Anarchic update news all over the world - 9.12.2018

Today's Topics:

   
1.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #288 - Read: Sembene, "The
      Wooden Tips of God" (fr, it, pt)[machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  Britain, Class War: WE MUST ACT THIS WEEKEND
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  wsm.ie: Alan MacSimoin (1957-2018 - Rest In Power
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  Greece, "Black & Red" Call for the 6 December demonstration
      [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #289 - Renault: At the
      Douai plant, "production ? It is death" (fr, it, pt)[machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
  
 6.  dirty horse APO: RESPONDING TO THE IMPROVEMENT,
      PROBOCATOLOGY AND SOCIETY OF THE ORGANIZED AND 
      LONG-TERM
      COMPETITION WITHIN AND OUTSIDE THE SCHOOLS (gr) [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
7.  Britain, anarchist communist group ACG: The Yellow Vests in
      France (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1






Ibrahima Bakayoko, the wise and charismatic leader of the strike movement in Ramatoulaye, 
Mame Sofi and all the women of Dakar, each and everyone faces the repression and the 
hunger, the dissensions and the doubts to make, finally, to triumph the solidarity ... 
---- Published in 1960, it is a classic that does not take a ride. The Wooden Tips of God 
were written by Ousmane Sembene. A writer, director and actor born in Senegal in 1923, who 
will be a skirmisher before being a syndicated docker CGT in Marseille in the 1950s. ---- 
Here, he gives the fictionalized five-month-long story of the railway workers' strike on 
the Dakar-Niger railway line in 1947. At the origin of the movement, the low wages paid to 
the black railway workers, salaries that are out of all proportion to those perceived by 
their white counterparts. . Railwaymen also carry other demands such as family allowances, 
annual holidays, etc.

On October 10, 1947, the 20,000 railway workers of the Dakar-Bamako line, who call 
themselves God's wooden stakes, start the strike. But the conflict is hard and it goes on 
forever. Hunger suffocates families and, with boredom, it's alcohol that ends up winning 
the strikers.

As the story unfolds, traps and false friends are revealed: the imams try to demobilize, 
claiming that it is opposed to the will of God to challenge the bosses  ! The latter, they 
try to corrupt some strikers to divide the movement while the colonial administration 
violently represses to serve the interests of the railway company. The railwaymen and 
their families can only rely on themselves and the self-organization of their struggle.

Beyond Sembene's captivating writing, it's an instructive reading that shows how struggles 
can change lives as well as those who live them. Ibrahima Bakayoko, the striker leader, in 
Ramatoulaye, Mame Sofi and all the women of Dakar, each face repression and hunger, 
dissension and doubts ... Thus, at first in the background, we see how women end up 
finally by taking on an increasingly important role in the fight. She who was despised for 
her morals becomes a respected activist of all.

The struggle, despite its painful trials, allows for progress in rights as in social 
relations. This is one of the greatest interests of Sembene's work, a good illustration of 
this phrase of Marx: " From time to time, the workers triumph ; but it is an ephemeral 
triumph. The true result of their struggles is less the immediate success than the growing 
union of the workers ". To read, reread and make read.

Benjamin (AL Angers)

Ousmane Sembene, The Wooden Tips of God , Pocket, 1960, 416 pages, 5.95 euros

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Roman-Les-Bouts-de-bois-de-Dieu

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Message: 2





Those who do insurrections by half are only digging their own graves. At the point we are 
at, with today's means of repression, either we topple the system or it will crush us. It 
would be a serious error of judgement to underestimate this government's level of 
radicalisation. Anyone who sets themselves up, in the days ahead, as a mediator between 
the people and the government will be torn to pieces: nobody wants to be represented any 
more, we are all big enough to speak for ourselves, to notice who is trying to us calm us 
down, who is trying to recuperate us. And even if the government takes a step backwards, 
it will only be proving that we are right to have done what we have done, that our methods 
are the right ones.
Next week will therefore be decisive: either even more of us manage to stop the economic 
machine by blocking ports, refineries, stations, distribution centres etc, by really 
taking the government's inner sanctuaries and its regional offices next Saturday, or we 
are lost. Next Saturday, the marches for the climate, which start from the principle that 
those who led us into this catastrophe aren't going to get us out of it, have no reason 
not to join us in the streets. We are a hair's breadth away from the breakdown of the 
machinery of government. Either we succeed in the coming months to bring about the 
necessary change of course, or the coming apocalypse will be twice as heavy, with a 
clamp-down on a scale scarcely hinted at so far on social media.

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Message: 3





The WSM are shocked and deeply saddened to learn of the death of Alan MacSimoin, one of 
our founder members, a friend, and a key central figure in building the anarchist movement 
in Ireland for over four decades. Alan had not been a member of WSM for some years but 
remained politically active right to the end. His last Facebook post on November 29th was 
supporting the locked out bricklayers at Mary's Mansions. Alan will be sorely missed by 
all in the WSM and we offer our heartfelt condolences to his family and friends. ---- Alan 
(right) leading a small pro-choice march in 2002 ---- Alan was one of a generation 
radicalised by the civil rights and republican struggles of the late 1960's and 70's.  The 
lessons he learned from the more authoritarian aspects of those movements led him to 
anarchism and the realisation that a serious, committed anarchist organisation was needed. 
  If the dream of a world where people were free of both bosses and gombeen politicians 
was to be realised, an anarchist organisation was the vehicle.   Building this was not 
just a question of beautiful ideas but of concrete sustained work in the struggles of the 
working class. There were few if any significant struggles over the last five decades that 
Alan was not part of.  Politics was grounded in struggle.  The answers did not come down 
from the mountain in the hands of some self-appointed leader, instead people built towards 
them in struggle and through campaigns.

His generosity with his time meant he frequently played quite a central role, particularly 
in those years when the numbers of people willing to take a public stand on abortion 
access or Garda brutality were few. Even in his mid 50's, Alan refused to be intimidated 
and held his ground when the Garda attacked an anti-capitalist demonstration outside the 
Shelbourne hotel in 2011.  He was an inspiring figure for those of us who were younger and 
drawn towards anarchism, but had little experience in its practice.  Alan demonstrated 
that being an anarchist was being an activist, an active trade unionist, a campaigner, a 
writer, an historian, and crucially, an organiser.

As part of that work Alan tirelessly wrote and spoke in favour of anarchism. While he was 
an active WSM member, there were few issues of any of our publications that did not 
contain at least one article from Alan, frequently two, with the second being signed off 
with his Joe King pseudonym.  Those writings, talks, and recordings are part of the legacy 
he has left to the movement, as well as the example he set to many of us who worked with 
and alongside him.  In time, we will produce a more detailed account of his anarchist life 
and actions.

We continue the struggle he dedicated so much of his life to.  In the fight against the 
Iraq war back in 2004, there was one particular demonstration which led to a mass trespass 
and shut down of Shannon airport which was being used by the US Army.  Hundreds of us were 
shaking the fence and then it collapsed.   We remember Alan walking casually out towards 
the runway as the security scrambled to shut down the airport.

We suspect that is how he would have wanted to be remembered.
---
Top images shows Alan leading a pro-choice march through Temple bar in the period when the 
Women on Waves ship visited Dublin with the announced intention of breaking the law by 
providing abortions.

Video - Alan speaking at the 2015 Dublin anarchist bookfair about the successful campaign 
to stop the construction of a nuclear power plant at Carnsore

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5QXmPuhQucY

Video interview with Alan from 2015 on the left & republicanism in the 1970s
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IMlKFZPQxvw

https://wsm.ie/c/alan-macsimoin-rest-in-power

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Message: 4





6TH DECEMBER 2008: THE PANDOUS EXERCISE ---- On the evening of December 6, the expert 
guardian Epimencing Corkonas, escorted by a second special guard by Vassilis Sarliotis, 
performs 15 years old student Alexandros Grigoropoulos in Exarchia. Corkonne's move is by 
no means an isolated occurrence, not only because we are well aware that the central part 
of the role of the Police and its right-wing personal beliefs is the violent repression of 
young people, but even more so because the act of Corkonas expressed at one particular 
moment, the brutal response of the state and the bosses to the collapse of the conflicts 
that sparked the social movement of that period. It was the point where the state showed 
its teeth to the protestors in the European Union in 2003, ---- But the answer they 
received behind them was terrorized as long as they had not terrorized anything else 
throughout the post-conflict period.
The rage overcame the streets of distribution of goods, parade of troops and their ideas. 
There were fires of fire, a generalized conflict with their occupation army. Meetings, 
marching, squatting, on every side of the country, massive and widespread attacks on 
police departments across the country from anarchists, students and a world written on the 
side of the insurgents. Fire in staffs, terror in the headquarters of the state.

6TH DECEMBER 2018: BATSI - PHASES - CABINS EXERCISE SHOWS THE ROAD FOR THE SOCIAL RESPONSE 
THAT WILL GET THERE ABOUT YOU
December 6 is not just an anniversary of our agenda. Not a red smudge in our diaries to 
remember that something happened then. It was more of us than a moment of anger and anger. 
For us it was an evolutionary revolutionary process. Full memories of acts of resistance 
and disobedience. Formed the uprising of the oppressed against the state and the capital. 
Through the December flame we have collectivized our resistances, we have been together 
with other old and new fighters, grew up and evolved as a movement. The December uprising 
was but the beginning for our next struggles. Our struggles that have become even tougher 
in order to be able to cope with the state's anti-expulsion campaign. The gradual 
activation of the partisan extremist groups in the immediate next period, the state of 
exclusion that was widened with the first victims of refugees and immigrants, the informal 
establishment of the state of emergency by sharpening the repression at all levels in 
correspondence with the exacerbation of the capitalist crisis were the papers dominated by 
the sovereignty to ensure that no one December will never happen again. They are getting 
up. Their class reigns, but does not rule. The raging blows in Syntagma Square, the total 
attack on our occupations during the period 2011-2012, the murders of Paul Fissa, Shahat 
Lukman and Jacques Kostopoulos, the torture by cops to comrades and comrades anti-fascists 
did not take our momentum for a new society of equality.
Today, the co-operation of all the forces of the political spectrum from the left ruling, 
until the conservative extreme-right and the neo-Nazis thinks that it has hit hard, but 
the seed of December can not be uprooted.

10 years from that December we still struggle with the monster.
Power over all these years is trying to suppress the wrath of the oppressed. We all see 
poverty, unemployment and poverty growing. People eat from rubbish, students are faint 
because of hunger, young people and new people are unemployed for a long time, immigrants 
are looking for a better tomorrow, but they only receive fear and hate. The ruling class 
is reluctantly trying to uphold the Greek state's involvement in transnational 
competitions, by strengthening its association with NATO, both in the Balkans (with 
Macedonia's main peak) and in the South East Mediterranean (worsening the confrontation 
with the Turkish state , in view of the exploitation of the rich sources in the Aegean), 
to gain even more.
Power knows how to play the game of "divide and reign" by creating a false imaginary image 
of unity between the exploited and the exploiters. So we saw the fascist / neo-Nazi 
propaganda launched by the White Tower's nationalist rush last winter to end up in some 
schools in Thessaloniki and the district with far-right occupations. Only those who 
volunteer do not see that everyone is served by the game of fascists, who certainly use 
the Macedonian - in the absence of a powerful anti-war / internationalist movement - to 
recruit new children to their neo-Nazi / nationalist groups. That the fascists serve 
everybody and have the direct and indirect support of the cops, the guardians, the 
political parties,

"Do you smile what do they want?"
We are called to align our lives with the requirements of each state and to fight for the 
interests of capital. We as anarchists refuse to play in any game of power. When we are 
going to make our move, it will be overwhelming and dissolve our bloated world that has 
been set on our blood. Against this daily violence and the system that oppresses us, we 
reverse that social dynamics and the outburst of the "bottom" to crush our masters and 
exploiters. We are vigorously dismantling social cannibalism and we fight him wherever we 
meet him without turning.
We do not forget any pariah and oppressed, no companion and fighter, who was wrongly lost 
by the hands of the "mighty" of this world. This world we will change.

ALEXIS, PAUL, LUKMAN AND ZAK ZOUNE WITHIN OUR RELATIONS FOR THE COURSE OF THE STATE AND 
THE WORLD OF EXPLOITATION AND ENFORCEMENT

FOR A FREE EQUALITY SOCIETY FOR FREEDOM OF COMMUNICATION
AND ANARCHY

THURSDAY 6 DECEMBER

12:00 KAMARA We support the student call and demonstrate with the block of the Anarchist 
Student Assembly "Quieta Movere"

17:30 KAMARA CONCENTRATION // DECLARATION with the common anarchist block

Local Coordination of APO-OS Thessaloniki

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Message: 5





At the factory, since the battles lost against Labor laws, unionism is weakened, and the 
atmosphere as gray as our work blues. There is enough to revolt: violence and dangerous 
repetitive work, shenanigans, intimidation and threats ... It is the temporary workers who 
suffer the most. ---- Already 4 am, the alarm clock pulls me out of bed. A few minutes 
later I am in the kitchen, in blue work, swallowing a coffee and ... some pills to relieve 
tendon pain. It is only Wednesday and already the fatigue of the week is accumulating. My 
old Ford starts, phew ! Let's go for the daily commute, with the same cars on the road, 
the same people, the same car park on which I park after having crossed the large porch 
proclaiming "  Welcome to the Georges-Besse factory - Renault Douai  ".

Georges Besse, the CEO of Renault executed by the group Direct Action in 1986, considered 
that this factory, built in 1970, was "  a mistake  " . At the time, the state-owned 
shareholder had insisted that it be implanted in the Douaisis, promised mass unemployment 
by the closure of coal mines. By the end of the 1970s, 8,500 employees were working there. 
Today we are 3,400 on permanent contracts  ; 800 to 1,300 temporary workers according to 
the periods ; 15 to 20  % of women.

The production is divided between several buildings, on nearly 350 hectares. In the "  DB 
building  ", we receive and assemble the organs of the engines: starter, alternator, 
radiator and a whole lot of other stuff ... In stamping and sheet metal buildings, huge 
presses the size of a small building transform large rolls of sheet metal (each costs 
millions of euros ...) in covers, sides of cases, wings, etc. They will then be welded and 
assembled by robots before deburring. At the painting building, the still naked crates are 
immersed in huge baths of paint before sending them to the assembly building, the "  DA ". 
". There, on an assembly line that runs on two floors, all the rest of the vehicle is 
assembled (dashboard, steering wheel, seats, electronics, options, windows). The completed 
vehicle is tested, then parked on a parking lot from which the trucks of the Cat will 
embark the Space, Talisman and other Scenic.

Struggles among temporary workers
At this moment, on the factory, the atmosphere is as gray as our work blues. The lost 
battle against the labor laws weighs heavily on morale. Two combative unions coexist on 
the site. The CGT is quite close to unsubstantial France, and SOUTH more politically 
independent, but both carry similar claims and often act together. Unfortunately, the 
intermittent calls to the strike, in 2016 and 2017, mobilized only convinced. On one of 
the days of action, a group of young temporary workers was on the verge of going on 
strike, but the management has stifled the rebellion in the bud. The team leaders came 
running to threaten them ( "  It's forbidden for temporary workers ! And your contract ? 
"). SOUTH and the CGT, parties in protest at that time, could not intervene, and there was 
nothing to expect from FO and the CFDT, non-strikers for the most part.

Reformers (claimed) of FO, the majority, do not hesitate to explain to the operators that 
they have more to gain by collaborating with the management rather than by fighting. Only 
the CFDT is more yellow, with caricature leaflets boasting of "   winning   " rolls and 
sweets for the staff !

Compulsory volunteering infernal rates
There is enough to revolt at Renault Douai. At the very bottom of the scale, it is the 
temporary workers who cash the most, forced to accept overtime. They are the first victims 
of Saturday said "  volunteering  " - ironically renamed "  voluntary volunteering  " . 
The team leader regularly makes individual canvassing to fill his schedule of " volunteers 
  " threatening them in a veiled way of non-renewal of their contract.

No wonder we drag our feet to work on Saturday in this factory worthy of Germinal . 
Violence of repetitive work, musculoskeletal disorders (MSDs), intimidation and threats, 
not to mention the dangerous working conditions, as at the PSA plant in Trith-Saint-Léger [1].

To the question "  what is production  ?  Operators and operators will answer: " 
Production is death.  On the chain, the pace (61 vehicles per hour  !) Is grueling despite 
anxiolytics and painkillers. It was discovered that it was sometimes accelerated in 
secret, just to catch up. Before a delegate notices and protests, schemers put the speed 
back to normal ... This summer, because of high temperatures, an interim has caused 
discomfort. Chain stopped. Alerted, the head of the editing department came running. Not 
to take his news, but to assess the lost time and restart production as soon as possible.

In fact, it is common that if an agency worker is injured on the chain, the leaders 
dissuade him from going to the infirmary. A leader takes the wounded to the bathroom and 
then, a disinfectant blow on the wound, a bandage, and return to production. The goal ? Do 
not raise the curve of work accidents, to give a model factory image in terms of safety. 
We must "  be competitive with the other factories of the group,  " we are told, otherwise 
"  the site will close  " ! SUD and the CGT keep denouncing this organization of work, but 
the management turns a deaf ear, obsessed by its "  kaizen  " projects . Behind this 
managerial jargon and its goal of " improvement of ergonomics  " hides a trivial reality: 
it is to locate the positions that could be removed to redistribute tasks to other 
workers, preferably temporary. For fear of losing his job, the interim does not protest ...
Fight against suffering at work
How to deal with the violence of bosses and work ? The only foci of possible resistance 
here are SOUTH and the CGT, even if they are weakened. It is through mutual help and 
collective struggle that everyone can gain confidence and invest. Today, we must fight for 
less suffering at work. Tomorrow, we will fight for the socialization of the means of 
production, under the control of the workers. When the first and the first concerned will 
organize the production themselves, it will be the end of the suffering, the reign of the 
chiefs and the mistreatment. We can invent a society rid of capitalism and Carlos Ghosn 
and Thierry Bolloré of all kinds !

Damien (AL Douai)

[1] Read "  Peugeot-PSA: they push their pace, we count our dead  ", Alternative 
libertarian , October 2018.

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Renault-A-l-usine-de-Douai-la-production-C-est-la-mort

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Message: 6






Recently, a series of events have been held in the city of Patras, which demonstrate in 
the most clear way that in times of kinematic retreat, weakening of social and class 
resistances, and lack of kinematic perspective, many forces opt for the road of 
opportunistic alliances no relation to the struggle and its stakes) and their 
"self-preservation" policy. At the same time, for KKE-PAME, the imposition of its policy 
agenda in all fields with practices of cannibalism, isolation and exclusion of any other 
voice from the movement is much more important than the assumption of creating resistance 
points and demands, from the case of the same the struggle for social liberation. The 
existing condition is typically reflected in 2 events of the last period:

Firstly, in order to interpret recent events, we must first mention the role of KKE / PAME 
in the city of Patras in recent years. The appointment of Keleti Peletidis, a member of 
the KKE, to a mayor in the municipal elections of 2014, combined with the acquisition of 
PAME-positive correlations recently in the Center of the Center and their general 
political hegemony in most of the social fields of the city, laid the groundwork for the 
KKE to try to impose itself as the owner of the general strikes, the student clubs, the 
social-class fronts, and all the events happening in Patras.

Regarding the situation on November 17, 2-3 days before the start, there was a regular and 
occasional maneuver by left-wing organizations, who, in their effort to serve their 
petroleum aspirations, for a "prominent position" on the board of directors Of the 
Municipality, did not hesitate to overrule student clubs decisions and to cancel the call 
for a meeting and course from the Annex at 18:00 in order to be included in the Annex and 
then unified with the course of the KKE a started from pl. Olga at 17:00. Apart from the 
problematic behind the "political" rationale for the transfer of the call, the ownership 
logic of the organizations that have carried the call can not be overlooked by the student 
associations.

With their specific political stance, the chronic and uninterrupted provocatology of the 
KKE at the expense of the anarchist / anti-authoritarian / libertarian space was 
strengthened, legitimized and justified, while at the same time indirectly welcomed the 
political confusion and mockery of the place and history of the Observatory as a center 
struggle, political groups and ventures that are active or have a reference to it. Also, 
we have seen in practice that for these organizations that chose to circumvent student 
club decisions and change the calls from their adopted frameworks, the General Assemblies 
as bodies do not have a decisive and powerful character but can be circumvented at all 
times and times, depending on their small-scale aspirations and aspirations. Confrontation 
with these logic must be carried out politically in order to highlight the problems and 
the impasse that lead them. What we have to worry about is the political defeat of these 
views and the prevalence of a kinematic logic. The choice of physical confrontation with 
them is only for the movement, it is just an alibi for their choices.

As a libertarian figure, intervening for 3 days in the annex area, we remained faithful to 
our initial call, for a run at 6 from the Annex, and we traveled with our own block to the 
streets of Patras. We walked along with the student clubs and the other forces that they 
chose to go with the starting point of the Annex, against the effort to break down and 
unfold the course. For us, the Annex is an area that has been a base for struggles against 
the state and capital for decades, the state repression, the fascist threat. It is a 
timeless struggle center that is charged with the social and class struggles of the past: 
Rebellion of the Polytechnic, the assassination of Nikos Temondera, student protests '90 
-'91, rebellion 2008 ...

That is why any thought of abandoning the Appendix as a starting point for the course of 
the Polytechnic would mean for us a political retreat and acceptance of all the attempt to 
slander by these political organizations that are provocative against other struggling 
people. Also, occasional cooperation with a compact and intransigent party mechanism, 
without any political criterion, would inevitably lead to the assimilation of our own 
political forces and the silence of our own political agenda, which is in sharp contrast 
to that of the KKE. The local massiveness of PAME's and KKE's paths is not an excuse for 
such a political choice that goes beyond the political correlations of a city.

The "unified" course advocated by these left-wing organizations that chose to change their 
call means only political integration and capitulation with the content of the US and 
KNE's policy agenda (state-run university care, a common block of professors and students 
against mergers , evacuation of the annex and use by the Municipality), and acceptance of 
their chronic malodourishment at the expense of libertarian space. It is also known this 
year's propaganda launched by the Municipal Authority in a public announcement of her 
writing about "provocations set up by anti-authoritarians in the annex area". It is also 
worth mentioning that at the meeting called by the Municipality of Patras at the Labor 
Center for the course from Pl. Olga, it was explicitly and unambiguously stated that in 
the event that "anarchist-marginal groups of the Annex attempt to approach the unified 
course they will be targeted and isolated from the body of the course". These statements 
are a small sample of the KWG's post-war stance and a warning about what would happen in 
the November 28th strike.

Namely, 28 November was a day of strike and mobilization of workers and fighters. The 
Anarchist Blocks (Dysenny Equus and Comrades / Equals, SAKTA) that had begun with 
pre-concentration (along with student clubs and leftist organizations) from the Annex were 
accepted at the level of Pl. A strong strong-security chain from PAME-RNAT members in 
front of the banner of the prominent anarchist block. The defense of PAME-KNAT members, in 
the middle of the strike, attempted to cut and isolate the two blocks completely, refusing 
to proceed, thus preventing the continuation of the course. The companion / stake response 
was immediate, followed by body-to-body clashes between PAME-RNAT and anarchists, from 
Gounaris to Pl. Georgiou. With the arrival of the two blocks in the square. George's 
conflicts are becoming more violent and tense, with the RNATs (more numerically) blushing 
out sexist comments at the expense of comrades and punishing the mates. From the clashes 
two comrades are injured by the blows of the bullies and are transported by ambulance to 
the hospital. After the collision ends, the two blocks are reconstituted and continue 
along the route to the Annex.

It is worth noting that this defense did not concern the block of PAME or other block 
adjacent to the KKE, but it entered between the anarchist blocks and the blocks of left 
and anti-racist organizations unrelated to the KKE. In this way, the KKE wishes to be the 
sole owner of each strike or other course, as well as its attempt to protested the 
anarchist blocks as opposed to the rest of the course. Of course, the student clubs and 
organizations involved, except for a few exceptions, are responsible for either tolerance 
or total inactivity (and equal distance) in what they have played.

At a time when the dominant class carries on an uninterrupted attack on the social base, 
where every student and labor movement gained by struggles is trampling, where the 
Gavroglu law is being abolished, which annihilates our job prospects and familiarizes us 
with its climate the modern working age of the middle ages (collective labor contracts, 
511 euros of sub-salary, etc.), where a nationalist-fascist territory is cultivated 
methodically and organized by the sovereignty, on the occasion of the Greek and the 
so-called "Macedonian" issue, PAME-KKE forces, instead of colliding with state, capital 
and fascists, oppose any power in the movement that they think threatens their political 
agenda because they are not easily assimilated,

Besides, we had no illusions about the role KKE has in the system. At every opportunity he 
gives his credentials to the ruling class that he will be the best cushion of social and 
class crash. That every opportunity will come to avert the social outbursts that come. 
That it will constantly ensure that nothing goes beyond the limits of the lawful and 
permissible, and that even if something escapes it will be there to bring it back. For 
this reason, those who are subordinated to the correlations and the endeavor to enforce 
the KKE have a great responsibility. Because if today we do not come to a frontal 
collision with this logic, tomorrow we will find ourselves subordinate to a plan that only 
the struggle for revolutionary prospect and social liberation does not serve.

For our part, we declare that we are not afraid of the KKE bullies. That we will continue 
to intervene in the schools highlighting the real litigation of the struggle. We will 
continue to fight to bring our interests and needs to the fore. We will continue to fight 
for the creation of resistance and demand in every social and workplace. We will continue 
to struggle to block the sovereign's plans. We will continue to move on the path of social 
self-organization and class solidarity.

Any attempted internal repression of the movement from the existing petrified and 
historically compromised party mechanism will fall into a vacuum. Against proprietary and 
bureaucratic rational struggles, equal-distance perceptions and opportunistic encounters, 
we advocate the promotion of student-class grassroots struggles. To re-syndicate trade 
unionism, making it dangerous to the ruling class, both as a concept and as a social 
force. With our strike as a weapon and as an instrument of intervention, the 
autonomous-libertarian and the class-based class societies, we struggle for a class, 
anti-capitalist and libertarian student-labor movement that will put our class interests 
in front and will fight with fist and courage for them .

THE ROADS ARE LOOKING TO THOSE WHO ARE RUNNING  IN THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE PROCEEDINGS AND 
THE UNDERSTANDING OFFICIAL COOPERATION  TO WAIT FOR A MECHANICAL AND CONTRACTUAL 
STUDENT-LABOR MOVEMENT

Eleftheria Patras University

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Message: 7




A movement of three hundred thousand, with 3,000 blockades, what is the Gilets Jaunes 
movement? ---- The Gilets Jaunes (Yellow Vests) movement emerged in France in November. It 
got its name from the high visibility tabards that those who take part in the actions 
wear. It is a movement mobilising around rising taxation, in particular the tax on diesel. 
It was able to undertake actions in rural areas like the Aveyron department where 2,000 
took part in blockades in villages, in small towns like Villefranche de Lauragais where 
300 demonstrated and Montgiscard, where 200 came out on the streets. On November 17th more 
than 300,000 took part in blockades of roundabouts, supermarkets and petrol stations. This 
action continued on the following two days. However the demonstrations have seen large 
scale brandishings of the tricolour, the French national flag. Indeed the extreme right is 
one of the components of the movement, with groups like the monarchist (and anti-Semitic) 
Action Francaise, the openly fascist GUD, etc. A Muslim woman wearing the veil was forced 
to take it off by some demonstrators and there were many racist insults against black and 
Arab people. At one blockade Yellow Vests saw immigrants hiding in a truck and called the 
police. People perceived as homosexual by these demonstrators were insulted or held up 
longer in the blockades. These acts are partly attributable to the far-right groups. But, 
and a big but, in many places there were attempts at self-organisation, with social and 
ecological demands that went beyond the Macron tax on diesel.

The movement is very mixed, with on one hand, the aggressive waving of the tricolour as 
already mentioned and on the other, crowds made up of families with their children in a 
festive mood. Various self-proclaimed spokespeople have come forward to speak on behalf of 
the Yellow Vests. These have included local bosses, right-wing and far right activists. 
This shows the attempt by these different interest groups to claim the movement for their 
own. However, the spreading of blockades then caused the bosses organisations MEDEF and 
SME to call for the end of these blockades.

The Macron government has imposed a tax on diesel in the name of environmental concerns. 
But this is the same government that has no tax on fuel for airplanes and private jets and 
cruise ships. It is the same government that has closed railway lines, forcing people to 
use cars. It is the same government that has closed down hospitals, maternity centres, tax 
centres and post offices, forcing people to travel miles.

The broad slogan of "Ras-Le-Bol Fiscal" (Fed Up With Tax) has united the working class, 
shopkeepers, craftspeople and employers in a vaguely defined movement. Some transport 
employers joined the demonstrations because they saw an attack on their profits. The far 
right quickly participated in the movement followed by different currents of the left and 
right who did not want to miss the opportunity of taking part in a movement of such size.

Among some Yellow Vests there were opinions expressed going beyond the opposition to fuel 
tax rises to include opposition to contributions to social assistance and social security 
and pensions. These neo-liberal opinions would certainly legitimise the plans of the 
Macron regime for further attacks on public services and social security.

All the same, the Yellow Vests movement has given a strong indication of the simmering 
anger throughout France, a France of precarity and austerity. In particular, that anger is 
being expressed in what are now rural deserts where transport, health services and schools 
have been wiped out. It could point to the emergence of new social movements in opposition 
to the planned attacks by the government. Many pensioners are living under the poverty 
line whilst the very rich and the shareholders are increasing their wealth.

Unfortunately the uniting of bosses and workers around a common slogan has shown how class 
consciousness among French workers has been eroded over the last few decades. Anarchists 
in France must react to the movement with clear ideas about class opposition, and one of 
the key demands must be the renewing of public transport which will be free of charge.

As the movement developed there was widespread police violence against the Yellow Vests. A 
concerted police attack on demonstrators at Puy en Velay led them to attack the prefecture 
(seat of local administration). In Paris, police blocked the Champs-Élysées , using tear 
gas and water cannons. This caused a dispersal into the surrounding wealthy areas. Windows 
of luxury stores were attacked with an attempted attack on the Bourse (Stock Exchange). In 
Martigues and Vichy, the Yellow Vests were joined by workers marching behind union 
banners, although they were not apparent in other cities and towns. In some areas lorry 
drivers were willing captives of the blockades and mingled with the Yellow Vests.

One of the new slogans to emerge within the Yellow Vest movement has been for the 
resignation of Macron, who is seen as a symbol of the arrogant ruling class and as the 
controller of the recent austerity measures. Macron is now considerably rattled and he and 
his En Marche party are now looking for leaders of the Yellow Vests to negotiate with. But 
this movement by its very nature is diffuse and disparate and any such self-styled leaders 
that emerge will be quickly co-opted by the regime. It is all the more important to carry 
out revolutionary propaganda within the Yellow Vest movements and to call for general 
assemblies and mandated delegates than can make fighting co-option, racism , sexism, 
homophobia and fascism that much easier. As the organisation Alternative Libertaire commented:

"The movement of yellow vests is a real popular revolt, with an obvious class dimension, 
but whose political colouring depends on local contexts. The worst is next to the best. 
That the fascist and nationalist leprosy infects several points of the mobilization and 
flowers in the words of some of the yellow vests is not surprising given the current 
political context. But to believe that the far right could monopolize a popular struggle 
of magnitude is an incredible admission of weakness."

https://www.anarchistcommunism.org/2018/12/03/the-yellow-vests-in-france/

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