The International Commune of Rojava confirmed that Campell was murdered on 
March 16. The Commune tweeted: "Our friend Helin (Anna Campbell) became a martyr 
struggling in Afrin. We will always remember your bravery and unyielding spirit of 
resistance. She was also the voice of our video against the G20, and now her message has 
become an immortal call. Sehid namirin! (The martyrs are immortal). " ---- Anna Campbell 
is the first British woman martyr of the Internationalist Battalion. ---- Anna Campbell, 
of Lewes, East Sussex, was fighting alongside the Protected Women's Units (YPJ) in the 
besieged city of Afrin. The Campell convoy was hit by a Turkish missile on 16 March.

According to YPJ sources, she insisted on fighting the Turkish invaders in Afrin.

"They (the YPJ commanders) refused at first, but she held her ground, and even dyed her 
blond blonde hair to look less conspicuous as a Westerner," a YPJ source told the British 
newspaper "The Guardian" .

In a brief statement to The Guardian, Campell's father, Dirk Campbell, described her as a 
"beautiful and caring daughter" who "would do anything to create the world she believed in."

"Anna was very idealistic, very serious, very sincere and wanted to create a better world. 
She did not fight when she died, she was involved in a defensive action against the 
Turkish incursion, "he said.

Dirk Campbell said that his daughter had dedicated her life to the struggle against 
"unjust power and privilege."


Translation> Sol de Abril


Message: 3

The involvement of the hevals of the PYD can play a role both driving and inhibiting. ---- 
Libertarian Alternative reproduces the posts of the blog Kurdistan-Autogestion-Revolution 
where, after Arthur Aberlin, engaged in the YPG, now expresses Damien Keller, engaged him 
in the International Battalion of Liberation (IFB). ---- Over the weeks, he will testify 
to life in the IFB, the debates that are going on and the evolution of the revolutionary 
process in the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria. ---- Canton of Cizîrê, March 15, 
2018 ---- In the canton of Afrîn, the destruction is enormous, mid-March there were 
already more than 200 dead and hundreds of wounded among the inhabitants and the 
inhabitants ... One goes towards a seat of the city. The FDS and, within them, the 
volunteers of the Antifascist Forces in Afrîn (AFFA) are preparing to resist.

In addition, acts of forced displacement of population have been reported in several 
places in Shabha canton, mostly occupied by the Turkish army and its Islamic auxiliaries. 
One can legitimately fear an ethnic cleansing operation targeting Kurds and Yazidis. Some 
Islamist supplementers in Ankara openly threaten it.

And still the deafening silence of allies and partners of Turkey (London, Paris, 
Washington, Moscow ...). The drama of eastern Ghouta, where the army of Damascus and 
Russia are also deliberately targeting civilians, has so far focused attention.

Haukur Himarsson, an Icelandic anarchist killed by the Turkish state in Afrin canton.
As promised a few weeks ago, however, I continue to publish some critical commentary on 
the revolutionary process in Rojava and the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria, the 
result of personal observations and discussions with comrades.

The limits of popular power

One of the main axes of democratic confederalism is direct democracy. As in the anarchist 
theory, district and village councils are sovereign vis-à-vis the federal structures of 
regions and cantons, so that the political power is controlled as much as possible by the 
population. All these local councils are federated within the Tev-Dem, the Movement for a 
democratic society, whose self-administration of each canton is the executive organ.

The challenge is for all the ethno-religious communities to be represented on these 
councils so that no one feels squeezed out. This aspect is very important in a context 
where, since the Ottoman Empire, the central power, the imperialists and local 
bourgeoisies have always mounted communities against each other.

House of the people of Qamislo, in June 2014.

These basic institutions, in neighborhoods and villages, however, suffer from a lack of 
investment from the population. The context of civil war does not help, but there also 
seems to be an ideological reticence on the part of certain categories of the population 
who have remained loyal to the Bashar al-Assad regime. This is problematic when villages 
are not ethno-religious, which is often the case.

There is also a distortion effect, due to the leading role played by the PYD. Its 
activists are indeed very active in all democratic bodies, and nonmiliters can then 
consider these structures of the Tev-Dem as primarily falling under the jurisdiction of 
hevals ("  comrades  ").

This is a contradiction that libertarian militants and military members know well, and 
that is that of "  the self-managing animator of struggle,  " which can play a role both 
driving and inhibiting.

The constraints of dual power

As it refuses separatism, and does not want to question the current state borders, the 
democratic confederalism was built like a popular power forced to coexist, for an 
indefinite duration, with the power of State. In practice, this situation leads to a 
rather heavy double administration for the inhabitants and inhabitants who have for 
reference both the Social Contract of the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria and the 
law of the Syrian Arab Republic. that is, the administration of Bashar al-Assad.

Democracy also prevails in the YPG-YPJ armed forces where first-level officers are elected 
by their units. Nevertheless, the high command, which drives the military strategy, is 
appointed by the PYD.

The theory of confederalism has not renewed class analysis. In fact, it has hardly touched 
on it, even if the big bourgeoisie of the region certainly fears the current popular 
power, and the Western liberal media are well aware that what is happening here is our 
responsibility. social camp. However, it seems necessary to see if this fragility does not 
lead, in the coming years, to an omnipresence of the petty-bourgeois within the councils. 
The Rojava revolution is still very young and this is one of the outstanding issues.

The economic question, it is not enough worked. The Democratic Federation of Northern 
Syria still depends on the Syrian pound, whose value is always dictated by the Central 
Bank, controlled by Bashar al-Assad. Non-control of the currency necessarily limits the 
economic autonomy of the federation and its ability to implement social reforms, while the 
region is experiencing significant unemployment. On the other hand, if the Democratic 
Federation of Northern Syria evolves towards economic autonomy, it will certainly be at 
the cost of a stand-off with the Damascus regime, which will not be easily dispossessed of 
grain and oil fields located in Rojava.

Damien Keller


Message: 4

Gabonese debt has exploded in recent years. The fault lies with the Bongo clan and 
Françafrique, which thanks to the "   ill-gotten gains   " and the favoritism towards 
certain multinationals sell off the wealth of the country to the detriment of the 
population. ---- Gabon is an essential link in Françafrique, the intertwining of troubled 
relations allowing France to maintain its domination over its former colonies in 
sub-Saharan Africa: in return for support, including military and security, to the 
dictators of these countries , France enjoys, among other things, privileged access to 
strategic raw materials. ---- AFD supports Gabonese debt ---- Since Ali Bongo took power 
in 2009 following the death of his father and a mock election actively supported by the 
French power  [1], the public debt of Gabon has literally exploded. While in 2008 it was 
1,180 billion CFA francs, it reached at the beginning of this year more than 4,150 billion 
CFA francs (representing 6.33 billion euros).

If this country rich in raw materials (including oil, manganese, wood, gold, etc.) has 
seen the weight of its debt multiplied by more than three in less than 10 years, it is due 
to the fact of a catastrophic governance of Bongo clan, but also the looting of raw 
materials by multinationals, first and foremost French.

One of the pillars of Françafrique's system of domination is so-called official 
development assistance (ODA). The 1st In December 2017, the French Development Agency 
(AFD) granted the Gabonese government a loan of 255 million euros over three years. This 
is a support to the program concluded on June 19, 2017, between the IMF and Gabon, and 
allowing the latter to benefit from $ 642 million over three years. The goal is, 
officially, to support the economic recovery plan (ERP) adopted by the Gabonese government 
on May 19, 2017 in the framework imposed by the IMF and by France to the heads of state of 
Central Africa, put in trouble by the fall of oil prices, at the summit that brought them 
together in Cameroon on December 23, 2016, in the presence of Christine Lagarde and Michel 
Sapin, still Minister of the Economy and Finance.

However, this program is a real structural adjustment plan that brings back to date a 
policy of austerity well known in Gabon and Africa since the 1980s and whose results are 
already known: undermining the fundamental sectors (health , education, agriculture ...), 
juicy privatizations mainly for the benefit of French multinationals, privileged access to 
markets for the latter ... This stimulus program will therefore not achieve the stated 
objectives in terms of growth, employment and reduction of poverty. On the contrary.

More than the fall in oil prices since 2014, the crisis in the Gabonese economy is 
explained by a catastrophic governance to which France and its companies have actively 
contributed and from which they have benefited greatly. Since his controversial arrival in 
power in 2009, Ali Bongo has notably multiplied dubious investments and irresponsible 
loans at prohibitive rates, such as, for example, for the African Cup of Nations Football 
organized by Gabon in 2012 and 2017, for a cost of 1.3 billion euros. Although various 
French companies (Colas, Total, Orange, Canal Plus, etc.) have benefited from this, this 
has mainly contributed to Gabon's over-indebtedness.

A private hotel invaded in Paris

If the bitter potion that the IMF and France want to administer in Gabon has no chance to 
help its economy to heal, it gives them a right to look at the economic policy of the 
country, thus de facto a real right to interference, and the possibility of reducing the 
influence of competitors, first and foremost China. This probably explains why François 
Hollande was keen to dedicate, in April 2017, part of his last days at the Elysee Palace 
to press the heads of state of the oil-rich countries of Central Africa to accept this 
potion. This poor governance is also manifested by a high level of corruption and numerous 
financial scandals often involving French multinationals, as shown, for example, by the " 
BongoLeaks " case.  ", That of the Panama Papers, or the legal procedure in France called" 
   ill-gotten property   "(BMA) that could demonstrate that the immense heritage of the 
Bongo clan is the result of embezzlement and the concealment of public funds.

In order to protest against these "   badly acquired goods   " of the Bongo clan, 
militants of the Gabonese diaspora invested early January two mansions in the heart of 
Paris, including January 13 Pozzo di Borgo, a mansion rue de the University in Paris 7 th 
, bought in 2010 for around 100 million euros. The bill would amount to around 200 million 
euros including renovations, according to activists. The various civil property companies 
(SCI) owners of this luxury hotel refer, among others, to the former chief of staff and 
current personal representative of Ali Bongo, Maixent Accrombessi  [2], and at its address 
at the time, the presidential palace of Libreville. On January 17, it was another mansion 
Bongo clan, located at 4 rue de la Baume in the 8 th arrondissement of Paris, which was 
invested by the militants.

But as Marc Ona Essangui, coordinator of Tournons la Page Gabon, explained to the launch 
of a citizen collective for an audit of the Gabonese debt  [3] : "   Since the 
independence of Gabon, the power in place brade the natural resources of the country to 
foreign companies - first and foremost French - to the detriment of the population. The 
Citizen Collective on Gabon's debt intends to highlight the involvement of foreign 
multinationals, supported by donors, in this process of indebtedness, but also their 
responsibilities in the violations of human, economic, social and environmental rights.  "

Regis Essono and Thomas Bart (Survival activists)

Voices from Africa: Impunity of colonial soldiers
On 11 January, the investigating judges ordered a dismissal for French soldiers suspected 
of committing rape on children in the Central African Republic between 2013 and 2014, as 
part of Operation Sangaris.

An opportunity to return to the impunity enjoyed by "   our   " soldiers in the vast 
majority of crimes committed in Africa  ; result of the organization of justice and 
political will to "   do not dirty the flag   ".

The scandal erupts in April 2015 thanks to the "   indiscretion   " of the British daily 
The Gardian which tells the content of a report of the UN carried out in the 1 st quarter 
of 2014 and passed over by the French military authorities.

Obliged to react publicly, the representatives of the French state then have no words of 
compassion for the alleged victims, but injunctions to the exemplarity of the army and the 
soldiers: "   no task should strip the uniform   " then chanted President Hollande ... 
while the French press (including L'Obs and Le Monde ) evokes risks of manipulation and 
conspiracy. The French are asked to believe that these accusations are probably without 
any serious basis in view of the (blind ?) Confidence  that we must bring to "   our   " 
army, as Macron reminded Burkinabe students last November (read AL from January 2018).

At the judicial level, of the three investigations opened in the French courts for sexual 
assaults committed by French soldiers in the Central African Republic, none have resulted 
in indictments  ; and this despite the contribution of the elements of investigations by 
two journalists Médiapart (Justine Brabant and Leila Minano) in December 2015 ... Elements 
not deepened by justice, thus avoiding the need to pursue the military  !

It must be said that everything is organized to ensure the impunity of soldiers in foreign 
operations (Opex): agreements with local governments guaranteeing a judgment by France  ; 
institutional bottlenecks such as the monopoly of the prosecutor's office (dependent on 
the executive) on the prosecution or as the defense secret which prevents access to 
documents of instruction (read AL of February 2018)  ; and especially of the 
investigations carried out clearly "   to discharge  By provost investigators (the 
military police), probably more empathetic with our trellised heroes than with the African 
men and women they claim to protect in armed conflict ... and who are ungrateful enough to 
complain about the actions of their saviors. The same (in) justice applies to almost all 
the crimes of the military in Opex, from Rwanda to Côte d'Ivoire. At best, the military 
involved are "   far from the theater   " and subject to disciplinary sanctions ... too 
hard for alleged rapists or murderers  !

As for the victims who dared to speak, they are often ostracized by society, when they do 
not suffer the repression of the armed forces, trained and advised by French (read AL of 
January 2018).

Christmas Surge (AL Carcassonne)

[1] See the Survival report: "  French military cooperation in the service of 
dictatorships  ", and in particular part 4 on Gabon, p.52, November 2016.

[2] Ali Bongo's former right-hand man is also involved in another case involving the 
French group Marck. In this context, he was indicted in November 2017 in Paris for passive 
bribery of a foreign public official, organized bribery of passive bribery, forgery and 
the use of forgery. Marck Group Chairman Philippe Belin was also indicted in this case 
last August.

[3] This collective, initiated by the CADTM, Survival and Turn the Page was officially 
launched in December 2017.


Message: 5

February 1978, the Libertarian Communist Workers Union prepares its congress. Excluded two 
years earlier from the Anarchist Revolutionary Organization, the majority of which has 
been renamed the Libertarian Communist Organization, the old trend then defines its own 
strategy, " class-struggle libertarianism ," which is still embodied today. ---- 
libertarian. ---- Like trends, exclusions are a rare phenomenon in the history of 
anarchist organizations, more prone to separations by mutual consent. The April 1976 
Congress of the Anarchist Revolutionary Organization (ORA), held in Orleans, marked a 
turning point in the history of the contemporary libertarian movement. It resulted in the 
exclusion of the Union tendency of libertarian communist workers (UTCL) to which it is 
criticized in particular for its too pro-union tropism. Judged too close to the 
conceptions of the trend, other activists are excluded in the same movement: this is the 
case of Daniel Guérin, who will join the UTCL a few years later. In 1969, the latter 
published For a libertarian Marxism.In one of the contributions that make up the 
collection, " Workers ' Councils and Revolutionary Syndicalism ", we read: " If - and 
where - it turns out that trade unionism has become irremediably an instrument of 
paralysis, even betrayal of workers' struggles, then, only then is it good for the trash. 
The exclusive and sectarian followers of a "communism of councils", many, it must be said, 
among the young "leftist" militants of today, would probably go a little quick if, instead 
of continuing to to fight for the regeneration of syndicalism, they hastened to bury it. » 
[1]. In 1976, the UTCL exclusives can only find themselves in this position. For them, the 
1969 " leftists " judgment can be applied to the Paris " chiefs " of the new Libertarian 
Communist Organization (OCL), which succeeds the ORA, and which soon switch to the " 
autonomous " phenomenon . Excluded from the UTCL trend, they set themselves the task of " 
regenerating " unionism, according to Daniel Guérin's wish.

April 7, 2018, Milf Daniel Guérin.

But other elements, perhaps more trivial, have probably played in this exclusion. Highly 
homogeneous because of a past and recent high school student, it is the experience of 
action in business, itself stammering, which cements the small group at the origin of the 
UTCL, whose postal workers constitute the pivot. The oldest of this group of excluded, 
with only 14 members, is 22 years old. A " youth " of the UTCL trend that has inevitably 
played into the virulence and intransigence of internal exchanges. But which also 
guarantees enthusiasm and a certain voluntarism: barely excluded, the UTCL publishes in 
May 1976 the first issue of All power to workers whose editorial proudly announces the 
birth: " Another small group ! "

Find the promise of the ORA
More than six months later, the second number is still waiting ... What happened ? The 
trend is first in " Collective for a UTCL " and seeks for nearly a year to both claim that 
update its heritage. If the UTCL wants to be part of the continuation of " the great 
promise represented by the ORA " [2], it is because the latter has dissipated. This 
promise was " that of constituting a revolutionary pole " offering " a coherent political 
expression and organizational means allowing both to avoid the spontaneous pitfall and the 
pitfall of dirigisme ".

In this quest for " homecoming ", the activists of the Collective for a UTCL will find the 
initial gestures of those who preceded them. Thus, as for the ORA at its beginnings, it is 
a question of distinguishing itself from the " traditionalist " anarchism that can notably 
be expressed within the " old " anarchist Federation. The choice of the title made by 
those excluded from the UTCL trend for their publication is symptomatic. All the power to 
the workers- which reappears monthly from February 1977 - has the merit, if not to be an 
attractive title, to display a program in rupture with an anarchist current prompt to 
denounce the corruption of any power. It also testifies to the class stance that UTCL 
wants to assert, which can count on activists in the PTT, Rail, EDF, banking sector ...

Given the number of groups and its ambitions, the beginnings of the Collective for a UTCL 
are very proactive. A former activist, Patrick Velard evokes a steady pace: " three 
meetings a week early ! " A voluntarism which is also to be linked with the sociology of 
organization mainly composed these beginnings single young men.

Exit the groupuscularism

An internal bulletin, Les Malheurs de Lucie [3]- Lucie is the nickname that its activists 
give to the UTCL - is published in which are exchanged long individual contributions on 
unionism, antimilitarism or union of the left, at the same time as the structures, the 
statutes, the basic texts of the Collective for a UTCL are discussed. This " underwater " 
year of work will be found later in the lengthy analyzes developed in the columns of All 
Power to Workers, such as this series of two-page articles in tight type on " The Common 
Agenda or Great Illusion" " [4]which is spread over three issues from March to June 1977. 
It is in this first year that the youth of the activists of the Collective for a UTCL, who 
must learn to pass from the functioning of internal tendency to that of organization 
inscribed in a politico-social approach refusing withdrawal.

TLPAT No. 26 (November 1979)

This means opening up to others: an " Appeal to Libertarians " was launched in March 1977. 
Two organizations will respond with interest: the Alliance Syndicaliste (AS) and 
Organization anarchist fight (OCA). Discussions with the first will stumble on the 
conception of the intervention in the unions, the UTCL favoring a process of regrouping 
the union left (especially within the CFDT of the time) when the AS prefers the 
affirmation of an anarcho-syndicalist " counter-fraction " [5].

Build an organization

The failure of the discussions with the AS forces the UTCL to accelerate the pace of its 
constituent process. We can not decently remain a kind of " trend maintained " for many 
years ! This choice also owes much to the political and social context of the year 1978. 
The rupture of the union of the left in September 1977 was able to surprise a far left 
that was preparing for its victory, scheduled for the legislative elections of March 1978. 
If the far left Leninist is positioned in " critical support " to a possible government " 
worker " Union of the left, this is not the case of the UTCL. On the contrary, it is a 
question of " to prepare the overflow of the left today if it wins,[...]to prepare the 
workers to draw all the lessons from this experience, but also[not]to subordinate to the 
reformist successes and failures the revolutionary alternative " . And for that you need 
an organization.

TLPAT 1 (1 st May 1976)

All power to the workers is a title now known libertarian landerneau. The acronym UTCL 
appeared on leaflets and on the occasion of unitary initiatives, including those of the 
Spain Revolutionary Committee for example. Its activists are recognized for their action 
in business, which remains their priority. The I stThe UTCL congress, initially planned 
for February 1978, takes place in March. It will be an opportunity to gather, beyond the 
initial core, scattered contacts, isolated activists or small affinity groups who find 
themselves on what develops the Collective. Mostly Parisian, the latter is composed 
initially of four groups: Paris-North, Paris-South, and, in the provinces, 
Clermont-Ferrand and the Anarchist-Communist Group of Marseille (which distances itself 
since 1977, and therefore does not participate at the congress).

In addition, close ties unite him to the Communist Communist Group of Nancy. Coming from 
the Libertarian Communist Movement (MCL), originally tinged with councilism [6], it is an 
important group with whom convergences are made through antimilitarism. At the end of the 
congress, the UTCL can also count on activists in Angers, Nantes, Mayenne or Sarthe, and 
soon groups are formed in Lille and Toulouse. A permanent, appointed, is responsible for 
monitoring the development of the new organization. By its operation, its practice (see 
box), as its orientations, the UTCL will thus find the project of his elders and finally 
constitute, as the text resulting from the congress calls for his " a workers' 
organization for libertarian communism ".

Théo R. (AL Orleans)

" Activism and activist "
Militant contract adopted by the constituent congress of the UTCL of 1978

The revolutionary activist seeks the maximum unity between his revolutionary discourse and 
his daily practice of activist, in favor of the awareness and the democratic management of 
the struggles and their life by the workers themselves.

The UTCL activist seeks the maximum unity between his criticism of the bourgeois model of 
the relationship between men, between his critique of bourgeois ideology in all its forms 
(racism, sexism, authoritarianism) and his daily life.[...]

The tactical necessities of intervention in often hostile environments must not make the 
militant of the UTCL forget the subversive nature of his struggle[...].

The relationship between the activist and his organization can in no way be understood as 
a report of submission - even freely consented. The UTCL rests on each of its activists.[...]

This implies: regular attendance at all group meetings ; active participation in the 

In a word, libertarian federalism does not only govern the relations between the groups of 
the organization, but also between each of its militants.

UTCL disapproves of the frenzied activism that engulfs activists in organizational tasks 
and propaganda practices. This militancy of barracks cuts the militant of a true social 
practice, and, by the destruction of his own life, gives him a distorted vision.

The UTCL condemns the petty-bourgeois ' anti -militancy' which denies the harsh 
necessities of the revolutionary struggle and requires it to develop important efforts to 
ensure the triumph of our cause.[...]

The organization must take into account the problems that some comrades may encounter in 
their lives and that may hinder their militant activity. The activists will seek in the 
spirit of brotherhood and solidarity which should inspire the relations between the 
militants, to help as far as possible the comrade in difficulty.

Outside, in his daily practice, the militant of the UTCL seeks to be neither sectarian nor 
dogmatic. He seeks both to stimulate the maximum debate with open-mindedness and a spirit 
of unity and to show firmness in his convictions.

[1] This text can be found in the updated reissue of Daniel Guérin's collection under the 
title For libertarian communism, Spartacus, 2003.

[2] See the first chapter of Syndicalists and Libertarians, a history of UTCL (1974-1991), 
editions of Alternative Libertaire, 2013.

[3] All issues of Lucie's Misfortunes are kept in the Libertarian Communist Archives Fund 
(FACL) of the Montreuil Museum of Living History.

[4] The joint program of union of the left is signed in 1972 between PCF, PS and radicals 
of left. He is broken in 1977.

[5] On the AS, see " A job in the struggles ", interview with Jacques Toublet appeared in 
Agone n ° 26/27, spring 2002.

[6] See " On the borders of Marxism and anarchism, councilism ", in Alternative libertaire 
n ° 279 of January 2018.


Message: 6

Over one million high school students walked out of class on Wednesday, March 14th 2018 in 
what was the biggest school walk out protests since the Vietnam War. These students have 
been raised with school shootings being a norm. As they march out of class and into the 
streets, they defy the police and the school administrations. They defy the whole damn 
system. They defy the police who confronted them in the streets with the very weapons that 
are used against them in school shootings. The police who have shot down their brothers 
and sisters with impunity in and out of school. The police who waited outside while a 
white supremacist shot up a Florida school. They defy the administration that covered up 
sexual assault and molestation for decades at Michigan State University. The 
administrations who called for lockdown drills to keep students from protesting/are now 
threatening detention and suspension in retaliation. The same administrations who do not 
stand up against cuts to financial support for poor students. The same administrations who 
threaten to expel Black student athletes for kneeling during the anthem at sporting 
events. The same administrations that have allowed overt white supremacists to speak on 
campuses to further their quest to remove marginalized people from the Earth.

Let's not mince words, these are racist and sexist attacks. The attacks on young people 
are almost always by violent, young, white men who feel as though the system is failing 
them. They are being pushed aside as they continue to matter less and less to the 
billionaires and corporations who have left them and their families behind for cheap labor 
elsewhere. Anti-racist, anti-patriarchal, and anti-colonialist social struggles continue 
to move forward and prosper in the face of extreme state repression, a growing far-right, 
mainstream disapproval, and cold blooded murder. Because of all this, these white men feel 
as though they are losing their dominance in amerikkkan society (they are, and that is a 
good thing). So, what better way to reassert your "dominance" than by holding hundreds of 
helpless people's lives in your hands? This is delusional, but so is white power. The 
attacks usually (obviously) target women and people of color. They cut across communities 
and happen inside and out of school. Outside of school shootings, the violence these young 
people face and are opposing is sometimes quick street violence, and sometimes is long 
term systemic violence (See the end of the first paragraph). Furthermore, if we are to 
stand with these students who are marching now, and if we are to mean it, we must also 
stand with the young people who have been protesting for years against racist violence as 
Black Lives Matter. We seek to further and empower the perspectives and goals of these 
long-time student organizers who have been spit on for years by the same white liberals 
who now fully "support" this wave of student resistance.

We, young and old, straight up need to work alongside these brave young people toward 
building a movement geared toward social revolution and the destruction of patriarchy and 
white supremacy and the state; one that is strong enough to defend ourselves and our 
communities. We for real need to watch out and communicate. We as communities should have 
the power to say that the kid who is posting violent snapchats doesn't get to have access 
to firearms. The people capable of creating a social, cultural pivot are these young 
people who are already determining, through their everyday actions and communication, what 
the future will hold. They want accountability, they want safety, they want the right to 
live and love without fear. They embrace technology and new ideas. The democratic party 
and non-profits will try to co-opt this into a movement with its eyes set on reform, but 
young people know this does not work. They've learned from history. The government, the 
police, and the administrations are not going to protect us or do this for us; in fact 
they operate on the same principles that create school shooters. School shooters are 
trying to recreate this power. When we talk about a school shooting, we need to understand 
it as an expression of a whole sociality. If we truly want children to be safe in schools, 
we need deep social transformation - not piecemeal solutions that are themselves 
expressions of the same oppressive sociality. This is not a fight against guns, this is a 
fight against the system and its violence. This is a fight for a better world.

"We have chosen each other
and the edge of each others battles
the war is the same
if we lose
someday women's blood will congeal
upon a dead planet
if we win
there is no telling
we seek beyond history
for a new and more possible meeting."


Message: 7

"Afrin belongs to the people of Africa. People living f o Afrin born and die in this land. 
The fact that they live there is not part of any plan or program. They are not in Africa 
as part of a strategy. For them, Afrin is water, bread, food, play, history, friend, 
companion, lover, street, home, neighborhood. For the state, however, it is only part of 
its strategy. A strategy that is not at all interested in Afrino or his people." ---- * 
Extract from the DAF (Anarchist Revolutionary Action from Turkey) announcement of the 
Turkish invasion of Afghanistan ---- Since January 20, the Turkish state has launched a 
fierce attack on the canton of Afrin in northern Syria. Afrín is one of the three cantons 
of the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria (Rosawa). In the last few days, the Turkish 
army had circulated and bombed the town with more than 800,000 civilians (residents and 
refugees). Without water, food, and drugs, the heroic people of Afrino, armed and unarmed, 
are determined to defend their land and their political conquests with all their means. 
The area also defends about 10,000 YPJ and YPG militiamen, the Kurdish women and people's 
protection forces. On March 18th, the Turkish army along with its jihadist allies captured 
the city and plundered it, capturing and killing those of the people who fell into its 
hands. In order not to impose the genocide at the expense of the people of Afghanistan who 
planned the totalitarian state of Turkey, the forces of the resisting and the civilian 
population have fallen to other regions.
The attack and seizure of the Turks and their allies (FSA Jihadists, ISIS Remains) in 
Afghanistan are the result of the redeployment of geopolitical correlations in the wider 
Middle East region, part of the widespread warfare that has been taking place in recent 
years to control local communities and energy resources. Conflicts that have largely 
dismantled every concept of social life, while scanning local populations. Indeed, the 
attack on Afghanistan had been announced for quite some time by the Turkish state, which, 
following the cleansing of the country (imposing an Emergency, seizure of the Kurdish 
regions and thousands of murders,
Rosawa is an autonomous region in which the Kurdish people began to organize themselves on 
the basis of their request for autonomy and on the basis of the Democratic Confederation's 
project before the civil war that the imperialists in Syria had yet to break out. This 
area is made up of three cantons: Copan, Afrino and Tziyre. Without being totally 
identifiable with the ideas of the Kurdish revolution, we recognize the great importance 
it has played in the emancipation of the peoples of the region to this day. In an area 
where women have been captured and sold for centuries, YPJ guerrillas, the female Kurdish 
guerrilla organization, take part with the handgun in defending the people, along with the 
men of YPG, the Kurdish army of Rosawa. Women and men of all ages take their lives and 
fight for their right to self-determination, language, culture and education. Also, while 
the wider region is dominated by ethnic-religious quarrels and assassinations, in the 
Rosawa region, Kurds, Arabs, Armenians, Turks, Assyrians and other peoples live peacefully 
and harmoniously in the cantons.
Even before ISIS is defeated, it is obvious that a new round of confrontation begins in 
the area for the passage of key points in the sphere of control and influence of the 
opposing power units. The recent turmoil in US-Turkey relations and the subsequent 
convergence of the Erdogan regime with Iran and Russia have escalated tension, while the 
autonomous Kurdish regions, which are desperately seeking to dismantle the forces of Assad 
(Syria) and of Turkey with the consent of Russia and Iran. Besides, for Turkey, the 
suppression of the social revolution in Rosava has a double motivation. On the one hand, 
it seeks to subdue its constant enemy to the southeast, which is none other than the 
Kurdish element,
In this context, the Greek state is upgrading its role in the wider region, being a 
faithful ally and spokesman for the interests of the US and NATO in it. This is evident 
from the planned transfer of nuclear weapons to the Araxos air base and military equipment 
from the Incirlik base in Turkey to Souda's base in Crete, while the opening of two more 
bases in Evros and Syros, as well as in from an active initiative of Greece to regional 
developments and the upgraded co-operation it is promoting with a number of neighboring 
countries. As a member of the European Union and NATO, the Greek state is firmly oriented 
towards the aspirations of the dominant political-economic elite, of which it forms an 
integral part. The current government (as all the previous ones) has fulfilled and 
continues to fulfill its mission in its entirety, which is no more than a continuous 
effort, in its part, for the unimpeded global imposition of the modern dictatorship of the 
State and Capital, of Modern Integration. In the same direction, the so-called "Macedonian 
issue" and the "pressure" for a positive outcome of the negotiations between Greece and 
FYROM are joining, which will complete the accession of the neighboring country in the 
North Atlantic alliance, widening even further the ring of the western block sovereignty 
in eastern Europe and the southeastern Mediterranean. in its part, for the unchallenged 
global imposition of the modern dictatorship of the State and Capital, of Modern 
Integration. In the same direction, the so-called "Macedonian issue" and the "pressure" 
for a positive outcome of the negotiations between Greece and FYROM are joining, which 
will complete the accession of the neighboring country in the North Atlantic alliance, 
widening even further the ring of the western block sovereignty in eastern Europe and the 
southeastern Mediterranean. in its part, for the unchallenged global imposition of the 
modern dictatorship of the State and Capital, of Modern Integration. In the same 
direction, the so-called "Macedonian issue" and the "pressure" for a positive outcome of 
the negotiations between Greece and FYROM are joining, which will complete the accession 
of the neighboring country in the North Atlantic alliance, widening even further the ring 
of the western block sovereignty in eastern Europe and the southeastern Mediterranean.
It is undisputed that on a global scale, political and economic bosses are attempting an 
unconditionally relentless attack on the peoples and areas of the capitalist region, 
including warfare, dictatorial-theocratic regimes and overthrowing others, instigating 
civil conflicts, disaster productive forces, control of resource sources, economic 
bleeding of entire populations, environmental destruction of entire areas and of course a 
huge number of human losses s. A treaty that shapes endless "skull sites" ready to be 
plundered and "reconstituted" with a view to controlling populations and areas,
Upgrading the role of NATO and developing strong military land, air, and naval forces in 
the Mediterranean basin are part of the preparations for generalizing the sovereignty war, 
initially in the field where the most powerful bloc blocks of power, ie in the Middle East 
and the South-East Mediterranean, as the bleak prospect of a global conflict comes back to 
the forefront and planning of the military-political staff.
Within this reality we have a duty to organize our resistances. Putting mounds on the 
plans of world leaders who promise only death, poverty, wars, refugees, misery and misery. 
To build a strong internationalist movement down from the war against modern 
totalitarianism. This is the time when we must politically engage with comrades and 
fighters internationally in order to deal with the common assault we accept. Together, all 
the exploited and oppressed of this world can resist the murderous plans of the state and 
of capital. To build a broad and international front of struggle and resistance against 
war, fascism, poverty, impoverishment, racism, state and partisan terrorism.
Faced with the attack of the decadent power world, we have to contrast the solidarity of 
our common struggles. Faced with the dystopia of modern totalitarianism, where the vast 
majority is impoverished and subdued, we contrast the libertarian society, organized by 
the federal social councils "for Freedom of Everyone and Equality of All."



Solidarity gathering: Thursday 22 March 18.00 Esperus (George)

anarchist group "dwarf horse" / APO and co-workers - co-workers