Today's Topics:
1. Anarchist Federation of Rosario: In the face of the economic
and political crisis, the answer is from below! (ca, it)
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. US, black rose fed: DEPORTING US CITIZENS: TRUMP'S NEW
FASCISTIC USE OF LAW By Mark Bray, Truth Out
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. US, black rose fed: STEPS TOWARDS A STRATEGY OF POPULAR
POWER: BRRN 5TH NATIONAL CONVENTION (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Indonesian Anarchist Black Cross: Not Ideological Solidarity
but Critical Revolutionary Solidarity: A Personal Reflection of
Yogyakarta/Indonesia Anarchist Black Cross (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Russia, avtonom: Anarhoblok against raising the retirement
age on September 2 [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. France, Alternative Libertaire AL - Militant safety (fr, it,
pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
There are intense days in our country. In recent days, a currency exchange has taken the
dollar to values that pulverize popular income and install a scenario of economic and
political instability. ---- Given this situation, the government's response is subject to
the meeting that Minister of Economy Dujovne will have in Washington on Tuesday. That is,
the role of the government at this moment is clearor of being a simple messenger of the
imperial powers. The response that you will get from the northern leaders is predictable:
it is necessary for the dominant sectors to carry out the adjustment in the most brutal
and immediate way possible. The "market" is not enough, with the degradation of our
salaries and the thousands of layoffs; nor is it interested, apparently, in the continuity
of the political project of change.
The scenario that is taking shape in the region with high levels of political instability
has its complexity and it is necessary to analyze it in light of the geopolitical disputes
that are taking place in the region, with special attention to the commercial war between
the US and China. .
However, below are expressions of resistance and struggle that are truly auspicious. The
student rebellion throughout the country, the various mass and multi-sector marches that
were expressed in defense of public education, the various regional initiatives to push
the active national strike, as is the regional strike on September 4 , the intention of
the two CTAs to carry out a stoppage of 36 hours, the cacerolazos in different points of
the city and the country, realize that from below there is a will of resistance.
It is important for us / the specifist anarchists that at this moment the resistance
arises from our class organizations, unions, neighborhood and student organizations, to
give it an organized and projected component that overcomes the electoral disputes that
look to 2019 as its primordial scenario. For those below, a century is missing by 2019!
The organization and popular mobilization are the only response to put a brake on the
neoliberal onslaught. From our organization we will be promoting from our insertion spaces
the unity and direct action as an immediate response to the adjustment that will surely
take a double boost.
No more dismissals, adjustments and devaluation!! To resist organized and in the streets!
------------------------------
Message: 2
This week's chilling revelation that the Trump administration has jailed and initiated
deportation proceedings against United States citizens who possess official US birth
certificates exposes the absurdity of the far-right myth promoted by Trump and his
supporters that xenophobic policies are merely about legality rather than racism. ---- The
State Department is calling into question the legal status of Latinx citizens along the
southern border based on the claim that "there has been a significant incidence of
citizenship fraud" in the region, though there is evidence of no more than a handful of
cases. In 2009, the government seemed to have settled the matter in court with the ACLU
before Trump's State Department recently resurrected this xenophobic conspiracy theory. As
a result, Latinx citizens residing near the southern border have been denied passports,
prevented from re-entering the country without warning, detained in immigration camps and
scheduled for deportation proceedings.
For years right-wing pundits have harped upon the importance of coming to the United
States legally - "doing it the right way." But if they mean what they say, then how can
they support the denial of citizenship to documented Latinxs who were born in the US? If
the hackneyed reactionary refrain that anti-immigrant policies are about legality rather
than racism is true, then why is the Trump administration planning to make it harder for
legal immigrants to obtain green cards and citizenship?
There are two basic sets of answers to these questions that are not mutually exclusive:
first, because it is about race, because Trump and many of his advisers are racist and
because the history of immigration enforcement in the United States is a story of race.
Second, because Trump and his administration have no real allegiance to the law and have
"trampled on all manner of constitutional principles," as CNN legal analyst Joan Biskupic
and countless critics have pointed out. After all, Trump bemoaned the "archaic system" of
government in the United States as "a really bad thing for the country" because it limited
his personal authority to "get things done."
To understand this week's revelations fully, it is necessary to integrate both answers
without dismissing the Trumpian appeal to "law and order" as completely insincere or
nothing more than window-dressing for racism. To fully understand the fundamental
relationship between identity and law at the heart of Trumpism, fascism and far-right
politics more broadly, it's important to examine the fascist conception of law, which
grows out of a paradoxical struggle of law and order against law and order.
The Origins of the Fascist Conception of Law
The reason early 20th century fascists attacked liberal parliamentary government was
because supposedly "effeminate" bourgeois politicians allegedly enabled Jews, communists,
Freemasons, homosexuals and others to weaken the nation and/or race amidst the
all-important Social Darwinian struggle for supremacy. The true, organic identity of the
collective, according to these fascists, was suppressed by "artificial" laws enacted by
paper-pushers that they claimed failed to protect property from the insurgent left and
failed to protect German women from "lecherous" Jews.
In recent decades, self-avowed fascists and far-right groups in Europe and elsewhere have
reinvented this critique of liberal law and order in a struggle against a reconfigured
constellation of threats: immigration and so-called "refugee crises," "globalism,"
multiculturalism, Islam, shifting norms of gender and sexuality, and others. The far right
claims that current laws in the US, Germany, France and elsewhere leave the true organic
community of the (racialized) nation too helpless to defend itself from disintegration.
Nowhere is this articulated more clearly than in the white supremacist fear of an
imaginary "white genocide."
Since the true source of collective authority for fascists is understood as emanating from
the essence of the nation or race as articulated by the charismatic leader, no
infringement of "artificial" law is off-limits in the struggle to ensure group survival.
To that end, Italian Blackshirts, German Brownshirts, and other fascist forces launched
campaigns of street violence to "cleanse" their societies of "undesirables" and restore
"order." Later, Hitler purged his Stormtroopers in order to assuage middle-class anxieties
about "chaos." He imposed "order" upon a force allegedly intended to "restore order" - the
fascist snake bites its tail.
When these movements legally gained power, they circumvented established law by creating
parallel structures of governance including fascist courts, fascist police forces like the
Gestapo and fascist prisons like the Nazi concentration camps. Fascists established this
"prerogative state" without entirely dismantling the "normative state" that they
inherited. Hitler never took the time to formally abolish the Weimar Constitution of 1919.
Though fascists sought to drain modern law of its fundamental content and deprive it of
its previous role in integrating individuals into the collective, fascist "prerogative"
power thrived by veiling itself in the sanctifying guise of law. Changes in working
conditions were legitimated by laws like the 1927 Italian Charter of Labor or the 1934
German National Labor Law. Anti-Semitism was legalized by the Nuremburg Laws and the
Italian Racial Laws.
Certainly, Nazis and fascists recognized the propagandistic value of framing their
policies as laws, but more fundamentally, the fascist conception of law amounted to a
legitimation of the imagined "collective will" of the chosen group as expressed by Il Duce
or der Führer. Historically, fascists have attempted to present themselves as the bulwark
of a true "law and order" against the inept, corrupt status quo that favors the interests
of outsiders over and against those of the fundamental community.
Trump and the Fascist Conception of Law
The message is clear: A defense of "law and order" requires challenging the liberal
conception of law when it does not sufficiently protect the order that is to be restored:
the white, Christian, conservative, hetero-patriarchal America that is to be made "great
again." That imaginary America is the law and the order. Whether it is currently legal or
constitutional to deprive Latinxs of their citizenship or Muslims of their right to
immigrate is beside the point.
Of course, it is obvious that the liberal notions of legal neutrality or equal justice are
fictions. Laws have always served (and will always serve) the interest of those who write
them. This has been true in the US since laws were used to justify the genocide of the
Indigenous population, legitimize slavery and Jim Crow, and exclude people from around the
world from immigrating, even including people from southern and eastern Europe who were
not yet considered "white." Trumpism is merely the latest wrinkle on this longer history
of white supremacy in the US, and fascism, as Martiniquais writer Aimé Cesaire noted, was
a kind of imperialism brought home to the European continent. Yet, the paradox of the
fascist conception of law provides a particularly clear model for understanding how white
supremacists, fascists and far-right figures orient themselves to the status quo.
The argument being made here is neither that Trump is a textbook fascist nor that his
administration necessarily represents a step toward an eventual 21st century fascism. Yet,
current and former White House officials - like Steve Bannon, who is inspired by Italian
fascist Julius Evola, Stephen Miller, who was mentored by white nationalist Richard
Spencer, and Sebastian Gorka, who swore lifelong allegiance to a Hungarian Nazi group -
designed racist policies like the Muslim Ban, migrant family separation and others that
have helped the Trump administration venture in a markedly fascistic direction. If left
unchecked, these policies have the potential to snowball. But the question of where a
flirtation with authoritarianism will lead is only part of the picture. The fact that
migrant children have been abused and neglected in concentration camps, that Latinxs are
having their citizenship stripped away, that Muslims are being profiled, that Black and
Indigenous people are being gunned down by the police, that Indigenous protesters are
facing brutal suppression and that an unprecedented number of people are being
incarcerated every year are enough reason to fight back now.
The most long-lasting historical ramification of this reactionary era may be less the
policies of the Trump administration than the growing militancy of a significant percent
of the population who explicitly or implicitly support any law or abrogation of law that
aims to maintain and enhance the white supremacist America that gives them a sense of
identity and security.
The answer to this threat is not to unquestioningly support the current order of laws
against far-right forces that seek to destroy it. The propagandistic value of calling
dictatorial edicts "laws" grew out of just such a fetishization of the legal. Instead, let
us counterpose their anti-Latinx xenophobia with anti-racism and internationalism. Some
racist policies are illegal and can be fought in the courts. Most are actually legal but
no less deserving of resistance, legal or otherwise.
This article was originally published on TruthOut.
Mark Bray is a historian of human rights, terrorism and politics in modern Europe. He is a
member of Black Rose/Rosa Negra Anarchist Federation and the author of Antifa: The
Anti-Fascist Handbook, Translating Anarchy: The Anarchism of Occupy Wall Street, and
co-editor of Anarchist Education and the Modern School: A Francisco Ferrer Reader. He is
currently a lecturer at Dartmouth College.
http://blackrosefed.org/deporting-us-citizen-trump-fascistic-bray/
------------------------------
Message: 3
Report on the 5th Black Rose/Rosa Negra National Convention, Los Angeles -- By Alex Isa
and Tanya TN with contributions from Agüey Baná and Adam Weaver ---- Note: This version
has been updated since the original posting. ---- Amidst heated discussions, mostly due to
warm California weather and packed rooms full of enthusiastic militants, 60 members of
Black Rose/Rosa Negra Anarchist Federation (BRRN) met August 3-5 in Koreatown, Los Angeles
for the organization's 5th National Convention. The weekend included three days of
discussion and strategy sessions aimed at strengthening the organization and focusing on
our goals at a time of rapidly evolving mass struggles and passionate debates about the
direction of revolutionary politics in the Americas.
The Struggle Continues
At last year's Convention in 2017, members received the news about events at
Charlottesville - the death of Heather Heyer and the many activists injured by white
supremacists. In stark terms, 2017 represented the continuation of repressive and
reactionary policies at various levels with the legal harassment of J20 protesters, the
detainment of migrant children, further attacks on organized labor, and the political
challenge represented by growth of left electoralism and sectors of the left seeking
institutional power. This marked the context in which BRRN members have been building a
broader analysis of political events while also working to build popular power where we
live, where we work, and where we study.
One of the strongest messages at the Convention were the examples of involvement in
dynamic organizing work despite often difficult circumstances. The Friday night panel
presentation event, "A Year in Popular Power," featured four BRRN members discussing their
organizing work over the past year and will soon be released as a four part Youtube series.
Enrique in North Carolina presented on organizing with fellow public school teachers in a
one day strike as part of the larger #RedForEd movement. Markie, based in Los Angeles,
shared their experiences organizing a Rapid Response Network through Koreatown Popular
Assembly, an initiative to quickly mobilize community members in Koreatown - many of whom
are undocumented - against ICE raids and incursions into their neighborhoods. In Central
Illinois, Tariq described their experiences organizing University of Illinois graduate
students - a highly exploited but part of a rapidly growing and increasingly militant
sector of labor - while resisting the siren song of opportunistic politicians. Stephan,
based in Portland, described the formation of a grassroots fast food workers' union
aligned with the IWW (the Burgerville Workers Union). Despite being one of several
campaign leaders fired during the the campaign, they described how during a time when
glossy labor initiatives such as Fight for $15 have been relatively unsuccessful in
winning concessions from fast food behemoths, the union landed a series of important
victories to become the first recognized fast food union in the US.
This range of projects, representing different communities and locations, joining in a
common struggle against exploitation and oppression, shows the importance of specific
anarchist organization as a powerful tool for work within larger social movements and
reflecting both a theory and practice of our shared libertarian socialist ideals. The
panel also highlighted the growing internal diversity of BRRN as an organization.
Expansion and Diversification
At at a time when sectors of the left have much work to do representing and centering the
communities implicated in political and social struggle, one of the bright spots of the
Convention was that it highlighted an increasingly diverse membership both in terms of
race and gender. One member from the Bay Area estimated that attendees consisted of 50%
women and over 50% people of color. This isn't a matter of optics for us. When we talk
about building popular power, we don't mean a project where cisgender white males dictate
the terms of revolutionary transformation, asking sex workers, incarcerated folks, queer
and transgender comrades, undocumented comrades, people of color, and working class
comrades to wait patiently for the next election, the next podcast, or the next journal
publication for their demands to be represented. What we envision is an organization of
committed militants representing oppressed communities and fighting by their side.
The growing diversity of BRRN could also be felt geographically. Since the organization's
2017 Convention new locals have formed in Seattle, Albuquerque, and the Bay Area, while
nearly all locals experienced membership growth.
Towards an Americas Coordinator
BRRN was extremely excited to arrange for and welcome several comrades from sister
organizations in Latin America as observers to the Convention. Their presence signaled our
strengthened ongoing personal and organizational ties between those of us struggling in
the belly of the beast of the US empire and the global south of Latin America.
International comrades present at the Convention represented Solidaridad (Chile), Acción
Socialista Libertaria (Argentina), and the Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (Brazil). As
members of anarchist and political organizations in countries with rich traditions of mass
revolutionary struggle, they contributed their insight to our discussions.
Far from being observers, our international comrades also contributed to a discussion and
proposal to establish the creation of an ‘Americas Coordinator,' which would act as a
coordinating body for similar revolutionary groups with northern and southern America. The
defined purpose would be "to formalize political relationships with organizations across
the Americas that share similar political programs, social insertion work, analysis, and
outlook." Concretely the purpose would be to organize exchanges among militants, develop
shared political analysis and perhaps even stimulate the formation of new political
organizations. Convention delegates overwhelmingly expressed their support for this
project before hearing more from a panel of the international attendees on their local
struggles. During the Convention, members of BRRN recorded messages of support for ongoing
struggles against the criminalization of abortion in Argentina and Chile as an expression
of solidarity.
Following the Convention, members of BRRN's International Relations Committee held a day
long meeting with the international comrades to exchange analysis and discuss the creation
of an anarchist coordinating body across the Americas. Members from each organization
discussed the political climate of each respective country, setbacks and internal
struggles within the organizations, as well as political struggles members had been active
participants in. At the end of the meeting, some of the organizations agreed to create a
proposal producing a shared analysis to build the Americas Coordinator with the purpose of
understanding the social, political and economic systems and structures each country faces
and which we seek to dismantle. After the shared analysis is created, the Coordinator will
discuss how we can move forward.
Developing a Shared Strategic Framework
Much of the work done by Convention attendees over the weekend consisted of reviewing and
revising the goals and objectives divided along various "sectors" of social movement work
such as labor organizing, territorial or neighborhood/community based organizing,
education struggles, anti-criminalization work against the prisons and police, and
analysis based committees such as the Radical Ecology Committee. A large portion of the
first day was devoted to breakout sessions where members were able to share specific
experiences and ideas related to these sectors - an energizing experience that brings
members together to build common analysis and to build a sense of the big picture and work
against the tendency of being "siloed" in local struggles and campaigns.
Important documents that emerged from discussions leading up to the Convention include a
follow up piece to "Below and Beyond Trump: Power and Counterpower" that would present a
revised analysis of the current political terrain (known as conjunctural analysis or
análisis de coyuntura) and with greater emphasis on a detailing a strategic framework
around building popular power. The working title to this is, "Popular Power in a Time of
Reaction."
Another important organizational document that was approved, after over a year of
discussion, clarifies expectations of BRRN members and the character, or profile, of the
organization and it's members or "militants." Each member of BRRN goes through an
integration process of 3-6 months consisting of meeting with active members and reading a
wide range of materials reflecting on anarchist theory and practice. The new document
affirms that BRRN members should continuously strive to meet a certain standard when it
comes to their social movement work. In other words, we must do more than attend meetings
and dabble in theory.
Conclusion
After three days of discussion, panels, breakouts, debates and votes the Convention
concluded with the singing of the classic anarchist Spanish Civil War anthem, "A las
Barricadas." Overall the Convention left attendees inspired that the organization has
continued to grow and mature in its level of political discussion and in developing a
shared sense of continuity and purpose. For new members Conventions are always important
opportunities to connect with the larger organization through meeting members from other
locals to participating in wider discussions and plugging into national level committee
work. This year, as before, we are reminded of the important role of political
organization in providing a common vehicle in building a new world, one where, "power and
participation flow from the bottom upwards and society is organized for peoples'
aspirations, passions, and needs rather than profit, white supremacy, and racial
domination, patriarchy, or imperialism; and where we live sustainably with the planet."
For more on our organization and politics, here's some recommend readings:
Strengthening Our Politics, Commitment and Growth: BRRN 4th National Convention
Below and Beyond Trump: Power and Counter-Power
Especifismo: The Anarchist Praxis of Building Popular Movements and Revolutionary Organization
Our Politics: Mission Statement and Points of Unity
Teaser Video for "A Year in Popular Power" a YouTube series based on the panel discussion
mentioned above:
https://youtu.be/i1lv5Tim55Q
http://blackrosefed.org/towards-strategy-popular-power-5th-convention/
------------------------------
Message: 4
Not Ideological Solidarity but Critical Revolutionary Solidarity: A Personal Reflection of
Yogyakarta/Indonesia Anarchist Black Cross (Palang Hitam) ---- Knowledge chooses its
project, each project is new and chooses its moments, each moment is new, but
simultaneously emerges from the memory of all the moments that existed before ---- The
Interior of the Absolute ---- It is fair to say that the Black Cross were initiated after
the May Day event in Yogyakarta 2018, a demonstration/blockades that ended up in a riot
between the so-called "local people" and the demonstrators (many, even the so-called
Student Organization involved in the organizing blamed the Black Clad anarchists for
igniting the riot and provoked property destruction, and to their surprised the graffiti
that call to "Kill the Sultan", until now there have been no one claimed this). Therefore,
even Palang Hitam now are progressing their activities to other places and helping other
revolutionaries who are facing the same legal consequences or just being in the grassroots
conflict to provide medical aid, its "over-lapping" solidarity still meant that Palang
Hitam were originated, initiated, and activated by the comrades who are "on the list" (of
the powers that be) and those who are completely not on the list but decided to actively
participated. So, in order to specified the location of these comrades, mainly central
java, it is fair to say that Palang Hitam is Palang Hitam Yogyakarta or Central Java.
What being said in this short critical reflection are based on specific geographical and
historical understanding of the anarchist movement or the revolutionary movement of
individuals against state and capitalism in Indonesia. There's no need to say about the
contrast between our geographical location and our comrades in the west and those who are
also in the global south, especially considering prison solidarity in its historic sense.
Indonesia, have plenty of oral history about prison rebellion and rebellious individuals,
but these were almost never written, these were almost like mythopoesis among criminals
for generation and some even become so legendary that it always inspired rebellion each
time there's a prisoner get beaten very severely or until they die. It is obvious there's
almost no official history of them because, who want to write about these violent,
lawless, and cool individuals? Even the so-called radical academics tend to avoid this
subject.
While in Spain we know histories such as GRAPO and their resistance and individuals such
as Xose Tarrio Gonzales, we surely have the latter but the former, such as a coordinated
organization inside prison and outside, was never really a history here. Or in Greece,
where the CCF and other organization such as ex of 17N and Revolutionary Struggle have
been doing their part in making escapes, rebellion, and even a plot to destroy the prison
completely to free their comrades.
In Indonesia (although it is better just to focus it in Java, because there are different
dynamics such as in West Papua or other parts of archipelagos regarding solidarity
action), what the populist-leftist movement inherited to us after the fall of New Order
regime, were just bitter pills of every revolutionary students each time they got arrested
and most of these leftist organization abandoned these individuals. Though it is not
better for the anarchist movement either regarding this situation, such as in 2011 where
two anarchists were arrested and the "movement" silenced themselves, deciding that the
action that was carried out (arson against ATM bank) were counter-productive to their
public organizing. What legacy did this populist leftist or the anarchist movement give to
the younger ones regarding prisoner solidarity? An endless stupidity of not knowing how
the legal system work, how advocacy work, and why you should not be afraid of being
arrested (there were cases where self-labeled anarchists went into hiding even though the
charges or the case were very specific that it is impossible for them to be arrested) or
why you should go underground, and why you the imprisoned comrades should not afraid of
making open letter to the comrades in national and international. These are the homework
for Palang Hitam and all another revolutionary movement that seek to destroy capitalism
and state using whatever strategy they see fit, that is to understand how the legal system
works and how to get around it to ease or makes our imprisoned comrades more confident in
their convictions. It also includes the choice that they wanted to make, because it is
their choice, not the people/organization/movement have the rights to dictates it to them.
Thus, the "unconsciousness" of the wanna-be insurgent wherever they understand the legal
consequences of their action. And note this: no movement who are seeking to overthrow the
capitalist system seriously are safe from the state backlash. The state is not neutral,
police and investigators are not going to save you from their web of law, because they are
a mere server or the attack dogs of the rulers and capitalists.
Don't expect something less, expect and anticipate more repression when you already attack
them. Remember, you're not fighting bullies, you're fighting a thousand years of an
advanced civilization that managed and developed the techniques to control and pacify you
each time they consider yourself or your movement a threat.
Critical Solidarity
Why, after the M1 in Yogyakarta, only Brian Valentino (Ucil) who got the most attention
than others? Are Palang Hitam were too ideological that they don't care other variants of
comrades who are also arrested? Of course, that's not the case. It is reported that only
Ucil that really stem from "anarchist" milieu although he prefers in not using any
adjectives. I am not saying that there are no anarchists other than Ucil but the only
individuals who were advocated and communicated with Palang Hitam were only Ucil, while
others (including those fucktards student brokers) prefer to compromise and tell on
others. While I can't generalize all of the imprisoned comrades, but there are also
comrades who don't cooperate but close themselves from Palang Hitam. The focus on Ucil
mere because of he was from a very far island, Manado, North Sulawesi. He was very active
in the action and his calm character facing repression while refusing to tell any names
during the interrogation was also the consideration.
Some weeks ago I received a letter concerning the action, an old friend but we have chosen
a different path, he said he has the chance to talk to some of the people who were
arrested for a day during the blockade, he said it caused a climate of paranoia. He also
advised me to talk to these people, whom I know but I don't really associated and have
different methods even in the form of ideas. The black-clad called themselves for M1 the
"Committee", which is a very loose association of anarchists and other tendencies, quite
strict but also flexible. These individuals on the Committee (supposed!) to understand the
backlash of doing such action: Blockades and confrontation (which doesn't really happened
because the police were spread in many areas and were confused about our action, well
until 3-4 hours later until they besieged us). Other leftists, NGO's, trade unionists,
artists and liberals parading on a very different place, they go to the governors building
doing the usual ritual of begging to the power that is. These individuals were the ones
who choose to go to our street blockades (which is around 5 or more km) because it was
louder, some of them even bring a drum to fuel to the riot. Some comrades who knew them
communicated about escape route when something happened and of course not all of the
comrades have the responsibility to talk to these people, especially I personally know
most of them, because most of them were there just for the spectacle! How brave these
liberals were, people whom I know personally always reject violent tactics or even their
POV towards state and capitalism. So why fuckin' bother? There's Ngo's, liberal hipsters,
and the tropical leftists! I was asking to myself, "What the fuck they were doing here!??"
Because I coordinated with others who in charge of guarding perimeters in case we were
going besieged then we have to go to the escape route. Most of the black-clads knew these,
Ucil's were just unfortunate, he fainted because his head was hit by a rock.
So now, I have to communicate, according to this white friend of mine, to those people who
were so recklessly coming to our blockades in the time where we were going to retreat?
First of all, I don't think I have to explain these action to liberals or the leftists.
They know that the kids were being confrontative and we were blockading the most strategic
route to the airport for hours, what do they expect? And now they said they feel
traumatized. Well, personally, since I know these people, I don't buy their trauma. First,
they only get arrested just for a night, many even only for hours and then released.
Second, why do I have to feel obliged to explain our action to these potential snitches?
This is no bravado nor macho posturing because the women that involved in the black-clad
were not arrested, I salute their bravery and trauma? No, although we were worried for our
arrested comrades, we still can laugh our ass off. Some of them went to the escape route
and found themselves assisted by the local villagers who asked them did they won? As the
villagers give them water and show a safe place to escape. Unlike the youtube video, these
villagers located near the university are also threatened to be evicted. There's no trauma
in us, our trauma is just not doing it better and to secure our own comrades. So to my
white friend, it's not me or other responsibility in order to "cure" their trauma, it's
them that have to ask themselves the choices that they've made that day.
These writings were far from comprehensive or maybe it is just a sort of personal defense.
I know that we are lacking in Security Culture, something that was already spread a decade
ago to various collectives. But what good is Security Culture when it is not actual nor it
is very detached from the actual. Or there are no actions because everyone is just too
scared to the point of hesitating in doing anything. Of course, there's this guide from
Crimethinc Collective which of course a very good and informative one:
https://crimethinc.com/2004/11/01/what-is-security-culture
It's easy, a western revolutionary manual for revolutionaries around the globe. Yeah
right. While its a worthy of our attention to learning it and also from various resources
concerning Security Culture, militant action, and legal aid for our imprisoned comrades,
it is just too lazy for us if we can only copy-paste everything from the west. We have to
learn it also from our past and present experiences, from our actual struggle, to know
ourselves better and our comrades. To keep each other safe and be more joyfully rebellious
and dangerous together!
No Revolutionary Solidarity to Snitches. I don't care for every leftists and liberal who
were very disappointed on why oh why only one of the Black-Clad were arrested!
"You got a bullet in your head."
Indonesian Anarchist Black Cross Site: palanghitam.noblogs.org
https://palanghitam.noblogs.org/not-ideological-solidarity-but-critical-revolutionary-solidarity-a-personal-reflection-of-yogyakarta-indonesia-anarchist-black-cross/
------------------------------
Message: 5
A new wave of shares against raising the retirement age begins in September, when the
State Duma plans to consider the bill in the second reading. In late August, the
authorities, including the president, began to make embarrassing attempts to soften some
of the provisions of the unpopular bill. This means - protests must continue! It is
necessary to ensure that the authorities had to not just make some concessions, sweetening
the bitter pill, but abandon plans to raise the retirement age in Russia. ---- A rally in
Moscow, organized by a coalition of independent trade unions, opposition parties and
public associations, will be held on September 2 at Suvorov Square. The beginning at 12
o'clock. Join the anarch block! ----Meetings "Anarchoblok against raising the retirement
age" in social networks:
Links for the followings at
https://avtonom.org/news/anarhoblok-protiv-povysheniya-pensionnogo-vozrast
in facebook
in contact with
Leaflets for distribution on shares against raising the retirement age can be downloaded from:
In response to the pension reform - do not pay and protest!
Leaflet with a call for a general strike against the pension reform
Attention! Simultaneously with the rally, initiated by the Confederation of Labor of
Russia, in which the Anarchoblok will take part against raising the retirement age, an
action announced by the Communist Party will take place in Moscow. At the last, in
addition to the topic of pension reform, there will be agitation for the candidate for
mayor of the capital from the Communist Party. We hope that the supporters of Anarchoblock
will come to the right action - to Suvorov Square!
https://avtonom.org/news/anarhoblok-protiv-povysheniya-pensionnogo-vozrasta
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Message: 6
For some years we have been facing a hardening of the authoritarian state and repression.
While austerity is increasing, as state managers have less and less leeway to carry out
policies systematically to the detriment of the working classes, the repression appears
for the ruling classes more and more as the unique answer to give to the movements of
revolt. ---- Militant safety ---- Download here ---- Moreover, the development of
far-right movements and ideas that we have been witnessing for years also goes in this
direction. The security, the surveillance, the repression have become answers to
everything, in a context where the terrorist attacks serve as a scarecrow to make accept
the population of many restrictions of freedoms. Thus, the permanent state of emergency
and the violent repression of the movement against the Labor Law are the last stages of
this authoritarian hardening of the French state, announcing a democracy or post-democracy
where public fundamental freedoms would no longer be guaranteed. only formally remaining
in a regime of bourgeois democracy.
In this context, revolutionary organizations like Alternative Libertaire are prime targets
for the state, which is obsessed with " anarchists ", the " ultra-left " or the "
anarcho-autonomous movement ". The movement against the Labor Law in the spring of 2016
has shown that AL activists have been targets of police choice leading to trials and
imprisonment or suspended sentences in several cities, not to mention the fact that a
large part of the members of the organization was arrested on 29 November 2015 during the
demonstration against the COP 21, prohibited under the state of emergency.
It is by being aware of these elements that this training book is written. It contains
some basic guidelines, good practices that any activist should know, in order to reduce
the exposure of our organization to surveillance and repression. This booklet is also a
tool to start discussions on this topic and only needs to be updated and completed over
time. It is not intended to be exhaustive and it is recommended to refer to more
comprehensive guides on each subject for those who really want to dig, which you can find
references at the end of the book. Nevertheless, these elements seem to us to be a minimal
gateway to militant security. We will add that far from being obvious, as we write these
lines,
The first part concerns computer security, to avoid electronic surveillance, and to
self-incriminate by electronic traces. The second concerns individual and collective
instructions that should be applied by revolutionaries in contexts of collective action
such as demonstrations. Finally, the third is a series of advice in case of arrest,
knowing that these are not a panacea, but just the way out of it as little as possible. To
conclude this introduction, we will add that the collective grip of security allows trust
and solidarity and thus adds cohesion within the groups that care, hence its importance.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Securite-militante
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