Anarchic update news all over the world - 6.05.2019

Today's Topics:

   
1.  Britain, brighton sol fed: No Work Without Pay: Boycott CJ
      Barbers! (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  Rojava, internationalist commune: Message for the 1st of
      May! (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  US, black rose fed: THE STATE OF LABOR: BEYOND UNIONS, BUT
      NOT WITHOUT THEM (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  ANARCHICAL PRIMARY MAY 2019: COURSE CALL FOR 
     THE DOCUMENT -
      By APO [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
 
5.  buecher messe ch: PRODUCE, DISTRIBUTE, EAT: THE FILMS (de)
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1






Brighton SolFed has started a public campaign against CJ Barbers, who owe one of our 
members over two months in unpaid wages. The worker was employed as an "apprentice" for no 
wages, with the promise of paid work after two months. Unfortunately, this kind of 
practice is common in the barbering industry in Brighton, so the worker decided to go 
along with it. After the two months were up, CJ Barbers paid him...£50 a week, for full 
time work! The worker left two weeks later. ---- During this so-called "apprenticeship" 
the worker was given no contract, no opportunity to work towards any qualification, and 
worked full time hours. This therefore does not meet the legal requirement of 
anapprenticeship, which is why we are demanding that CJ Barbers pays our member the full 
legal minimum wage, holiday pay, and pension contributions for the hours he worked, which 
total £2821.63.

The worker explains: "CJ Barbers promised me an education and a fully paid position after 
two months of free labour. This was a lie on both fronts so I quit when I discovered they 
had no intention of ever paying me properly. They were exploiting my labour and lying 
about my ability as a barber to prevent me seeking other employment.

"Because they did not keep keep up their end of the deal I am now demanding they pay the 
minimum of what my workers rights entitle me to."

SolFed tried to resolve the dispute amicably, offering them the opportunity to resolve the 
matter before we made it public. However, we received no response to our overtures. 
Therefore, on Sunday 7th April, we opened a public dispute by picketing CJ Barbers. The 
management were immediately hostile, with both owners yelling at SolFed members, and one 
pushing picketers around. However, his attempts to disrupt the picket by pretending to be 
cleaning his windows only served to provide entertainment for passers-by! The owner also 
made a number of baseless accusations about the character of his ex-worker.

The owners have also made several legal threats against both the worker and SolFed, and 
contacted the police multiple times in an attempt to scare us away. However, it's clear 
that they've realised that this kind of intimidation doesn't work, and have instead now 
taken to the internet with their friends to refer to us as a "gang".

Unpaid trials are a huge problem in our city, and Brighton SolFed has had success in the 
pastof organising with workers to ensure that no work is without pay.

Our dispute with CJ Barbers will be ongoing until this worker receives the pay they are owed.

An injury to one is an injury to all!

http://www.brightonsolfed.org.uk/brighton/no-work-without-pay-boycott-cj-barbers

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Message: 2





Dear Comrades, We greet you on the 1st of May! ---- The 1st of May is a historical day for 
the working class and has a great importance for the revolutionary movement worldwide. It 
is a day where struggles against murderous capitalist exploitation and against patriarchal 
oppression become visible worldwide. It is a day that connects us as a movement across the 
borders of nation states. ---- As internationalists in Rojava, we come from dozens of 
different nations. Among us are German, Argentinian, Catalan, French, English and Italian 
comrades, and many others from across the globe. We come from many different backgrounds - 
these are differences that enrich us, and differences that we learn from. This is a 
process that brings us together as a revolutionary movement; a process that emphasizes our 
commonalities and unites us in the struggle for liberation.

In Kurdistan, a liberation movement with more than 40 years of experience has made the 
most significant revolution of the 21st century possible. Out of this movement, the 
societies of Kurdistan, and in Northern and Eastern Syria have risen up. With their 
strength and unity, the ideology of Abdullah Öcalan and the leading role of women and 
youth, they have militarily defeated and smashed the Islamic state. Thousands of women 
have organized and liberated themselves, and countless communities and cooperatives have 
been founded.

With the on going success of the revolution, Erdogan's threats of further major military 
attacks on Northern Syria - aiming to totally annihilate the revolution - are increasing.

No matter where we live and fight: it is our duty to defend the revolution and its 
achievements!

The attacks on this revolution of the Middle East are part of the same oppressive system 
that generates global climate catastrophe, the spread of fascist ideologies, and 
neoliberal attacks on the working classes.

Banks, corporations and hypocritical governments are leading the world into a climate 
catastrophe. They divide the people and accumulate unimaginable riches, while millions 
starve and thousands drown in the Mediterranean. It's the same banks, corporatons and 
governments that provide the ammunition, financial and political support for the fascist 
Erdogan regime!

Our fight in Afrin, Kobane and Cizire is the same fight as in Berlin, Paris, Turin or 
Zurich. We are one front, one revolution, one fighting movement!

In this spirit, we call upon you to join the "RiseUp4Rojava - Smash Turkish Fascism" 
campaign and occupy, disrupt and blockade the war industry and fight against the 
hypocritical governments of the ruling class! Build communes, councils and cooperatives! 
Organize!

 From the heart of the revolution, from the Democratic Federation of Northeast Syria, we 
send our warmest and most militant revolutionary greetings to all fighting comrades in the 
metropoles!

We wish you a succesful demonstration! Bijî sosyalizm! Long live the 1st of May!

http://internationalistcommune.com/message-for-the-1st-of-may/

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Message: 3





As working class and left movements the world over celebrate May 1st, International 
Workers Day, we offer our reflection on the current state of the U.S. labor movement - 
both our optimism around recent strikes and stressing the need to transform the labor 
movement towards its revolutionary potential. This document was produced by the the Labor 
Sector Committee of Black Rose/Rosa Negra which works to coordinate collective strategy 
within labor struggles. Also, please consider donating to our Grow Our Roots: 2019 
International Solidarity and Social Media Fundraiser. ---- After decades of decline, 
workers' struggle in the U.S. is beginning to show signs of life. Last year marked a 
potential turning point in the labor movement, reflected in a series of major work 
stoppages in the education and hospitality industries, along with thousands of nurses, 
food service workers, and incarcerated workers disrupting business as usual, winning major 
victories and dramatically altering the terrain of class struggle by reclaiming the strike 
as labor's most potent weapon.

As workers take to the streets all over the globe in honor of May Day, or International 
Workers' Day, we take a look at the state of the labor movement from a libertarian 
socialist perspective and set the stage for addressing how we as workers can expand the 
revolutionary potential of working class struggle in the current moment.

The State of the US Labor Movement
U.S. labor unions have been on the wane for decades. From its peak in 1954 at 34.8 
percent, union membership has taken a steep dive to a mere 10.5 percent of the workforce 
as of 2018. The private sector has experienced the most significant downturn in 
membership, reaching a staggering low point last year of 6.4 percent- the lowest since 
1900. In 1952, the number of work stoppages involving 1,000 or more workers reached a 
record high in the postwar period of 470, with more than 2,760,000 workers striking. Since 
1990, however, the number of work stoppages involving more than 1,000 workers has 
consistently remained below 50, with only seven recorded in 2017.

Since the late ‘60s and ‘70s- the last period of large-scale labor unrest- efforts to 
reverse labor's long-term slump have been few and far between. Union leaders have 
emphasized technocratic solutions, including labor law reform like the Employee Free 
Choice Act (EFCA), corporate campaigns driven by paid staffers, and the vain hope that 
electing more sympathetic Democrats will help pave the way toward rebuilding worker power. 
While periodic resistance from rank-and-file workers has shown hints of hope, labor has 
experienced more losses than gains over the years.

The consequences of labor's decades-long downturn have been devastating. In the absence of 
a meaningful counterweight in the balance of class power, capital has waged an unrelenting 
assault on labor. Wages have been stagnant for U.S. workers since the 1970s, social and 
economic inequalities have grown dramatically, average household debt is on the rise, and 
capital continues to pass more of the cost of healthcare onto workers, with Black and 
brown workers hit the hardest.

Amid grim prospects for union renewal, 2018 breathed new life into workplace struggles 
with 485,000 workers taking part in twenty major work stoppages. According to the Bureau 
of Labor Statistics (BLS), "the number of major work stoppages[...]was the highest since 
2007," and "the number of workers involved[...]was the highest since 1986." Beginning 
early in the year with a historic wildcat strike in West Virginia, educators in red states 
across the country went on strike. These educators won major victories and injected a 
needed burst of energy into a moribund labor movement. While educators and healthcare 
workers accounted for the bulk of major work stoppages, they were joined by both hotel and 
telecom workers. In fact, 6,000 Marriott workers in four different states launched the 
largest hotel strike in U.S. history. This uptick in large-scale strike activity 
highlights the possibility for expanding workplace militancy in the current moment.

"Simply increasing union density and the number of strikes alone will not address the 
deep-seated problems we face as workers. We need to understand not only what it will take 
to grow the existing labor movement, but also what it will take to transform it into a 
revolutionary social movement."
Alongside the major work stoppages, a number of important smaller-scale strikes also took 
place last year. Members of the Industrial Workers of World (IWW), which has played a 
critical role in organizing food service workers, organized a strike across four 
Burgerville restaurants in Portland, Oregon, which later became the only fast-food chain 
in the country to gain federal union recognition. The IWW also played a part in supporting 
and organizing the nationwide prison strike in August through its Incarcerated Workers 
Organizing Committee. At the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, graduate student 
workers with the Graduate Employees Organization (GEO) led a nearly two-week-long strike 
for higher salaries and guaranteed tuition waivers.

Last year's upsurge has continued unabated into 2019. Beginning with an inspiring 
week-long strike in Los Angeles, educators in Oakland, Denver, Sacramento City, and North 
Carolina have carried on the struggle in public education against privatization and 
austerity budgets that are still lingering since the 2008 crisis. In January, 1,800 
non-union, largely undocumented farm workers in Bakersfield, California walked off the job 
in protest of wage cuts, citing inspiration from the wave of educators strikes. Facing an 
unprecedented government shutdown, airport workers coordinated a sickout and Sara Nelson, 
president of the Association of Flight Attendants, threatened a general strike, direct 
actions that together put an end to the shutdown as opposed to toothless efforts by 
liberal reformers playing by the rules. Workers in the digital media industry have 
organized a series of successful union drives in newsrooms big and small, including Vice, 
Salon, and The Intercept, to name a few. Just two months ago, a second burger chain in 
Portland, Little Big Burger, joined the Burgerville Workers Union as the second fast food 
union to exist in the U.S. In New England, more than 30,000 members of the United Food & 
Commercial Workers struck at 240 Stop & Shop stores over pension and health benefits, 
costing the company $100 million in lost profit.

Working class women have been at the forefront of the current strike surge, pointing 
toward growing possibilities for revitalizing a working class feminism. From education to 
hospitality, the industries at the center of today's workplace struggles are those 
associated with social reproduction, where women make up the overwhelming majority of the 
workforce. Strike victories have reflected the leadership of female workers, with gains in 
better wages coupled with protections against sexual harassment and assault, breaks for 
nursing mothers, and parental leave.

Women make up a large percentage of union membership, particularly in the public sector, 
and have been central to reviving the strike as a tactic both inside and outside the 
workplace, as in the recent International Women's Strike.

This ongoing series of strikes stems from changes in the economy, along with increased 
political mobilization and polarization across the country. Growth in the service sector 
of the economy and record low unemployment have been accompanied by lean production 
methods designed to produce more with less, placing increasing strain on workers already 
struggling with stagnant real wages. Teachers specifically have seen their 
inflation-adjusted wages fall by 4.5% over the past decade as classroom sizes have grown. 
At the same time, since Trump's election millions of people have gained the experience of 
collective action through joining street protests. A survey at the beginning of 2018 
showed that 20% of Americans had protested or been in a political rally since 2016. Half 
of those who went out for their first protest went to support women's rights. Protest 
activity and political consciousness has filtered into the workplace as growing segments 
of the population are drawn to radical politics in general and socialism in particular.

As the popularity of socialism has risen, so too has public approval for unions. A Gallup 
poll last year found that 62 percent of Americans approve of unions, the highest number in 
fifteen years, while another national poll found 50 percent of Americans want to join a 
union- the highest level in 40 years. This growing support for unions also skews young, 
with the strongest support found consistently among 18- to 34-year-olds, many of whom are 
pulling for a specifically "militant labor movement rooted in a multi-racial working class."

U.S. workers in general, and union members in particular, have become increasingly diverse 
over the years. Estimates project that people of color will become the majority of the 
working class by 2032. Workers of color make up a large proportion of low-wage, 
labor-intensive jobs like food and retail service, commercial and residential cleaning, 
construction, and "care work" such as home health care and nursing. More than a third of 
all union members are people of color, and Black workers continue to hold a higher union 
membership rate than the rest of the working class.

With this uptick in high-profile strikes and increasing support for unionization, we are 
cautiously optimistic about the possibility for increases in both union membership and 
rank-and-file workplace actions in the coming years.

These are promising developments, but even if the labor movement succeeds in dragging 
itself back from the dead, simply increasing union density and the number of strikes alone 
will not address the deep-seated problems we face as workers. We see worker-controlled, 
militant unions as a key tool for revolutionary transformation and the creation of a 
libertarian socialist society. So we need to understand not only what it will take to grow 
the existing labor movement, but also what it will take to transform it into a 
revolutionary social movement.

Beyond Unions, But Not Without Them
One of the more significant hurdles to expanding the revolutionary potential of unions in 
the current moment lies baked into the structure of unions themselves. A bureaucratic, 
service-oriented form of unionism remains the dominant model in the U.S., controlled by a 
hierarchy of career officials who operate outside the workplace, manage the sale of labor 
to capital, confine union struggles to narrow and legalistic "bread and butter" issues 
within their respective industries, and encourage members to pin their hopes to the 
Democratic Party.

Despite decades of dashed hopes under Democratic administrations, from Bill Clinton 
signing NAFTA in the ‘90s to Obama abandoning EFCA, some union leaders are already laying 
the groundwork for pouring resources into the 2020 elections. While there is a broad-based 
commitment within unions to oust Trump, many appear to be hedging their bets among a 
crowded field of presidential hopefuls, waiting for the options to thin out before tossing 
pennies into the Democratic Party wishing well.

Labor's unwavering commitment to electoral politics will likely serve to demobilize and 
defang the current turn toward direct action among many rank-and-file workers, channelling 
labor discontent into the pacifying arms of electoralism.

Beyond their deep ties to electoral politics, the structural position of the labor 
bureaucracy also tends to pit union officials against worker militancy. Union leaders 
often seek to avoid legal and financial risks to the organization or the potential to 
compromise their relationships with politicians. This was evident in West Virginia, where 
rank-and-file educators had to bypass attempts by union leadership to call an early end to 
the strike in favor of negotiation with state officials.

Yet replacing the existing labor bureaucracy with a more radical slate of leaders, or 
eliminating union bureaucracies altogether, will not be the linchpin that unleashes the 
latent militancy of workers, who remain largely unorganized, lacking in confidence, and 
alienated from current unions. Our focus at the moment should be on developing the 
independent organization and militancy needed for workers to be able to win on their own 
through the long-haul work of one-on-one meetings, committee-building, and direct action.

The geographic and industrial unevenness of union density represents both the declining 
strength and influence of unions and a potential opportunity to "organize the 
unorganized." According to the BLS, more than half of all union members live in just seven 
states, located primarily in the Northeast, Midwest, and West Coast. New York and 
California are home to the largest number of union members, with 1.9 million and 2.4 
million members, respectively. Meanwhile, the South remains woefully unorganized. Both 
North Carolina and South Carolina had the lowest membership rate in 2018, each at 2.7 
percent. This leaves a broad field of potential struggle open to more independent, 
militant forms of worker organization inside and outside of existing unions, especially in 
the South among Black and brown workers.

As mentioned above, U.S. workers and unions are more diverse than ever, but demographics 
don't determine destiny. A "militant labor movement rooted in a multi-racial working 
class" will not emerge spontaneously from changes in the hue of the workforce. The legacy 
of white supremacy and its relationship to capital accumulation and competition in the 
labor market have produced and reproduced systemic racialized inequalities within the 
working class.

While Black workers are more likely to be union members than any other segment of the 
working class, particularly in the public sector, they continue to be disproportionately 
subjected to state violence by police, overrepresented in U.S. prisons, and face nearly 
double the unemployment rate of white workers. The average wages of Black workers also 
continue to lag behind the rest of the workforce.

Uprooting entrenched racialized hierarchies within the working class will require unions 
to take up the totality of issues that affect us as workers in and outside the workplace. 
This can be seen in the "Black Lives Matter at Schools" campaigns, Labor for Standing 
Rock, Burgerville workers walking off the job to defend their right to wear "No One is 
Illegal" buttons at work, and Twin Cities UPS package handlers refusing to ship boxes 
destined for local police departments in the wake of the Ferguson Uprising.

An anti-racist labor movement will also require a strong defense against attacks on public 
sector unions in particular. Given its share of union membership and its 
disproportionately Black and female workforce, the public sector has been subjected to a 
years-long sustained assault by well-financed right-wing forces, culminating in the recent 
Supreme Court decision in the case of Janus vs AFSCME. The ruling in this landmark case, 
which prohibits public sector unions from collecting "agency fees" from nonmembers who 
benefit from contract negotiations, sparked ominous predictions about labor's future. Some 
of the largest unions in the country cut their budgets in anticipation.

While it's still early to tell what kind of impact the Janus decision will have, the 
current size and strength of public sector unions are a byproduct of the last round of 
labor unrest in the ‘60s and ‘70s, not of a favorable legal environment or the ability to 
collect dues from a largely passive membership. In other words, the best defense against 
attacks on the public sector will be a militant, offensive struggle. If Janus provokes 
unions to take this approach- and some have- then it will prove to be an opportunity 
rather than a challenge.

Legal restraints abound on workplace organizing, from state-level anti-strike laws in the 
public sector to the Taft-Hartley Act at the federal level. But if there's a lesson to be 
learned from recent strikes in education, many of which have flouted state law, it's that 
massive, disruptive direct action can overcome many of these barriers.

Despite their clear limitations and contradictions, we can't ignore or casually dismiss 
struggles within bureaucratic unions. These unions exist in a number of strategic 
industries, continue to play a key role as vehicles for workplace struggles and 
solidarity, and represent the largest mass organizations of workers in the country. 
Therefore, we must organize within bureaucratic unions, but our task is not simply to 
build union membership or elect new leadership. We need to build independent forms of 
worker organization both inside and outside of existing bureaucratic unions, like West 
Virginia United, a caucus of rank-and-file educators that formed in the wake of the 
wildcat strike.

Outside traditional trade unions, the IWW has carved out a small but growing pole of 
attraction within the broader labor movement as the only meaningful organizational 
expression of revolutionary syndicalism in the country. Beyond their local organizing 
campaigns in food service and with the National Prison Strike, the IWW has also been on 
the front lines of the fight against the rise in fascist organizations across the country 
through its General Defense Committee, and recently affiliated with the new International 
Confederation of Labor. While the Wobblies have experienced steady growth in membership 
since the Great Recession, they also have many obstacles to overcome, including an 
overwhelmingly white, male membership, uneven workplace organizing, a general lack of 
shared strategic vision, and an overall activist orientation.

Many labor analysts have pointed to so-called "alt-labor" formations, particularly worker 
centers, as the future lifeblood of the labor movement. Rather than the member-driven, 
democratic alternative to mainstream unions envisioned by their supporters, worker centers 
have largely taken the form of "bureaucratic union lite," mirroring the hierarchical 
structures and political orientation of their union counterparts, only with fewer members 
and resources.

To develop the revolutionary potential of the labor movement, we must go beyond unions, 
but not without them. As workers across the country reclaim the strike, we need to tap 
into the opportunities of the current moment and expand workplace militancy through rank 
and file, worker-controlled organizations independent of union bureaucracies and political 
parties. Whether we work in unionized workplaces or not, we need an alternative to 
bureaucratic unionism that is rooted in direct democracy, direct action, and worker 
solidarity across industries and national borders. We need to develop the confidence, 
skills, and capacity for self-management among all workers- not only to fight for better 
working conditions, but to challenge capitalism, the state, and all forms of domination 
toward a free, libertarian socialist society.

In part two of this article series, we'll elaborate on how we think we can do that by 
engaging with the current strategic debates on how to renew our unions and organize our 
workplaces.

If you enjoyed this piece we recommend reading a previous May Day statement from the BRRN 
Labor Sector Committee "The Next 100 Days: May Day and Worker Resistance Under Trump."

http://blackrosefed.org/state-of-labor-beyond-unions-but-not-without-them/

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Message: 4





CALL FOR DOCUMENTATION - SOCIAL CONFIRMATION & INTERNATIONAL FIGHT AGAINST ASSIGNMENT, 
MOLIROLATRIA, DETAIL ---- "Times are tough, I know, but never give in to resignation, 
never give up hope, never! Not for a moment. Even when everything seems to have been lost 
and the words that torment people and the earth look insurmountable, try to find the power 
and infuse it with your comrades. In the darkest moments your light will be useful. And 
always remember that "every storm always starts with a simple drop. Try to be that drop. " 
---- -From the last message of the Italian anarchist Lorenzo Orsetti who fell in the last 
battle against ISIS in Baghouz in Syria- ---- Well, what is the path of the red yarn! 
Whatever began in Spring 1886 in Chicago continues to other lengths and backs of the 
planet. The struggles of people who give their lives for a better future, despite the 
contrary assurances of sovereign speech, never ceased. The centuries of human history are 
the derivative of the endless conflict between the masters and those who have nothing to lose.

Italian anarchist Lorenzo Orsetti falls into the battlefield against ISIS on the outskirts 
of Baghouz, thousands of miles away from his home far away from what he might call his 
homeland. The anarchist struggle, the unselfish struggle for universal human freedom knows 
neither boundaries nor boundaries. It violates the borders that the states built on the 
planet and dissolves the national bonds with internationalism. Homeland of his fighters is 
the struggle where land for freedom, resistance to exploitation and oppression. And if it 
has been for centuries since the strikes and sacrifices of the four of Chicago, it has not 
been forgotten, it has not been meaningless, but it has been one of those moments of 
history that is always coming back to illuminate the new struggles of the people against 
the oppressors their.

The death of Lorenzo Orsetti is not just another loss, it is the most blatant and recent 
event that unites this thread of the endless ecumenical struggle. And if these examples of 
struggle and sacrifice come to highlight the real contents of our struggles, on the sad 
opposite shore the sovereigns are in their electoral confrontations about who will receive 
the oppressor's anointing by the oppressors themselves, who will take over the management 
exploitation with the "consent" of the exploiters themselves.

Whosoever oppressed continues to believe that these "confrontations" may be useful to him 
if he chooses the "lesser evil," he digs even further his pit. Whos any poor man denies 
that "there is nothing to be done" and raises his stature to our rulers, justifies the 
murdered workers, executed fighters, the revolutionaries who have given and continue to 
give their lives by watering the tree of tomorrow's freedom. There is no other way than 
the new uprising, the rebuilding of the forces of the slaves, the resurgence of the social 
and class struggles, the backlash in their elections, the commission of the election of 
our people. No fatalism will help, nothing has to be won by an open hand that begs.

Against the state, capital, oblivion and representation, the radical message of the May 
1st revolt, through the connection of the struggle for the eighth hour with the overall 
social demand of social liberation, continues to remain alive and to be a point of 
inspiration for the social and class counter-attack of all the oppressed in the world.

FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION, ANARCHY AND FREE LIBRARY

I WANT THE LABORATORY PROTOMAGIA, WORKERS OF ALL THE WORLD COME WITHIN THE JOINT 
INTERNATIONAL GAME

PRICE FOR EVERYDAY LARENZO ORSETTI RECOMMENDED RELATIONSHIP

WITHOUT ALL ELECTION PROCEEDINGS - PARTICIPATION IN CRAFTS & SOCIAL GAMES

  WEDNESDAY 1 MAY

ATHENS: MUSEUM 11.00

THESSALONIKI: KAMARA 11.00

PATRAS: OLD OLD 10.30

Anarchist Political Organization Federation of Collectives

http://apo.squathost.com

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Message: 5






The Anarchist Bookfair is organising  film cycles in the Reitschule in Bern and the Oblo 
in Lausanne- all in keeping with this years theme of "produce, distribute, eat". We hope 
to see you there! ---- More info is available at: ---- www.oblo.ch ---- www.reitschule.ch 
---- THE 2019 PROGRAMME! ---- 23. APRIL 2019 ADMIN ---- THEME: produce, distribute, eat 
---- This year the bookfair workshops and presentations will take place in several 
different places, so please check where each event is! ---- Friday ---- 17.00 - 23.00: 
Bookfair ---- 18.00 - 19.00: ---- Book presentation: Agriculture without animal 
exploitation ---- 19.00 - 21.00:  Dinner ---- 20.00 - 21.00: ---- Book presentation: An 
Oasis in a Desert of Order / ---- 21:00 - 22.00:  Concert NÂR (Drone / Cosmic loops / Gnawa)

Saturday

10.00 -21.00:

Bookfair

EXHIBITION: GMO, still under pressure

  Live radio

Screenprinting

12:00 - 14.00: Lunch

11.00 - 13.00:

WORKSHOP: Autonomy and forest gardens

WORKSHOP: Hangry Zine project

TABLE RONDE: Community Supported Agriculture

14.00 - 16.00:

PRESENTATION: GMO and Technology in Agriculture

WORKSHOP: Medical plants

PRESENTATION: The 15th Garden - a revolutionary network for food sovereignity in Syria

16.30 - 18.30:

WORKSHOP: Anarchism = Antispeciesism

WORKSHOP:  Is it hunger or a lifestyle choice?

PRESENTATION: SOS Rosarno

DISCUSSION: Working in the fields

19.00:                   Anarchist choir of Lausanne concert

20.00:                 Dinner

22.00 - 01.00: DJ night (Zieglarstrasse 9)

Sunday

10.00 - 13.00:  Brunch

11.00 - 13.00:

WORKSHOP: Questioning our practice of autonomy

13.00 - 15.00:

ROUND TABLE: Collective Farming: What, why and how?

15.00:      Final meeting - open for everyone

Places:

Furia: Fabrikool, Fabrikstrasse 16

Gertrud-Woker-Mensa: Gertrud-Woker-Strasse 3

Casa d'Italia: Bühlstrasse 57

Von Roll lounge: Fabrikstrasse 8

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Benefit party for the Anarchist Bookfair

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