Today's Topics:
1. awsm.nz: Elisee Reclus on Kropotkin's ‘Words of a Rebel'
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Czech, afed: Meeting of unfortunate people -- Report from
the Autumn Existential Party [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. anarkismo.net: Note on the current state of class struggle
in Brazil - Brazilian Anarchist Coordination (CAB)
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
In October 1885, the anarchist revolutionary, Peter Kropotkin, was in a French prison,
having been condemned in 1882 for being a member of the by then defunct International
Workingmen's Association. Of course, the real reason for his imprisonment was that he was
directly involved in reviving the French anarchist movement after ten years of state
repression following the defeat of the Paris Commune. Kropotkin was the major contributor
to the manifesto that he and his co-defendants issued during their trial. While in prison,
his friend, the anarchist geographer Élisée Reclus, put together a collection of
Kropotkin's essays under the title, Words of a Rebel. Here I[Robert Graham]reproduce
Nicolas Walter's translation of Reclus' introduction. I previously posted some of Walter's
translations of Kropotkin's preface to the 1904 Italian edition and the post-script to the
1921 Russian edition.
Preface to Words of a Rebel
FOR TWO AND A HALF YEARS Peter Kropotkin has been in prison, cut off from the society of
his fellow-men. His punishment is hard, but the silence imposed on him concerning the
things he cares about most is much harder: his imprisonment would be less oppressive if he
were not gagged. Months and years may perhaps pass before the use of speech is restored to
him and he can resume interrupted conversations with his comrades.
The period of forced seclusion which our friend has to undergo will certainly not be
wasted, but it seems very long to us! Life quickly goes by, and we sadly watch the weeks
and months running out when this voice-so proud and honest among the rest-cannot be heard
at all. In its place, how many common places will be repeated to us, how many lying words
will afflict us, how many biased half-truths will ring about our ears! We long to hear one
of those sincere and forthright tongues which boldly proclaim the truth.
But if the prisoner of Clairvaux no longer has the freedom to speak to his comrades from
the depths of his cell, they can at least remember their friend and recall the words he
spoke before. This is a task which I am able to perform, and I have devoted myself to it
with pleasure. The articles which Kropotkin wrote from 1879 to 1882 in the ‘anarchist'
paper Le Révolté seemed to me ideal for publication in book form, especially because they
did not run after chance events but followed a logical order. The vigour of the thought
gave them the necessary unity.
Faithful to the scientific method, the author first explains the general situation of
society, with its scandals and defects, its elements of discord and war; he studies the
evidence of collapse shown by states, and shows us the cracks opening in their ruins. Then
he pushes the experience offered by contemporary history in the direction of anarchic
evolution, indicates its exact significance, and draws the lessons which it teaches.
Finally, in the chapter ‘Expropriation', he sums up his ideas, which derive from both
observation and experience, and appeals to men of good will who want not just to know, but
also to act.
I do not wish to sing the author's praises here. He is my friend, and if I said all the
nice things I think about him I might be suspected of blindness or accused of partiality.
It would be enough for me to report the opinion of his judges, even his jailers. Among
those who have observed his life, from far or near, there is no one who does not respect
him, who does not bear witness to his high intelligence and to his heart which overflows
with kindness, no one who does not acknowledge him to be truly noble and pure. Anyway, is
it not because of these very qualities that he has known exile and imprisonment?
His crime is to love the poor and weak; his offence is to have pleaded their cause. Public
opinion is unanimous in respecting this man, and yet it is not at all surprised to see the
prison gates closing remorselessly on him, so that it seems natural that superiority has
to be paid for and devotion has to be accompanied by suffering. It is impossible to see
Kropotkin in the prison yard and to exchange greetings with him without wondering: ‘And
what about me, why am I free? Could, it be perhaps because I am not good enough?'
However, the readers of this book should pay less attention to the personality of the
author than to the value of the ideas he expresses. These ideas I recommend with
confidence to honest people who do not make up their minds about a work before opening it,
or about an opinion before hearing it. Clear away all your prejudices, try to stand aside
temporarily from your interests, and read the pages simply looking for the truth without
bothering for the time being about its application. The author asks only one thing of you
- to share for a moment his ideal, the happiness of all, not just of a few privileged people.
If this desire, however fleeting it may be, is really sincere, and not a mere whim of your
fancy, an image passing before your eyes, it is probable that you will soon agree with the
writer. If you share his yearnings you will understand his words. But you know in advance
that these ideas will bring you no honour; they will never be rewarded with a well-paid
position; they may well bring you instead the distrust of your former friends or some
cruel blow from your superiors. If you seek justice, you can expect to suffer injustice.
At the time when this work is being published, France is in the middle of an election
crisis. I am not so naive as to recommend the candidates to read this book - they have
other ‘duties' to perform - but I do invite the electors to take a look at Words of a
Rebel, and I would particularly draw their attention to the chapter called ‘Representative
Government'. There they will see how far their confidence will be justified in these men
who are springing up on all sides to solicit the honour of representing their
fellow-citizens in Parliament.
At the moment all is well. The candidates are omniscient and infallible - but what about
the deputies? When they at last receive their share of the kingdom, will they not be
fatally afflicted by the dizziness of power and, like kings, be deprived of all wisdom and
all virtue? If they decided to keep all those promises which they made so lavishly, how
would they maintain their dignity in the midst of a crowd of petitioners and advisers?
Even supposing that they went into Parliament with good intentions, how could they emerge
without being corrupted? Under the influence of that atmosphere of intrigue, they can be
seen turning from left to right, as if they were impelled by an automatic
mechanism-clockwork figures who come out looking proud and strike noisily in front of the
clock face, then soon afterwards go round and disappear ‘pathetically into the works.
Choosing new masters is no solution at all. It is we anarchists, enemies of Christianity,
who have to remind a whole society which claims to be Christian of these words of the man
whom they have made a God: ‘Call no man Master, Master! Let each man remain his own
master.' Do not go to the offices of bureaucrats, or the noisy chambers of parliaments, in
the vain hope for the words of freedom. Listen rather to the voices which come from below,
even if they come through the bars of the prison cell.
Elisée Reclus
Clarens (Switzerland), October 1, 1885
https://robertgraham.wordpress.com/
http://awsm.nz/2018/10/19/elisee-reclus-on-kropotkins-words-of-a-rebel/
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Message: 2
When the Existence on the subject of "Reaction Reeds" came out in the spring , we assumed
that it would attract interest because of its urgency and that there would be no need for
participation in the subsequent Existential Party. But the footbridge error. We met all
three of us and decided they did not have the chance to play the talk in such a number, so
we just chatted for dinner at dinner. ---- So we asked for half an year whether the Autumn
Existential Party on "1968" would be unlikely to be alike, and whether it was still
interested in this format of discussion with the opportunity to engage in discussions on
the themes and form of anarchist publications. This kept some tension during the
preparation of Vegan Segedin goulash. We did not even pick up the biggest pot on it. But
after half past seven, the pot was gradually emptied, and there were enough people in
seven to start the talk.
Changes in the frequency of our review were announced at the beginning, the closest plans
of AF Publishing House were introduced, and then went straight to the topic of Existence's
last issue . More than a description of what's on his site, key questions were asked. How
important is it to deal with history and suffer Existence by giving it such space? What
caused the events of 1968? And what were its impacts? What stumbling blocks of
revolutionary tendencies came across and what were the roles of anarchists at the time?
Answers to these questions, or at least the effort to answer them, can be found inside the
magazine, at least at a brief summary.
This introduction was a good opportunity to pass the word to the representatives of the
Collective against Capital group, who is preparing a smaller lecture tour at the beginning
of November during which he wants to arrange a meeting with participants in the wild May
days in Paris in 1968. Such a tour has been a successful tour ten years ago. So there was
no need for a few mediated stories and a look at what was happening in France under
General de Gaulle then, and what was the difference between the events at colleges and
factories.
The debate de facto started the question after the revolutionary cycles. It was,
therefore, debating whether there really was such a thing or a coincidence, and also about
the conditions and impulses of the revolutionary years. Finally, the debate spoke about
the comparison of 1968 and 2011, when the Arab Spring was held and when the occupation of
the square in the United States, Spain, Greece and elsewhere was known. It has turned out
that there is also a tendency to idealize between us the events that we could not
experience at the time due to our age, as well as the fact that we are best speaking about
those periods we could watch directly. Like when we found that even if many movements
touched events in individual city districts, they had almost no impact on individual
workplaces. A good example was the recent protests in France, when the protesting people
worked during the day and at night, they revolted in the streets in their free time. There
was a question as to what influence the square in Spain and other southern states had on
the fact that there was huge unemployment among young people. It has also been said that
revolutionary events can best establish a movement that has long been anchored in
communities through its social activities. As an example, the Muslim Brotherhood, which,
although virtually not involved at the beginning of the Arab Spring, was the most
successful. Surprisingly, the debate turned only slightly to the experience of Prague
Spring 1968. It has also been said that revolutionary events can best establish a movement
that has long been anchored in communities through its social activities. As an example,
the Muslim Brotherhood, which, although virtually not involved at the beginning of the
Arab Spring, was the most successful. Surprisingly, the debate turned only slightly to the
experience of Prague Spring 1968. It has also been said that revolutionary events can best
establish a movement that has long been anchored in communities through its social
activities. As an example, the Muslim Brotherhood, which, although virtually not involved
at the beginning of the Arab Spring, was the most successful. Surprisingly, the debate
turned only slightly to the experience of Prague Spring 1968.
The format of the Existential Party has proved to be successful despite the previous
failure and we can count on the next issue of Existence .
https://www.afed.cz/text/6892/setkani-nepametniku
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Message: 3
The current Brazilian political scenario demands a lot of lucidity and coolness from all
the people's fighters and their analysis of reality. We, the Brazilian Anarchist
Coordination, modestly seek to make our contribution to the understanding of the
convulsive political-social scenario, the main line of which is in the legal-parliamentary
coup that toppled Dilma Rousseff from government. We have recently experienced the
so-called exhaustion of the New Republic pact of 1988. Said pact maintained the social
exclusion of those at the bottom of society, while guaranteeing minimal legal rights, in a
coalition involving bourgeois politicians, businessmen, the military and part of the
reformist sectors of the left.
The construction of the Brazilian state, however, has always been closer to the interests
of the imperialist powers of the day than to the majority of the population. A penal state
for the poor has always been the norm for the institutions of bourgeois democracy. The PT
governments, since Lula, have increased the criminal machinery of public order with a
whole legislative-judicial apparatus that reproduced the super-incarceration of blacks and
the poor and the repressive apparatus that attacks social struggles. The pact of class
conciliation was broken and collaborationism ripped open to give way to the aggressive
agenda of financial capitalism over social rights, partial freedoms and public goods -
which were historic victories of the popular movement.
The empire shows its claws
We can not understand this movement that is happening in our country outside the
geopolitical reality of our Latin American continent. We need to calibrate our analytical
tools and better locate Brazil as a peripheral nation within the world-system to
understand what is at stake. This nation that continues to maintain its (primary)
agro-exporting vocation and, in the last ten years, has aligned itself with the
construction of IIRSA - the South American Regional Infrastructure Integration Initiative
(now COSIPLAN). This plan sought to maximise the exploitation of our natural resources,
accelerate the process of supplying international markets with these resources and benefit
transnational companies.
This plan has meant a new offensive in line with free trade agreements established between
the United States and some countries in the region in an attempt to expand the neoliberal
model in South America, even during the wave of progressive and centre-left governments.
The economic crisis of 2008 caused great difficulties for the United States in maintaining
the international agenda, which after the fall of the Twin Towers had as its main
objective the guarantee of its global hegemony, which is very evident in the various
aggressive interventions driven by the empire. There is a clear reading on the part of
imperialism that "where Brazil goes, Latin America goes with". And in this sense, as our
Latin American continent is seen as a strategic reserve for the USA (of natural, energy
and political resources), the unfolding of the Brazilian political scene is of great
importance to Washington.
The 2016 coup not only dismantled the small gains of the previous period but also deepened
financial and international control of the national economy in the form of the purchase of
"assets". Austerity that imposes itself on the scene with toga blows, with Lava Jato
aligned with imperialism through the strategy of lawfare. Control of the infrastructure,
renewable energies, services, health and education sectors by US and Chinese companies is
also increasing. As far as oil is concerned, 13 multinationals have already appropriated
75% of the pre-salt layer, led by Shell and BP, whose last auction rounds took place in
October of this year. From the political point of view, the actions of imperialism consist
of disorganising any possibility of the Brazilian scenario - even under a reformist
center-left government - representing any threat to its interests at the continental
level. It is important to be clear that the course of the electoral dispute in Brazil will
have clear developments regarding the crisis of the Venezuelan regime. At the end of this
process, the contribution to the political destabilisation of the country, or even the
possibility of military intervention, could be effective.
The new National Security Doctrine: the military does politics and makes threats
It should be noted that a few years ago, even in the PT government, a new National
Security Doctrine (DNS) was inaugurated with General Etchegoyen in the Brazilian armed
forces. A doctrine that sees groups linked to drug trafficking, human rights or
environmental NGOs, government agencies of an "ideological" nature and social movements
linked to a vision of the left as new internal enemies. One of the elements of this
doctrine is the hollowing out of the role of universities and of research, the hardening
of the penal code, the continuation and expansion of super-imprisonment and the adoption
of counter-espionage measures. The doctrine uses controls of social media, the spreading
of rumours, disqualification of accusers and the use of fake documents. The promotion of
strikes, blocking of roads, occupation of land and buildings and the struggle for social
rights for political minorities are now characterised as "terrorist actions".
It was this new doctrine that was responsible for the lobby for approval of the
anti-terrorism law passed by Dilma. Its purpose is to create a new pact, a "new democracy"
where the military plays an active role in the new geopolitics of the continent and in
national politics.
To sum up. The "liberal democratic state" mounted on the exception for the "dangerous
classes" is in the process of being reconfigured as a power game of the ruling classes (in
some places, narco-state), and causes the reasons of state and its relations with the
interests of imperialism to emerge from within itself. The forces of reaction operate in
the context as a police state. Austerity policies that cut so deep into the people's flesh
and cause the ambitions of the capitalist class and its lackeys to explode, sooner or
later, calls for security in its favour and extends the space of exception to redefine the
norm of the system.
The center-left bets all its chips on the polls
The Brazilian left and center-left bet their luck at the polls as if they expect bourgeois
democracy to come to their rescue, protect their rights, limit the garrotte and defeat
imperialism. While the system steadies its aim and dresses itself in a toga or a uniform
to exert power, always with support from the US government. The opposition movements on
the left that emerged after the legal-parliamentary coup and that took the streets
unfortunately enter into this pragmatic logic, of reasons of state and government, where
the enemy on the extreme right would supposedly be defeated by the ballot box and the vote.
The center-left strives to channel these efforts into electoral accumulation, expending
all its energy on the institutional dispute and the rotten game of electoral parties, to
the detriment of the class struggle. The Brazilian political scene is marred by the fraud
of a representation that for bourgeois liberals has always been a mechanism that
legitimises the usurpation of collective forces and common goods by the powerful will of
minorities. But we know that the system twists the constitution and melts away the rule of
law when it comes to defending the interests of its ruling classes.
We must strive to build a long-term project that points towards the unions, the popular
organisations as the most correct alternative for the people to defend their rights and
participate in political life, deepening direct democracy, repudiating class conciliation
and combatting proto-fascism without respite.
Proto-fascism as a super-dosage of the programme of the powerful
This configuration of political power is also aided by propaganda tactics and direct
action by reactionary sectors and ideologically affiliated groups on the far right, which
are generally backed by legal-police apparatuses. A factor that has an impact on the
streets and that everything suggests is going to grow, opening a space for their agents to
push the national political scene and to align themselves with what is happening at a
continental level.
That is not all. It is also attuned to the economic frustration, the failure of political
solutions by representation and the destabilisation of values associated with positions of
power in the family, culture and education. A conservative subjective production that has
a vector of capillarisation in the evangelicals and its popular base. This new right
transited from the PT discourse to the radicalism of the anti-political and "anti-system"
discourse, configuring itself as a right that speaks not only to the elites, but also to
the popular and peripheral sectors. They act in the social vacuum left by the centre-left,
which stands only in the defence of bourgeois democracy.
The despicable figure of Bolsonaro is inserted in this attempt to deepen patriarchal
violence against women, LGBTs, indigenous people, blacks and quilombolas[1]and the
destruction of social rights. Violence that materialised in several attacks carried out by
his supporters around Brazil, among them that which resulted in the brutal murder of
Mestre Moa do Katendê in Salvador. Far from minimising the barbarism that Bolsonaro
represents, it is necessary to insert it within a functional logic of the application of
austerity policies, of imperialist recolonisation of the country at a faster rate than
would be under a center-left government.
The polls will not defeat imperialism, austerity and proto-fascism
The result of the elections, therefore, does not resolve the complex context posed by the
negative correlation of forces for the working class. All scenarios are of deepening class
struggle and oppression. The "useful vote" against the Bolsonaro slate will at most cause
an extension, leading to a very complicated "third round" that will not be decided at the
polls. The struggle is a long-term one for the construction of a mass class alternative
that does not surrender itself to reasons of state, to governability and to agreements
subordinated to the empire. But that constitutes itself as a social force capable of
defeating the bourgeoisie, imperialism and its attacks. Our class banners need to be
raised upward in this moment of proto-fascist and ultraliberal attack. We can not succumb
to the demobilising panic and fear provoked by the reactionary elites. Our role is to
actively resist, reinforcing class solidarity, to ensure struggle on the streets and the
permanent mobilisation of those at the bottom of society!
We therefore advocate:
* Unity for anti-fascism beyond the polls, at the grassroots and on the streets. The
struggle will define what is to come. Unity will be in actions, mobilisations against
neoliberal attacks and the barbarism promoted by Bolsonaro and his coreligionists.
* Struggle for the defence of social rights. Fight against privatisations and attacks on
the downtrodden. Fight against attacks on education, pension reform, fight against the
rising cost of living, the criminalisation of social movements and the process of genocide
of black, peripheral and indigenous people.
* Building of a general strike against the advance of fascism and attacks on workers'
rights, which is the agenda of imperialism in the next period, of the business and
political elites independent of the elections.
A strong people to stop fascism!
Struggle and organisation against neoliberal barbarism!
- Brazilian Anarchist Coordination - Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (CAB)
Notes
1. A quilombola is a resident of a quilombo in Brazil. They are the descendants of
Afro-Brazilian slaves who escaped from slave plantationsthat existed in Brazil until
abolition in 1888.[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Quilombola]
Related Link: https://anarquismo.noblogs.org/?p=974
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31163
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