Update: anarchist news and information all over the world - 4.11.2019

Today's Topics:

   
1.  France, Union Communiste Libertaire AL #298 - Read: Damasio,
      "The Furtives" (fr, it, pt)[machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  czech, AFED: Support Rojava! - Protests against the Turkish
      army's invasion of northern Syria continue. You too! [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  Greece, liberta salonica: March for solidarity with
      struggling Kurdish people and revolutionary Rozawa | Saturday
      2/11, 17:30, Kamara [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  Britain, anarchist communist group ACG: No Friends But The
      Mountains (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  Greece, Thessaloniki: Anti-fascist Concentration -
      Anti-fascist rally Sunday 3/11 at 15.00 Tsimiski with Navarinou
      By APO [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  anarkismo.net: The Revolutionary Anarchist-Socialism of
      Errico Malatesta by Wayne Price (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1






Alain Damasio had not released a novel since The Horde of the Brace, in 2006, both
critical and public success. After having committed to the ZAD of Notre-Dame des Landes or
for the amnesty of the yellow vests, and having participated in the colloquium "  Everyone
hates the work  ", he returns with a new novel by SF, Les Furtifs even more openly
political. ---- In the near future, where human beings are more and more enslaved by
connected objects, a new animal species is appearing, the stealthers, able to escape from
human eyes, especially by metabolizing their natural environment. Lorca is a member of a
military stealth tracking unit, where he is engaged in hopes of better understanding the
disappearance of his daughter, whom he thinks is related to stealth. The report and the
understanding of the stealth by Lorca and his friends will gradually evolve, to end in a
movement of ecological revolt against the control society.

What is striking in this novel is the updated vision of SF that is developed there. Here,
no spaceships or lasers, but "  liberated " cities ", That is to say, bought by companies
and where traffic is strictly controlled by income. Connected objects, collecting data to
optimize and target advertisements, virtual realities or artificial intelligence, are
ubiquitous. Resistances that emerge are based on the reappropriation of skyscrapers or
natural areas, where you learn to live differently, through donation-for-donations, GA
prepared in subgroups. Clashes with private militia are militarily lost in advance, but
are symbolic. This is a true novel of political anticipation, nourished by the experience
of the latest social movements and the latest technological developments.

One can, however, blame a rather idyllic vision of the struggle: disorganization is almost
a force, moreover no need for organization since affinity ties are sufficient, and all
internal conflicts are resolved through discussion and solidarity. Similarly, on the
narrative level, there are the gentiles on one side, the bad guys on the other, and
strictly no one in between. Finally, the question of work is completely absent: it is an
alienation, a point that's all.

The novel remains very pleasant to read. We hope not to wait 13 years before the next.

Gregoire (UCL Orleans)

Alain Damasio, The Furtives , The Volte, 2019, 704 pages, 25 euros

https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?SF-Les-Furtifs

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Message: 2






The social revolution in the area called Rojava has little hope under the military
pressure of Turkey and with virtually idle eyes on the powers, for which local allies are
almost always an item to be sacrificed. However, there are still some. One is a wave of
solidarity support around the world that would push individual governments to take action
not only to stop the invasion, but also to Erdogan's project of ethnic cleansing in Rojava
and the oppression of opposition, minorities and the media in an unlimited rule of the
empire. So there are protests and various kinds of solidarity events all over the world.
Let us recall, for example, the campaign against Turkish airlines. In 24 cities, 11
countries, on three continents, activists have blocked "We are sanctions that states are
not willing to impose on Turkey!" Turkish Airlines check-in points, which
propagandistically supports the Turkish war campaign. For example, follow Rojava's
promotions on Twitter - # RiseUp4Rojava (https://twitter.com/hashtag/RiseUp4Rojava). The
ways of support can be really different. For example, a group of punk labels launched a
solidarity campaign to support Turkish aggression suffering from Rojava. 25 percent of the
revenue from all sales this week goes to the humanitarian organizations Cadus and Jinwar
Free Woman's Village, Phobia records and Music for Liberation (more)HERE ).

Past solidarity actions

we informed on our website about events in support of Rojava, which took place in the
Czech Republic. Let's see what else has happened in the meantime.

A yellow-red-green sign with the word "Freedom to the Kurds" appeared in Breclav .

On the motorway near Brno hangs banner "Armistice? Genocide in Rojava ", which refers to
the ongoing attacks by the Turkish army and its militia, despite the alleged ceasefire
negotiated with Erdogan by the United States, so that the Kurdish population could leave
the area and actually implement Erdogan's ethnic cleansing plan for him and" voluntarily".

In Prague , as a sign of solidarity with Rojava, a banner was posted near the Turkish
embassy with the inscription "Rojava will become the grave of ISIS. No pasaran '. In the
capital you can also see graffiti "Biji biji Rojava" with the same touch and a number of
stickers against the Turkish invasion and with the symbols of the YPG militia.

In Liberec , Dr. E. Benes met on Wednesday 23 October under the auspices of the Pirates
about 25 people to express solidarity with Kurdish fighters and civilians and condemn the
fascist regime in Turkey. Short speeches were made by representatives of the Pirates, the
Greens and the Kurdish activist.

In  Pilsenin the photo campaign No Turkish invasion! An informal group of thirty
supporters of the Autonomous Region of Rojava met to express solidarity with the people
who were targeted by the authoritarian Turkish regime. Next to the banner
#NeTurkeyInventions. Solidarity with Rojava "included the anarchist, anti-fascist and
Kurdish symbols, including the YPG and YPJ militia flags. The statement they attached to
the photo states, among other things: "Rojava is an area that builds on the foundations of
equality between men and women, environmental sustainability and a radical bottom-up
democracy. Several years of work and many innocent lives were buried by Turkish bombing.
The hope of a better tomorrow was trampled into the ground by military aggression.
International support is now all the more important, both symbolically and materially.
That's why we join the #NeTurkeyInvazi challenge, whose aim is to put pressure on the
Czech government to act in this matter. Honor to all the fallen people who fought for
their homes and progressive ideas that offered an alternative to today's world based on
oppression and economic profits. "The photo shoot took place at the corner of the .

On Tuesday, October 29, a group of climate activists occupied a mining excavator in the
Vršany mine . They criticize the sale of the Pocerady coal-fired power plant to Pavel
Tykac and the exception to the emission limits for the Chvaletice power plant. In addition
to the banners "Coal belongs to the ground" and "Capitalism will not save the climate", a
large banner "No borders, no nations" also appeared on the excavator. Solidarity with
Rojawa '.

Solidarity with Rojava was also expressed by Black-Scout Boy Scouts at their weekend
meeting in Posázaví on 18-20. October. The Black-Red Scouts , together with the Historical
Association of Zádruha, announced a collection of solidarity among their members and
supporters in the form of a solidarity membership fee, which will be addressed to the
Kurdish Red Crescent (Heyva Sor and Kurdistanê). Anyone can join (more HERE ).

How to get involved?

Join public protests against Turkish aggression. Already tomorrow ( October 30) you can
join the demonstration in Prague announced by Kurds living in the Czech Republic. It
starts at 4 pm on the Republic Square, followed by a march across Na Príkopech Street to
Wenceslas Square "to the horse".

As mentioned earlier, on 2 November, the Committee for the Defense of the Revolution in
Rojava convenes a demonstration in the center of Prague as part of World Day of Resistance
against the Turkish Invasion of Rojava . The event will start at 3 pm on Palacký Square.
In a statement to the demonstration it says, "We will not stand silently and watch the
massacre that is underway. Only a broad and persistent anti-war movement will stop this
war. Just as people took to the streets against the Vietnam War or the invasion of Iraq in
2003, human conscience must now be heard in the face of Turkish barbarism. " as many
people as possible!

Ostrava's Food not Bombs team invites you on November 2at an event entitled "The memory of
the deceased homeless and victims of Turkish aggression". The demonstration starts at
17.00 on Masaryk Square in Ostrava, from where the march will continue through the city.
The invitation to the event reads: "Rojava is not the other end of the world that does not
concern us and may not be of interest to us, just as the homeless and the homeless are not
the margins of society we can and want to oversee. The Kurdish struggle for the right of
self-determination is a struggle for all of us - a struggle for equality, secularity,
feminism, internationality, and a determination to defend all this in the face of fascist
superiority. Let us be inspired by the Kurdish concept of identity as a process of
openness seeking a way to an egalitarian society that any Czech nationalist can hardly
support his frenzied vehicle of isolation and hate. "

What about a trip to Hungary? The Orbán-Erdogan Summit will be held in Budapest on
Thursday 7 November . It is clear from the outset that a meeting of this pair of
authoritarians cannot do without a proper reaction in the streets. From 14.00 there will
be a demonstration in Oktogon Square. From 2:30 pm, a series of cyclists, cars and a
pedestrian march will set off at 4:00 pm at Széll Kálmán Square, where all three fingers
of the demonstration will reunite and try to get together at Szentháromság Square, closest
to the venue. summit. More information can be found on the Facebook profile of the
Bratislava Non-Nazi Initiative (https://www.facebook.com/bratislavabeznackov).

Stick up the thematic issue of the A3 wall paper , which can be downloaded HERE and
concludes: "Why do all the bourgeois peacemakers remain silent? He is not afraid of
Erdogan nor the opening of gates to Europe for Syrian refugees. They are afraid of the
Rojava alternative, which promises no privatization tomorrows to the superpowers, and
whether or not the daring Rojava vision can be realized, their stateless and non-market
solutions based on fighting patriarchy and environmentally friendly approach can deprive
Europe, America, perhaps the world the parasitic classes of billionaires, corrupt
capitalist regimes, to cope with inhumane inequality and the ecological crisis. "

Is ongoing said fotokampa least not the Turkish invasion! Thirty-five photo posts have
already appeared on the facebook profile of the Committee for the Defense of the
Revolution in Rojava (https://www.facebook.com/rojava.info/). Get involved and submit your
photos with the #NeTurkeyInvazi logo.

Get inspired by actions and ideas implemented elsewhere (see # RiseUp4Rojava) or invent
your own.

https://www.afed.cz/text/7058/podpor-rojavu

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Message: 3






On Wednesday 9/10/2019, the Turkish state launched the operation of generalized military
assault and military invasion into the territories of northern Syria under the cynical,
codenamed 'Source of Peace'. Aerial bombardments and artillery fire by the Turkish armed
forces against the positions of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) took place after the
first phone call between the US and Turkish Presidents, Trump and Erdogan at midday,
respectively. 7/10/2019. The US president has given his Turkish counterpart permission to
intervene in northern Syria, assuring him that US military forces will leave the area and
not engage in conflict. In fact, a few days before the US troops withdrew from the area,
the latter "persuaded" the Kurds to dismantle their fortifications at the border,
guaranteeing that they would assist them anyway in defending their borders with Turkey! On
15/9/2019 at a trilateral meeting in Ankara, Russia and Iran gave the Turkish state the
green light to "restore stability" in the Syrian region, essentially giving their consent
to the imperialist intervention that followed a few days later. In short, each of the
imperialist forces operating in the Middle East region turned their weapons one way or
another against the Kurdish rebel-held territory of northern Syria. Turkey, in fact, has
recently stepped up its pressure by stepping up its attacks on Kurdish rebels in Iraqi
Kurdistan,

One and a half years after Turkey's violent and bloody annexation of Afrin's Kurdish
canton, warfare on Syrian soil is now entering a new stage of open war, with the potential
for genocide of the Western Kurdistan people. The pretext invoked by the Turkish state to
justify its new imperialist intervention is the creation of a supposed "security zone"
that will extend 480 kilometers wide and 40 kilometers deep in the Kurdish territories of
Rozawa. This is the fabricated communication scenario orchestrated by the Turkish state in
order to defend, politically and militarily, the genocide it is planning against the
Kurdish people,

The armed and rebel Kurdish people have been at the forefront of the struggle to crush
ISIS jihadists. He had countless casualties in this fight, as well as thousands of exiled
and outcasts. Now, amidst imperialist interventions and related geopolitical rivalries,
the beast of the recent past can be reconstituted, posing a direct threat to the freedom
of peoples throughout the region. After all, states and capitalists have no
moral-political grudges on this. Complete aggregates of all kinds are the most reactionary
and aggressive reserve of capital. Euro-Atlantic imperialism and the monarchies of the
Persian Gulf are the forces that initially funded ISIS and were then allegedly shocked by
the barbarism it displayed. This self-inflicted barbarism with the money and equipment
they generously provided to ISIS was then a peculiar kind of invitation for these great
powers to interfere in the internal affairs of foreign countries and to settle with their
interventions by marionette regimes. will serve their broader interests. After all, this
is common practice for imperialist forces and widely used in the region, especially by the US.

With this imperialist intervention of Turkey, it is very likely that ISIS itself will be
erected by its ashes. On the one hand, it is already known to all that the Turkish
military is working with the Free Syrian Army (FSA), the Islamist militant units that
constitute Turkish manikins, and a reactive opposition to the Assad regime in Syria. On
the other hand, thousands of prisoners of ISIS are being held by the Syrian Democratic
Forces (SDF) in northern Syria. Turkey's attack on Rozawa can revive the most obscure
power of our time from anywhere. There are already 12,000 ISIS jihadists in detention
centers in northern Syria who can potentially flee, as the autonomous administration of
northern and eastern Syria has declared a general campaign to halt the Turkish invasion.
According to media reports, Turkey has already bombed a prison where ISIS members are
detained and rumored to be fleeing jihadists.

Throughout this story it is demonstrated in the clearest way that those who present
themselves as "patron of the peoples", that is, their imperialist fathers, are those who
seek their true security, those who promote peace and slaughter the people for the
interests of privileged minority elites (multinationals and monopolies). The US has
"liberated" the Kurds, leaving them exposed in the face of Turkey's deadly military
invasion of NATO's second most powerful military force. The Kurds themselves, too, knew
that their military alliance with the US was temporary and extortionate due to
geopolitical and economic pressures. For our part, although we stand critically, we are
not content with a purely and securely condemned, at least temporarily, partial
cooperation of Kurds / Kurds companions / comrades with the US (whatever that means). This
certainly does not mean that we forget, even for a moment, that these alliances are deeply
undermining the very foundations of a possible emancipatory and liberating perspective.
Capital, however, has an international displacement within the world of an
internationalized market economy, as opposed to the revolutions that sprout from a
particular local demarcation. Therefore, the only way to free revolutionary movements from
geopolitical pressures and economic and military dependence on various imperialisms is to
promote internationalism and the widespread outbreak of social revolutions, especially in
neighboring countries. This is how social revolutions can be defended by multiplying them.

As far as we are concerned, we can understand that the further involvement of the Greek
state in the political and economic planning of Euro-Atlantic imperialism and the
conversion of the Greek territory into a NATO advanced outpost in the Balkans and the
eastern Mediterranean imperialist war. The fact is that the more imperialist antagonisms
intensify, the more the bourgeoisie will look to the future of the social base, especially
as they continue to thicken the clouds of an impending war that will serve only the
interests of the capitalists. In the face of this cruel and bloody prospect for the
people, the oppressed and exploiting of all countries, we must unite on the basis of our
community of material interests and direct our efforts to establish and foster a class,
anti-war, internationalist movement against states and capital. Let's face it that we are
not going to fight for the profits of the bosses, that we are not going to eat with our
class brothers because we are on the same side of the roadblock. Only if we attack
capitalism in a coordinated and international scale can we pave the way for universal
human emancipation, for libertarian communism. Let's face it that we are not going to
fight for the profits of the bosses, that we are not going to eat with our class brothers
because we are on the same side of the roadblock. Only if we attack capitalism in a
coordinated and international scale can we pave the way for universal human emancipation,
for libertarian communism. Let's face it that we are not going to fight for the profits of
the bosses, that we are not going to eat with our class brothers because we are on the
same side of the roadblock. Only if we attack capitalism in a coordinated and
international scale can we pave the way for universal human emancipation, for libertarian
communism.

Concluding, we call on the social base to support the international efforts to establish a
defensive line in defense of the revolution in Rozawa and the peoples of Western Kurdistan
currently facing the generalized military intervention of the Turkish state with the
tolerance and sympathy of the great powers. the region of the Middle East. The people of
Kurdistan are a body of the body of the international proletariat. The revolution in
Rozawa and the liberating social enterprise of the democratic confederation are a shining
example of the struggle of the oppressed and exploited, who are increasingly immersed in
the darkness of the state and capitalist world-wide. So that is why, we must in every
possible way exert pressure on the imperialist centers, demanding the immediate cessation
of hostilities aimed at decimating the struggling Kurdish people. Practical
internationalist solidarity is currently a crucial issue for the survival of more than
2,000,000 people in northern and eastern Syria, but also for the continuation of the
revolutionary operation in Kurdistan.

So let us not be inactive to the bloodthirsty action of the imperialists. To act locally,
thinking internationally, with our knowledge of internationalism, class solidarity and the
revolutionary perspective. The Kurdish people, the People's Protection Units (YPG), the
Women's Self-Defense Units (YPJ) and the guerrilla units of internationalist militants,
anarchists and communists, are not alone. We stand for their victory over their righteous
struggle, for the overthrow of fascism, for the overthrow of capitalism, for social
liberation and peace, for the freedom of everyone and the equality of all. Their fight is
ours too.

We welcome international mobilization and solidarity actions with the struggling Kurdish
people. Make revolutionary internationalism a reality! We call in support of local
mobilizations set for the third-day International Day of Solidarity for the struggling
Kurdish people and rebel Rozawa on Saturday 2 November.

SOLIDARITY ROAD ON RIDING KURDISH PEOPLE AND REVOLUTIONARY ROZAVA: SATURDAY NOVEMBER 2,
17:30, KAMARA

IMMEDIATELY Cessation of Imperialist Interventions That Hematize People

NOW DESTROYED ON THE TERRITORIES OF NORTH SYRIAN TURKEY

TO REDUCE CLASSICAL CONFLICTS OF INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY AGAINST STATE AND CAPITAL INTEGRITY

WIN THE WEAPONS OF KURDS / EQUAL PARTS / EQUATIONS - WAR IN WAR FOR EVERY Imperialist

I REQUEST THE REVOLUTIONARY ROZAVA

Thessaloniki Freedom Initiative, Puebo Anarchist Collectivity (members of the Anarchist
Federation) anarchist-federation@riseup.net Youtube:
anarchist-federation.gr

twitter: twitter.com/anarchistfedGr
fb: facebook.com/anarxikiomospondia2015


https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com/2019/10/29/

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Message: 4






The Kurds have entered into alliances with local States and imperialist powers, always to
be betrayed. After World War One, they were promised their own state by the victorious
imperialist forces of Britain, France and the USA. These promises, enshrined in the Treaty
of Sevres in 1920, proved to be worthless, and anyway it was always about how the great
powers would carve up the old Ottoman Empire. ---- The Kurdistan depicted in the Treaty of
Sevres would have been under British control. Some Kurdish nationalists supported this,
but others sided with the Turkish nationalist military leader Kemal Ataturk to fight the
Allied powers. These Muslim Kurds preferred Ottoman or Turkish nationalist control to
domination by a Christian power. Others feared that the British would re-introduce
Armenians - who had fled after the genocidal attacks on them by the Turks - would be
re-introduced to the region. This was a decision to be regretted by the Kurds as they
experienced the reality of life under the Ataturk regime.

The British had occupied the oil-rich province of Mosul, where many Kurds lived, in 1918.
The following year Mosul was incorporated into the newly created Iraq. The Treaty of
Sevres promised the Iraqi Kurds the chance to be part of this projected Kurdistan, a
promise never to be fulfilled.

In 1920 Shaykh Mahmud Barzanji led an uprising of the Iraqi Kurds against British rule and
declared a Kurdish kingdom in northern Iraq. At first the British had backed Barzanji, who
they saw as offering a convenient buffer territory between their interests in Iraq and the
Turkish state. He had become increasingly resentful about the failure of the British to
keep their promises. He was wounded, captured and imprisoned in India until 1922.

However, the British now decided to bring him back to stabilise the area against the
Turkish nationalists and he was installed as governor of south Kurdistan, but after his
return he proclaimed himself King of Kurdistan, turned down the British deal and allied
with Turkey. Barzanji was defeated and captured again in 1932. He sued for peace and was
exiled to southern Iraq. During the series of uprisings against the British, the RAF used
bombs and chemical weapons against Kurdish insurgents.

In 1968 the USA supported the coming to power in Iraq of the Ba'athist Party, which
promptly began to attack the Kurds in that country. In the 1970s it supported the Shah of
Iran as its ally in the region, and gave support to the Kurds against Iraq. When war
between Iran and Saddam Hussein's Iraq ended suddenly in 1975, Iran dropped its Kurdish
allies and the Americans stopped supplying them with military aid. The Kurds then were at
the mercy of Saddam.

In the 1980s The USA saw Saddam as a useful regional ally, particularly with the fall of
the Shah and the Islamic Revolution in 1979 in Iran. The Americans turned a blind eye to
Saddam's atrocities against the Kurds. This changed again in 1990 with Saddam's invasion
of Kuwait. He was now the enemy of the USA and American support was given to Kurdish and
Shiite revolts in Iraq. However with the declaration of a Kurdish autonomous zone in
northern Iraq, the USA failed to provide assistance and the revolt was crushed.

With the Syrian civil war, the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) of Turkey, who had been
waging a war against the Turkish State, in alliance with its proxy, the Democratic Union
Party (PYD) took over parts of Syria from the Assad regime. They defended themselves
against attacks from the Islamic State. The Americans, seeking an ally in the region, at
first supported the Kurds against ISIS with air attacks, and then later with financial and
military aid. The Kurds had once again become a proxy of the USA.

All of this changed with Trump's abrupt decision to desert the Kurds and to allow the
Turkish state to attack the Kurdish area in Syria. But, once again, Trump has reversed his
position of pulling US troops out of Syria, under pressure from both Democrats and
Republicans, and the criticisms of many retired military leaders. What this means for the
Kurds in Syria remains to be seen.

As for Russia, it initially gave support to the PYD and its military units, the YPG. Now,
however, Russia's uneasy alliance with the Erdogan regime in Turkey means that Putin has
given the green light for YPG forces to be pushed back from the Turkish/Syrian border.
Putin met with Erdogan at the Black Sea resort of Sochi last week, and there it was agreed
that Russian troops in Syria would not intervene to stop the advance of the Turkish
forces. For its part, the PYD has agreed for the return of control of north east Syria to
Assad and his forces. The PYD might switch allegiances and go into alliance with Russia,
which will cynically play them off against the Turkish State, and then in time-honoured
fashion, drop the Kurds when they are no longer deemed useful. Putin's support of the
Assad regime is still a priority and comes before any support for the Kurds.

We should also be aware of the demands by the German Defence Minister, Annegret
Kramp-Karrenbauer to set up a security zone in the area and send thousands of troops
there. This represents a move by the Franco-German bloc in Europe to intervene for its own
interests.

Meanwhile, across the border in northern Iraq, the USA still supports the Kurdish
autonomous region ruled by the Barzani family. However, this support has its limits. After
an independence referendum with a 93% vote of Yes, in 2017, the USA used its troops to
support Iraqi forces to push the Kurds back into their enclave and the areas taken by the
Kurds in 2014, including Kirkuk and its oilfields, were retaken by the Iraqi government.
This is in spite of the role that Kurdish forces had played in driving out ISIS from most
of Iraq.

There is an old Kurdish saying that the Kurds have no friends but the mountains. Any
attempt by the Kurds to ally with world imperialist powers as well as regional imperialist
powers like Iran, have proven time and again to be disastrous. The Kurds are used as
proxies, as cannon fodder for the interests of these powers in a danger zone where the USA
and its British and European allies, and Russia and its allies of Syria and Iran, are in
confrontation.

Only a revolutionary movement that unites Kurdish, Turkish, and Arab workers and sweeps
away the ruling class in the Middle East, whether it be the Barzani family, the theocratic
regime in Iran, the Assad regime in Syria and Erdogan in Turkey, can offer any real
solution to the situation.

https://www.anarchistcommunism.org/2019/10/30/no-friends-but-the-mountains/

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Message: 5






AGAINST NATURAL THREAT AND STATE METHODS ---- WE GET BATTLE POSITIONS ---- A few months
after the huge failure of the Macedonian nationalist "pride" fiesta, the neo-Nazis of the
Sacred Lodge are trying to make another public appearance, this time calling for a march
against "smuggling" in downtown Thessaloniki. As always, this time there is no way to let
any transnational fascist gang claim public space and reason. We are well aware of the
role of all these fascist offenses that plague every democracy: these Nazi groups are the
puppets of the state. They attack occupation - social spaces of struggle as well as
refugees, immigrants, the oppressed, and complement each other with capital expressing
(side by side) the most aggressive, fascist aspect of modern totalitarianism, the most
extreme state and capital domination.

THE STATES ARE ARMING, THEY ARE DOING

Of course, the New Right's New Right government. it keeps a close eye, since fascist
movement is always useful and exploited by the state. The situation of recent years after
the great waves of uprooting people from the war-torn and economically depleted countries
of the world due to the expansive wars and the financial management of the western world
on a global scale has escaped the control of domination that it is unable to manage.
Around 20,000 are immigrants trapped in Greece (because none of them want to stay in the
country but cross the border) while most "accommodation centers" stack up multiple people
than expected, in conditions comparable to concentration camps in Greece. second world,
while state violence first drove these people out of solidarity structures and exile
squads, to later throw them to the hot spot of death. The political management of the
situation by the new neoliberal government by evacuating structures that housed refugees
under human conditions also reveals the state's morality, which sets up money alarms even
if it is necessary to open graves for people. Detention centers therefore serve exactly
this purpose: they are transformed into modern-day ghetto extermination camps, while
societies are watching unharmed or even worse, as in the case of the Vrasna, attacking the
earth's criminals, sharpening social cannibalism and ensuring its continuation. .

THE MASKS ARE BELIEVED - THE PROJECT IS PLAYED

No matter how much ND trying to deceive the absence of the Golden Dawn from the House as
an anti-fascist victory of liberal management and democratization, we know for our part
that the political "vacuum" is being filled by the government itself, whose members with
reason and their act daily reminds them of their political backgrounds. With a series of
measures attempting to implement pan-state control in our lives, such as electronic voting
in the unions (for fighters' files), the abolition of n + 2 (as a measure of discipline),
and with overtly inhumane statements that the media propaganda and normalizing it, the new
government is paving the way for modern totalitarianism. And to better root in the seats
of the House,

No illegal payments are made. Thousands of people drowning to escape the war declared by
the great powers are again targeted by the Nazis. It must be made clear that fascism will
be defeated by the anti-fascist struggle in every area of social life where it seeks to
flourish, through grassroots organization, unions and collective struggle against capital
and its expansion over the value of human life. We will never allow fascists to exist in
public space as long as we live. The struggle against any form of fascist pogrom for
refugees and immigrants is fierce and long-lasting, precisely because it is nourished by
the state itself, which has a constant track of time and a consequence of action.

WHEN NO FATHER IN A MASSAGE BUSINESS - LET'S ACT TO LIVE

As hundreds of thousands of people worldwide strike, organize and clash at any cost and in
any way with the status of their country, against the poverty and death imposed by state
capital, from Chile to Kurdistan, the Nazis march. immigrant and uprooted immigrants on
fantasy social issues. We are well aware that the root of the problem is the very essence
of the state itself, which is costing everything in the interest of the ruling class and
does not hesitate when it comes to solving dogs to clean up and suppress social resistance.

As anarchists, then, we will not let the state / state evolve into our lives and the lives
of all the oppressed of this unanswered world. The world of struggle and the organized
presence of the anti-fascist and anarchist movement to stand against fascism and neo-Nazi
neo-Nazis. For a society of Equality, Solidarity and Freedom, until we build the world of
Anarchy and Liberal Communism.

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SUNDAY 03 NOVEMBER, at 15:00 Tsimiski with Navarinou

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http://apo.squathost.com

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Message: 6






Review of "Towards Anarchy"; Malatesta in America 1899-1900. The Complete Works of Errico
Malatesta; Vol. IV; D. Turcato, Ed. ---- Review of latest volume in The Complete Works of
Errico Malatesta, covering his time in the United States. Summarizes and critiques
Malatesta's important contributions to the theory and strategy of revolutionary anarchism.
---- Errico Malatesta (1853-1932) was a younger comrade and friend of Michael Bakunin and
Peter Kropotkin, who were among the "founders" of revolutionary anarchism. He may be seen
as continuing their theory and practice where they left off-after Bakunin died and after
Kropotkin betrayed anarchist principles to support the imperialist Allies in World War I.
He was of a generation which included significant anarchist figures, including Emma
Goldman, Luigi Fabbri, Pierre Monatte, and Nester Makhno, among others. Living through
World War I, the Russian revolution, and the rise of fascism, he made important
contributions-which remain valuable for anarchists today. These were expressed in his
direct, plain-spoken, style, a model of clarity.

Malatesta's overall views may be evaluated in His Life and Ideas (1984). This is a
selection of passages from various essays (chosen by V. Richards). Arranged thematically,
the book covers the major topics of his anarchism. The more recent (and larger) Method of
Freedom (2014) is a selection by D. Turcato of the major writings of his life, arranged
chronologically. Turcato has written a biography and an assessment of Malatesta's ideas,
Making Sense of Anarchism (2015). Finally, The Complete Works, being organized by Turcato,
aims at a ten volume collection of Malatesta's work, covering his 60 years of political
activity. It is an important undertaking and a major contribution to anarchism.

The latest volume in this series (as of this writing) is Volume 4 (2019). It has a useful
introduction by Nunzio Pernicone, the specialist on Italian anarchism. It covers about
eight months in 1988-1900 when Malatesta resided in the United States, after escaping from
an Italian prison island. He came to the U.S. to be the main editor of a journal, La
Questione Sociale. This was based in Paterson, N.J., a center of Italian working class
migrant life and of left-wing Italian activity. Traveling up and down the Eastern
seaboard, he gave lectures on anarchism in Italian and Spanish, and spent a week doing the
same in Cuba. He had planned to stay longer, but events drew him back to Europe,
immediately to Britain.

Malatesta's speeches and essays of this period were only a fraction of his lifelong
production. Yet they covered the major themes of his anarchist perspective. Many are
written in debate with two other Italian political groupings: the
"anti-organizationalists" and the "democratic socialists". The
"anti-organizzatori/individualisti" were led by Guiseppe Ciancabilla. There are some
similar anarchists today who object to the "anti-organizational" label, because, they
point out, they are for local collectives, journals, info shops, loose networks,
cooperatives, and so on. Be that as it may, Pernicone writes, "Ciancabilla was adamantly
opposed to labor unions and virtually any form of activity that involved even a modicum of
organization-anarchist federations, congresses, cooperatives, mutual aid societies,
formalized programs, permanent committees, etc. He rejected them all as harbingers of
authoritarianism. " (2019; xiii-xiv) Ciancabilla declared, "Every organization-even if it
proclaims itself anarchist-can only prove authoritarian....Therefore our struggle must be
a constant one against the principle itself of organization..." (xxiii)

In contrast, self-organization from below-for mass movements as well as for specific
anarchist groupings-was central to Malatesta's politics. He believed that anarchists would
be most effective if they voluntarily organized themselves around an agreed-upon
perspective, which he referred to as the "revolutionary anarchist-socialist program." (43)
With this program, they should form self-managed anarchist federations. "Those who want
the same thing and intend to bring it about using the same methods, should unite...in
order to educate and help each other in the common work,[and]to coordinate into a common
cause various initiatives...."[64]Such an organization, with autonomy for members and
locals, would improve their ability to develop their theory and coordinate their practice.
This includes their capacity to effectively participate in broader organizations (labor
unions, community associations, anti-war movements, etc.). For this reason, this approach
is sometimes called (awkwardly) "dual-organizationalism."

This is distinct from the Leninist concept of the centralized vanguard party: the aim is
not to build a machine which would take over the state and rule the people for their own
good; it is to fight effectively to spur the workers on to act for themselves, to
overthrow their bosses, and to prevent anyone else from taking over as new masters.

Malatesta is sometimes falsely portrayed as anti-organzational because, years later, he
rejected a specific proposal for an anarchist federation laid out in the "Platform"
developed by Makhno, Arshinov, and others.(See 2014, chap. 73.) Whatever the rights or
wrongs of that specific exchange, it was a discussion between pro-organizational anarchists.

Malatesta also debated, in speeches and written essays, with Italian-American "democratic
socialists" (social democrats-mostly Marxist state socialists). He resisted their claim to
be the only "socialists," unlike the anarchists. Instead he insisted that his grouping was
"anarchist-socialist," genuine socialists (which did not contradict his goal of
libertarian communism). The difference was that the social democrats believed in creating
socialism through their party taking over the state by means of elections. This meant
winning elections in bourgeois-democratic countries with elected governments-such as
France-or through first replacing undemocratic monarchies with parliaments-as in italy at
the time. (This was written before the Russian revolution, so he did not yet raise
anarchist opposition to non-parliamentary revolutions which might create a single-party
dictatorship-the "dictatorship of the proletariat".) (See Malatesta 2014; "The
Dictatorship of the Proletariat and Anarchy"; chap. 55.)

Malatesta did not want people to trust "representatives" to be political for the working
people; he wanted the oppressed to learn to act collectively for themselves. He did not
trust any form of the state, no matter how formally democratic, to work for the people.
Any government would serve the rich and powerful against the poor and oppressed (he used
the U.S.A. as an example). Whatever good a government may do (such as labor laws) is only
due to pressure from below; when the popular pressure recedes, the "good laws" will no
longer be enforced. "We must do what we can to prevent the fallacy from taking root that a
good parliament might be possible, which would be just as harmful as the theory that there
might be such a thing as a good king." (xxi)

"Electionists...compare what is done in the electoral struggle with what would happen if
nothing were done; while instead they should compare the results obtained when other
methods are followed and with what might be achieved if all effort used to send
representatives to power...were employed in the fight to directly achieve what is
desired." (179)

In the abstract, he did not accept "democracy," defined as "majority rule." Malatesta
advocated voluntary association through free agreement. However, he was flexible. "When we
are not all unanimous and this concerns opinions over which nobody wishes to sacrifice the
existence of the group[such as the selection of a meeting date], we voluntarily, by tacit
agreement, let the majority decide." (74)

Was Malatesta a Gradualist?

Basing itself on Davide Turcato's interpretation, the back of the (2019) book states that
Malatesta was "laying the foundation of an original, gradualist vision of anarchism." In
Malatesta (2014), Turcato writes that "Malatesta's is a gradualist view of anarchy" and
refers to his "anarchist gradualism." (3, 4) If not literally wrong, this presentation of
Malatesta as a "gradualist" is misleading. It implies that he ceased to be a revolutionary.

The "gradualist" interpretation is especially based on an 1899 essay, "Towards Anarchy."
(167-170) Referring to the "gradual modification of the new environment," Malatesta wrote,
"Anarchy cannot come but little by little-slowly but surely, growing in intensity and
extension. Therefore the subject is not whether we accomplish anarchy today, tomorrow, or
within ten centuries, but that we walk toward anarchy today, tomorrow, and always." (168)

Speaking of the goal of anarchy taking ten centuries certainly sounds gradualist, not to
say reformist. However, what Malatesta is talking about is the full achievement of
anarchy-of a classless, stateless, oppressionless society, which is completely
cooperative, relying on the fully developed consciences of totally autonomous individuals.
This may indeed take centuries.

But in the very same essay, Malatesta makes it clear that he believes that a revolution-or
series of revolutions-will be necessary to begin the process of building an
anarchist-socialist society. (Malatesta is advocating eventual mass, popular, uprisings,
not minority coups-when the people want a new society and the rulers refuse to permit a
peaceful change.) "There is in every country a government which, with brutal
force,...compels all to be subjected to exploitation....It is for this reason that we want
a violent revolution today and we shall want it always...Always we should remain firm in
our resolution to take with force, as soon as it is possible, those means which the
private owners, protected by the government, have stolen from the workers." (168-9)

Malatesta rejected the social democrats' view that socialism could be voted in through
peaceful, "democratic," elections. He also disagreed with those anarcho-syndicalists who
thought that a revolution could be carried out nonviolently using only a general strike.
Armed conflict with the core of the bosses' state would be eventually necessary, he
argued. How then can we reconcile his revolutionism and his "gradualism"? This can only be
done by examining Malatesta's views of anarchist activity before and after the desired
revolution.

Before the Revolution

During pre-revolutionary or non-revolutionary periods, Malatesta rejected all-or-none
approaches. He came to oppose either demands for an immediate insurrection (whether the
people were ready or not) or for incremental reforms with no revolutionary goal. "We must
seek to get all the people, or different sections of the people, to make
demands...for...all the improvements and freedoms that it desires...; and in always
propagating all aspects of our program, and always struggling for its complete
realization, we must push the people to want always more and to increase its pressures,
until it has achieved complete emancipation ....Whatever may be the practical results of
the struggle for immediate gains, the greatest value lies in the struggle itself." (49-50)

As mentioned, Malatesta was a strong supporter of labor unions. He supported union
struggles over big and small issues. "Let us enter all the workers's associations,
establish as many as we can, weave ever larger federations, support and organize strikes,
and spread everywhere...the spirit of cooperation and solidarity between workers...."
(xix) He criticized anarchists who joined unions but did not go to union meetings or be
part of union activities.

Sometimes he has been falsely seen as anti-union or anti-syndicalist. He criticized those
anarcho-syndicalists whom he perceived as advocating the dissolution of the anarchist
movement into the unions. Pointing to the limitations of the unions, he advocated that
anarchist organizations maintain themselves and work inside and outside the unions. (See
Malatesta 2014; chapter 45.)

In the fight against the Italian monarchy, he did not insist that nothing but anarchy
would do as a goal. Instead, he proposed a "revolutionary alliance" of anarchists (and the
union they influenced), of the social democrats (and their union), and also the radical
wing of the anti-monarchist republicans. The goal of the social democrats and the
republicans was a bourgeois representative democracy, not anarchy. But-at the time-they
supported a violent revolution against Italy's archaic monarchy. To this end, Malatesta
was for working with them, without giving up the anarchist goal or the self-organization
of the anarchists. "Ready to rise up against the monarchy alongside anybody who is ready
to rise up, we remain anarchist-socialists as always....We are anti-monarchist but we are
also anti-republican." (96)

This became the later anarchist strategy in fighting the rise of fascism. (See Malatesta
2014; "United Proletarian Front"; chap. 57.) The anarchists and anarcho-syndicalists
proposed to fight Mussolini's Fascist goons in coalition with the Socialists and
Communists as well as the radical republicans. In towns where they did this, they were
successful in driving out the Fascists. But the Socialists made a "non-aggression pact"
with the Fascists (which the Fascists ignored) and the Communists (then led by the
super-sectarian Amadeo Bordiga) broke off all alliances which they did not rule. So a
fighting alliance was not formed and the Fascists came to power.

During his brief tour of Cuba, Malatesta raised his attitude toward national liberation.
This was not long after the Cuban War of Independence. Most Cuban anarchists had supported
the war and many had fought in it. Malatesta expressed full agreement with this approach.
He praised the "brave Cuban workers, white and black,...[who had]fought for their
country's freedom." (231) At the same time, he expressed the anarchist opposition to
replacing the Spanish government with a new Cuban state. He advocated opposition to U.S.
imperialism which sought to take the place of the Spanish empire. "The anarchists,
fighting against the existing government, do not do so to put another in its place...." (233)

In brief, in all sorts of economic and political struggles, Malatesta was for maintaining
the anarchist-socialist goal and building anarchist-socialist organizations, while
fighting for every improvement for the people, no matter how limited. I would not regard
this as a "gradualist" approach.

After the Revolution

Malatesta's view of a post-revolutionary period was based on several factors. For one, he
doubted that all the revolutionary people would have been converted to anarchist-socialism
before a successful insurrection. Even immediately after a revolution, he expected
anarchists to actually be a minority. The revolution would probably be made through a
united front of differing organizations and tendencies. Further, he expected that there
would be a need to rapidly get the economy going-to feed, clothe, and shelter the working
population. The old system of production and distribution could not be immediately torn
down without something to take its place. At the same time, the old state would have been
dissolved. Without the forces of state repression over everyone, it would become possible
for the people to experiment in re-organizing society in a free and pluralistic manner.

To return to the essay, "Towards Anarchy:" Malatesta declared that a violent revolution
was necessary-but once accomplished, a different approach would become possible. "The
right of force having disappeared, the means of production being placed under the
management of whomever wants to produce, the rest must be the fruit of peaceful
evolution...." (169) As he was to explain later (in 1925), "After the revolution-that is
after the fall of those in power and the final triumph of the forces of insurrection? This
is where gradualism becomes particularly relevant." (2014; "Gradualism"; chap. 71; 472)

Malatesta did not lay out a blueprint for a new society but neither did he leave it at
some general principles. Rather he expected that people would organize themselves in
different ways, using different methods, trying out alternate ways of producing goods,
providing housing, educating children, governing themselves (without government),
protecting themselves (without police), and overall creating an experimental, pluralistic,
and decentralized, new society. (See Price 2006.) Over time he expected these approaches
to evolve into communist anarchism. In this sense, and in only this sense, he believed,
"Anarchism is necessarily gradualist." (2014; 270)

Conclusions

Of course Malatesta was not perfect. Although residing in the U.S. he had virtually
nothing to say about white supremacy. Occasionally he mentioned the split between
African-Americans and white workers as an example, among others, of the divide-and-rule
approach of the capitalists-true but not sufficient. Of course, his experience of the U.S.
was quite limited.

He says little or nothing about the oppression of women. Early on in the U.S., he proposed
an anarchist program which included, "Reconstruction of the family" (45) as well as
guaranteed social support for children. It did not go beyond this. He wrote one essay "On
the Problem of Love." (196-200) It is, in fact, a discussion of the problems of
heterosexual love. Despite one phrase about the need to "destroy the brutal claims of the
male to dominate over the female," (199) there is no further mention of the oppression of
women. Unlike the issues around U.S. racism, he should have had more to say. However, in
the socialist-anarchist organization with which he worked in Patterson, a number of women
formed their own Gruppo Emancipazione della Donna. This says something positive about the
grouping.

I think Malatesta was mistaken in saying that he was against "democracy," when his actual
opinion was the support of a self-managing society, that is, a radical democracy. Also, in
my opinion he was mistaken in his blanket condemnation of Marxism. He was certainly
correct to reject Marxists' electoralism and statism as well as its nonmoral determinism.
Yet I think that there are aspects of Marx's Marxism which can be useful to revolutionary
anarchists, such as historical materialism and the analysis of how capitalism works.

Was Malatesta a "gradualist"? Unquestionably he continued to believe in the goal of a
revolution of the workers and all oppressed-through popular insurrection and armed
struggle. In this sense he was a revolutionist and not at all a gradualist. However, he
believed that the struggle could take a long time. He believed that once the repressive
agencies of the state were overthrown there would come an extended time of experimentation
and pluralism. The liberated people would gradually build the institutions of a free
society, from the bottom up. In that sense, he was a post-revolutionary gradualist.

Overall, by the time covered by this volume, Errico Malatesta had developed a strategic
approach of great value. Carrying on the work of Bakunin, Kropotkin, and many others, he
proposed a two-sided revolutionary strategy. He wanted anarchists to support and
participate in every popular struggle for betterment, whether minor or major. This
especially meant the labor movement, but also struggles for increased political freedom
(against the monarchy and then fascism), for the independence of oppressed nations (such
as Cuba), and every other effort for improving the lives of the people. He was for working
in alliance with every political tendency, however non-anarchist, which would fight for
even limited gains. However, he insisted that socialist-anarchists must not dissolve
themselves in these struggles but should fight as revolutionary anarchists. He wanted them
to form specific political federations, to put out their own propaganda, to raise their
own programs, and to keep in mind their vision of a free society and the goal of a popular
revolution. "A socialist should know that the only way of correcting the people's mistakes
is to always say what one believes to be the truth." (166) This was true then and remains
true now.

References

Malatesta, Errico (1984) (Vernon Richards, Ed.). Errico Malatesta: His Life and Ideas.
London UK: Freedom Press.

Malatesta, Errico (2014) (Davide Turcato, Ed.) (Paul Sharkey, Trans.). The Method of
Freedom; An Errico Malatesta Reader. Oakland CA: AK Press.

Malatesta, Errico (2015). Making Sense of Anarchism. Errico Malatesta's Experiments with
Revolution. 1889-1900. Oakland CA: AK Press.

Malatesta, Errico (2019) (Davide Turcato, Ed.) (Paul Sharkey, Trans.). "Towards Anarchy";
Malatesta in America 1899-1900. The Complete Works of Errico Malatesta; Vol. IV. Chico CA:
AK Press.

Price, Wayne (2006). "Malatesta's Anarchist Vision of Life After Capitalism."
https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/wayne-price-malatesta-s-anarchist-vision-of-life-after-capitalism

*original version written for Anarcho-Syndicalist Review

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31632

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