Today's Topics:
1. France, Union Communiste Libertaire AL #298 - Read:
Antonini, "For a libertarian economy" (fr, it, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. iwa-ait: Solidarity with the Working Class Protests of Chile
(ca) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. alas barricadas: The real Barcelona on fire by Ruymán
Rodríguez (FAGC) (ca) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Greece, liberta salonica: Rally in solidarity with the
struggling Iraqi people: Tuesday 5/11, 17:00, Kamara [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Czech, AFED: March for Rojava - Report from the Prague
demonstration during World Resistance Day against the Turkish
invasion of Rojava [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
Libertarians have counted and count many philosophers, historians, geographers,
sociologists and political scientists. Economists are rarer to relate to this stream of
ideas. We will think of Proudhon, Kropotkin and closer to us Michael Albert, Alain Bihr or
David Graeber. However, it is fair to say that the term economist is probably reductive to
describe their work and these authors do not present themselves as economists because
their work is at the crossroads of several disciplines. ---- In For a libertarian economy
, Frédéric Antonini questions the claim of capitalist political economy to explain all
human activities. It claims a more global approach through which it is possible to think
of an alternative to capitalism, that is to say a society free of profit, state and
division into classes and based on self-management.
In this essay of less than 80 pages, the author puts forward ideas and proposals that he
submits to the debate.
It shows how capitalism and self-management are incompatible and makes it very clear that
a libertarian economy can not result from a regulation of capitalism. For all that, it
defines the libertarian economy as pluralistic and specifies under what conditions various
forms of production are possible. It is unfortunate that it sometimes states it as obvious
and does not sufficiently explain why this pluralism is desirable.
If a revolution involves a rupture, it is also a process insofar as the constitution of a
majority social bloc around a revolutionary project involves alliances. This is the case,
for example, between salaried workers and a small peasantry that does not spontaneously
switch to libertarian collectivism, but remains to convince of the benefits of this
choice. It is therefore quite conceivable that small peasant property could be maintained
without the revenues derived from the same property coming from a lucrative activity,
which Frédéric Antonini supports in a general way. The small peasantry can be won over to
the idea of socialization from the moment when it understands that the whole society can
gain and not by the constraint and a mode of authoritarian socialization.
There are a number of avenues and transitional measures to move towards a libertarian
economy, such as the transformation of public enterprises into public interest
co-operatives, the requisitioning of empty dwellings and premises or unused land, or the
reduction of working time with salary increases, among others. Moreover, on this subject
as well as on the questions concerning the collective ownership of the means of production
or non-lucrative trade, Frédéric Antonini does not fail to recall that the libertarian
economy does not start from nothing and relies on practices and current economic and
social realities.
The relations between libertarian societies (which will probably not live in autarky) and
economies of domination are also mentioned. They are possible under certain conditions set
by social and ecological criteria in particular.
While this book is not intended to be exhaustive, the thought that it wants to open would
benefit to broaden the point of an economy more articulating self-management with the
questioning of patriarchy (exerting an overwhelming domination over women in the field of
studies economics), racism and technical ideology.
With these few reservations, For a libertarian economy will certainly help to feed the
debate on the project of society and is a point of support for those who wish that the
economy is not limited to a debate between sectateurs · Trices d a pure and hard
liberalism and partisan of a simple regulation of capitalism.
Laurent Esquerre (UCL Aveyron)
Frédéric Antonini, For a libertarian economy , Nada May 2019, 80pages, 8euros
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Lire-Antonini-Pour-une-economie-libertaire
------------------------------
Message: 2
For the last few weeks, social protests have erupted in Chile, reflecting the anger of the
working class against the situation it faces. The state responded with violence and
repression. Chile's National Institute of Human Rights has reported that hundreds of
people have been shot and there have been at least a few dozen casualties. ---- The IWA
stands in solidarity with the social protests of working people across the world. We must
stand together against the violence of Capital and the State. We express our solidarity
with the struggle and contempt of the government. We must organize to create a
self-managed society which can abolish this oppressive instrument and begin to work in
favor of the people - all people! ---- IWA Secretariat
https://iwa-ait.org/content/solidarity-working-class-protests-chile
------------------------------
Message: 3
They have written, thought and told so many lies about the riots in Barcelona, that if
they materialized they could be seen from space much more easily than the Great Wall of
China. ---- I can easily assume that many of those who reproduce these lies or have not
set foot in Catalonia since Monday 14 October , made public the judgment of procés and
began the demonstrations or, if they have trod, have not heard anything. But I am
convinced that the self-proclaimed "information professionals", that they have stepped on
it, that they have learned everything and that they still deliberately intoxicate, do so
in response to the direct mandates of power and a well-defined propaganda strategy. The
unfortunate thing is to discover that a large part of the politicized left, with its
opinion columns, communiqués, collectives, headquarters and assemblies, seem to be
analyzing reality through such media propaganda.
The reality of this latest reissue of La Rosa de Foc It has very little to do with what
we have been told or shown. On the one hand, one would expect to arrive in Barcelona to
find a collapsed city, with the "people of order" stuck in their home and urban life
completely paralyzed. The reality, on the contrary, is that the great majority of
inhabitants continue with their routines and normal street habits. This does not
necessarily mean that they are not interested in what is happening in their city, nor that
they are outside the conflict. On the contrary, it is the subject of constant conversation
and it is impossible to know if the neighbor who rushes a vermouth on a terrace is not
making time to join a mobilization that afternoon. In fact, it is rare to see someone
alarmed by hearing a rubber ball in the distance or seeing protesters running through the
streets.
But the big lie about the flames of Barcelona goes much further, or at least more to the
viscera. Well-organized and well-financed international commands behind the riots? An
exclusively nationalist movement motivated by supremacist aspirations? The reality of the
barricades and the street has nothing to do with it.
First, the average age of those who are starring in the protests is strikingly low. They
are young people who often do not exceed 18 years. In the streets of Barcelona it is not
uncommon to find girls and boys of 15 or 16 years leading the initiative in demonstrations
and clashes with the police. The vast majority was born in the 21st century, and they have
nothing to do with "professional revolutionaries", "anti-systems of European origin" and
other myths that the media have circulated these days. In fact, I wish there were more
organized groups involved in the conflict. Because today almost all the weight of the
fight, also at the repressive level, is falling on young people who may seem "experts"
facing the outside, but who really have no more weapons than will, enthusiasm, rehearsal /
error, day-to-day training, improvisation, word of mouth information and a lot of
accumulated anger. Internet tutorials, learning on the ground and maybe a brief advice
from an isolated veteran are doing more to keep them safe and safe than any of those
phantasmagoric well-funded groups (no one has yet answered how much the container is paid
in llamas) with whom no one has yet met. Spontaneity is marking much of the struggle and
also many of the concrete actions, with all the positive, but also dangerous, that this
has. They are doing more to keep them safe and safe than any of those phantasmagoric
well-funded groups (no one has yet answered how much the burning container is paid) with
which no one has yet found. Spontaneity is marking much of the struggle and also many of
the concrete actions, with all the positive, but also dangerous, that this has. They are
doing more to keep them safe and safe than any of those phantasmagoric well-funded groups
(no one has yet answered how much the burning container is paid) with which no one has yet
found. Spontaneity is marking much of the struggle and also many of the concrete actions,
with all the positive, but also dangerous, that this has.
On the other hand, what moves this youth to take to the streets? It would be excessively
simplistic and caricaturing to reduce everything to Catalan nationalism. Yes, certainly
that factor is very present and is noticeable, from the flags to the slogans. However,
only a fat brush analysis could argue that patriotism is what keeps 100% of protesters on
a war footing. The reality is much more complex and has a lot to do with the fissures in
the narrative of the State.
For decades, several generations (those born between 1978 and the first decade of 2000)
have been told, and sometimes convinced, that any idea , including independence, could be
defended in democracy , provided it was peaceful . This was the battlehorse against the
Abertzale left in the toughest years of ETA. The mantra has continued repeating itself to
this day. Censorship and arbitrary detentions for crimes of opinion could be cracking the
story, but almost everywhere and environments it has remained unquestionable. On October
1, 2017, an important crack opened up with the brutal police repression suffered by
Catalonia on the day of the famous referendum. But it was last Monday October 14 when the
music stopped playing, the curtain fell and the mask broke. Members of the upper
bourgeoisie, public offices, parties and associations, people with thousands of voters and
followers behind them, people who have always been firefighters in the face of street
processes they cannot control, pacifists ad nauseam, were sentenced by the Supreme Court
to prison terms of between 13 and 9 years for defending independence. This sentence
provoked two very clear conclusions: first, the soniquete that "everything goes in
democracy as long as violence is not used" had shattered to the ground and it was deduced
that if you could fall several years in jail for not do nothing, you better fall for "do
something"; Second, if the Spanish State could do that with the "heroes" of Catalanism,
what could it not do with the rest? There are times when the feeling of threat, of a
terror that pounces on us, leads us to confine ourselves; others, to show teeth. It is in
the latter that Catalan youth is.
Many of these young people accompanied their parents to vote the famous 1-O, and saw them
bleed, with their hands up, while the police beat them with impunity. The pacifist account
of his elders had dissolved and there was no way to recompose it. The steps taken by the
Spanish State and its police-judicial apparatus have had much to do, therefore, with this
reversal of the current. Dynamics that the Generalitat and the independence parties do not
escape either, from right to left. The phenomenon of "deferred independence", the paripés
and symbolic proclamations that evidenced more fear of a Catalan people without reins than
the Spanish State itself, have made the current protester, even the independentist,
However, even this does not cover all the motivations. In the demonstrations there are
also many young people with no future, no job, migrants, pissed off by an increasingly
uninhabitable Barcelona, designed to be consumed and not lived. Young people who before
the sentence were fed up with the mossos registering and stopping them because of their
skin color. Young people with precarious jobs who lamented having to leave a demonstration
or a road cut because they had to go to work in a feina de merda . The more these young
people join the conflict, the more they will influence and deepen their social aspects.
The actions of the police, both national and Mossos , are deliberately forcing the
radicalization of the situation. Beyond what has been seen in social networks (rubber
balls directly to the body, protests run over, beatings to the elderly, stepping on
detainees on the ground, blows on the back of the neck, arbitrary detentions,
indiscriminate charges, persecutions while throwing laughter of psychopath by the
megaphone of a patrol car, 4 people one-eyed by the aforementioned FOAM balls), I have
been able to personally verify the systematic provocation used as a police tactic: I have
seen mossos making me a comb directly while passing by; I have heard them send people "to
take their ass with their fucking republic", in perfect Castilian, tried to mark the
syllables, as much as possible, to try to make a language become, in itself, an insult; I
have seen them open a police barrier, with 100 meters of no man's land behind them, in
prime time television, to allow a "provocative agent" to launch to the concentrated mass
shouts of "up Spain!", in a crude attempt to promote a collective aggression that
justified the burden of riot. All this, of course, is not accidental and should respond to
a well thought out strategy. However, it is impossible to maintain the tension tactic
permanently. It is true that sometimes the rope yields, but it is also true that sometimes
it breaks with a violent jolt. The consequences, then, cannot be anticipated.
The conflict, in short, has some aspects that from the subversive point of view (sorry,
but I have no other) marks a before and after: the emotional breakdown of the great
majority of protesters with the Spanish State is practically absolute; Although the
divorce with the Catalan institutions and parties, and with their social platforms, is not
yet complete, among the young people the discontent grows and the first symptoms of
separation occur; the myth of nostra police, reinforced especially after the attacks of
the Ramblas of August 17 (2017) and 1-O, the first week of protests is broken after all
the reports; the red line marked by pacifism begins to fade and censorship of actions
hypocritically considered "violent" is considered out of context in ever wider circles (it
is difficult to consider violent burning container 1 when each day of mobilization
throws one or two mutilated protesters).
Although these disturbances are a point and apart (it is still too early to assess their
magnitude in our contemporary history, but we can already confirm that it has broken
certain barriers that for example never touched the 15-M Movement), it would be absurd to
fall into idealizations . On the one hand it would be an exaggeration to affirm that
behind all protesters there is a political or vindictive drive. There is also a playful,
leisure factor, which, without being a majority, is not unreal. Sometimes this factor is
not at odds with solidarity and commitment in street fighting and, although it seems
paradoxical, these elements can come together quite naturally. However, the image of young
people with glasses of alcohol in their hands, taking a selfie With your partners and
friends in front of a barricade in flames, reducing the riots to a moment more than a
night of partying, it's not just propaganda. But this is a phenomenon that is more related
to our social model than with this specific conflict, in fact, in a city as touristy as
Barcelona, I have come to see families of Asian tourists taking pictures in front of dump
containers.
Another disconcerting element is the apparent lack of a specific objective or plan. There
must be, but hardly anyone seems to know him. A common question, in roadblocks,
demonstrations and riots themselves was: "What now?" Many events end up becoming a
wandering aimlessly, in the absence of a definite purpose. In fact sometimes I thought,
surely naively, that the first subject or group that exposed a strategic program with
acceptable points would take the cat to the water. This dynamic made me turn to two
questions: first, the need, already mentioned, of a road map outside the institutions and
organizations that they manage; second, ask me where "mine" were, anarchist organizations
and groups.
Surely there must be many individualities scattered in each mobilization, but I missed the
coordinated presence of libertarian groups. The anarchist colleagues I dealt with
explained to me that this was very difficult given the atomized configuration of the
anarchist movement of the city. Still, I was surprised that, in the face of such social
and political events, a rudimentary minimum agreement did not arise. Hopefully the lies of
the press, about the heavy weight of the anarchists in the protests, will come close to
the truth.
If 15-M taught us anything, it is that political movements are always accountable to
history. 15-M was not a revolutionary movement and was very far, like the current Catalan
movement, from being perfect and free from contradictions (for that we will have to wait
for the revolutionary Paradise). However, wherever the anarchists participated the
well-defined libertarian ideas converged with the intuitive, the anarchist movement grew
or strengthened (example is the FAGC in Gran Canaria) and could leave its mark on the
events. Where anarchism was inhibited, if it did not in itself have too much prior
autonomous life, it ended up being represented as a set of useless crooks only interested
in screwing and putting sticks on the wheel of the movement. Project, not as a social
struggle movement,
Those anarchists, and members of the so-called left in general, who today charge against
Catalan youth are making the same mistake they already made with 15-M. All his life
talking about taking the streets and squares, waking up and getting up, barricades and
riots, and when this happens he catches them with his pants down because there has not
been a minimum preparation, not even a minimum conviction, that he could move from
speeches and abstract theories to practical reality. Caught by surprise, and without much
interest in moving too much (neither at the level of ideological rethinking or immediate
activity), they adopt the comfortable posture of questioning everything but doing nothing.
With that attitude they are positioning themselves, both before and now, as the right wing
of social movements, when I don't eat the left wing of reactionary movements. They are not
understanding their youth, reducing their own "revolutionary" ideology to a senile, past,
impractical artifact that does not drag even a hint of the utility it could have in the past.
The same happened to some of the "old guard" libertarian with the young people who starred
in May 68. They were unable to analyze such a social explosion - which they had not
directly organized, but the new militant generation - without taking off the Lenses of his
classic approaches. They could understand that the black flags returned to the streets and
recognized that interest in the libertarian was resurfacing, but they were unable to fully
understand the process, to feel affinity for young people so different from their
predecessors and for a completely new language. That is why they treated the protagonists
of the struggles with a certain disdain and adultism, considering that their radicalism
would heal with age 2. This, although it may be true in the long run, is never a good way
to approach a process. The unfortunate and paradoxical thing is that many of those who
participated in the May of 68 today judge Catalan youth with the same severity with which
they were prosecuted then. In the end, the young people will tell them the same thing they
said in their day to other censors: "[...]we prefer to work in agreement with hundreds of
revolutionaries who, without carrying the label of anarchists, are much more for us than
certain bureaucrats" 3 .
In short, we must flee from these attitudes as from the plague. Anarchism should take
advantage of these situations to be practical and decisive, as a real unlocking option in
the reflections and in the streets. Hopefully all the energies that are invested in
Byzantine discussions on entelechies would be invested in developing a roadmap, a program,
understandable and acceptable, that would come to propose such concrete things as that the
riots will not cease until there is an amnesty that includes no only the prisoners of the
process but to all the detainees these days (unattainable for the Spanish State, but at
least set an objective) and they will begin to generate the necessary structures to
maintain the tension for an indefinite time. If we are unable to generate something so
"macro", perhaps it would be interesting to concentrate on designing a strategy of
concrete objectives in the mobilizations. Taking a space, occupying an institution,
collapsing a resource, as happened with the El Prat airport on the first day of
mobilizations, is a clear objective, with a beginning and an end. The dynamics of
"barricade-police load-running" and starting over can be very useful at the level of
learning and generating revolutionary muscle, but it is very difficult to maintain it for
prolonged periods of time. The young people who are in this for that playful aspect that I
commented before, they will leave the streets when the thing stops being "fun". Young
people with political commitment and those who move for social reasons will still be there
when the "novelty" is over, but a movement cannot survive assuming such a high cost at
repressive levels. With an average of 30 arrests per day (200 detainees in 6 days) there
is a danger of being exhausted. That is why it is important to rethink tactics and
strategy, what to influence and what to change.
And if we are not to reflect on any of this, it is important that we are at least on the
streets, that our presence is noticed, not giving up propaganda for the fact. From the
outside it may seem unimportant, but being there, and not giving up your own speech, is
vital. And I have been able to verify it personally. From the smallest to the largest, at
any time you can delve into a conflict, radicalize a situation, show efficacy or
experience. Your behavior speaks more about your political and social proposal than any
speech. When a group of protesters sit down and begin to sing again the " som gent de
pau", It is important that a discordant presence remind them that sitting down they invite
them to load and that they expose an area of the body as sensitive as the head. When the
chauvinistic and chauvinistic chants break through, it is necessary to break this dynamic
and introduce anti-capitalist or libertarian slogans that serve as a counterweight. When a
group of young people run shirtless and face open running away from the sirens, it is
difficult for them to forget the anarchist militant who gave them an on-site tutorial on
how to completely cover their face and head with the shirts that hung from their waists.
When the mood is inflamed after singing Els segadors, it does not hurt to remind those
around you that the lyrics of that hymn were composed by an ancient anarchist named Emili
Guayavents (1899) and that is what comes from: " com fem caure espigues d'or / q uam agree
according to orders " 4 and enjoy how the kids and kids that have heard you start
commenting on the data. When a fascist ambushes to burst a demonstration, it can mean a
change of perspective among those present that it is an anarchist the first to detect the
play and expel the "provocative agent." All this, although it hardly means a tiny drop
more in the current, is important to feed the channel and push it out of the calm waters.
I repeat: we are not facing a revolution, nor are we facing a perfect fight. None is, none
will be. The agoreros who in each revolt or social mobilization denounce that "it will not
last", that "it will fail" or that "it is not an integral revolution", they are always and
will be right. They have it now with regard to the riots in Catalonia, they had it
recently in relation to 15-M, they had it a long time ago when they talked about May 68,
but they would have had it if they had been alive on July 19, 1936 and had He was able to
walk the streets of Barcelona. All revolutions and revolutions of revolutions that have
occurred, throughout the history of mankind, or have failed or have been betrayed, and
many of them have been partial enough for the term revolution they have, perhaps, too
big. The doomsayers are not right because they are "clairvoyant geniuses", they do it
because their analytical horizon has, in reality, the same complexity as that of reminding
us that we are all going to die 5. The question is whether, knowing that obviousness, the
high percentage of failure, demobilization and repression that awaits us, it is worth
moving, stress the situation, gain weight, experience and number for the future, take
events to their limits, fight without idealizations or vague hopes or, on the contrary, to
remain crossed of arms, criticizing from the distance, and waiting for the death arrives
to us. As Simone Weil said: "I don't like war, but in war I always thought that the most
horrible thing was the situation of those who remained in the rear" 6 .
When I returned from Barcelona, a colleague from the Tenant Union asked me: "In the end,
those in the streets, who are they? Are they independentists or are they anti-system? And
I had to answer what I saw: they are people, simply people, a people who are beginning to
lose their fear. That is the truth about the flames of Barcelona.
https://ellokal.org/la-verdadera-barcelona-en-llamas/
___________________
1 The tactic of criminalization has tried, as always, to drag people through the guts,
and the media have not stopped spreading the figures of the City Council of Barcelona that
estimates in one and a half million euros the expense for burned containers . The reaction
of many people has been that of not explaining how a City Council can buy such simple
containers at such a high price. Do you buy them from Swarovski?
2 To learn more about the ideological and generational conflict that May 68 represented
within the libertarian movement, it is advisable to read the chapter ("1968. The
anti-authoritarian revolt in Europe" pp. 219-246) that Octavio Alberola and Ariane Gransac
dedicate to it to this event in his book Spanish anarchism and revolutionary action
(1961-1974) (2004, Ed. Virus). This book also explains that the disagreement was staged
ostensibly in the Anarchist Congress of Carrara (Italy) of 1968. For more information
about the congress and its internal affairs I recommend the article by Luis Nuevo "Carrara
International Anarchist Congress of 1968. The anarchism in front of the mirror "for the
Newsroom of Alasbarricadas.org (http://www.alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/40594 ).
3 Written by the editors of Noir et Rouge read at the aforementioned Carrara Congress,
ibid.
4 "How do we drop spikes of gold / when it is convenient let's get chains."
5 Actually, nobody knows the exact formula for a revolt to go further and threaten to
truly transform things. In fact, it is almost impossible to predict. As Éric Hazan
explains in the "Politicization" chapter (pp. 21-42) of his essay The dynamics of revolt
(republished this October of 2019 by Virus Editorial), not even the level of
politicization of the people is a key factor for this. There were historical moments in
which the revolutions were caused more by hunger and despair than by the politicization of
the masses (France 1789, Russia 1917), others in which politicization converged with
economic and social factors (Spain 1936) and others where despite the high level of
politicization nothing happened for revolutionary purposes (Italy in the 70s). The
revolution is and always will be a field open to experimentation, where history serves as
a clue but not a compass.
6 In HM Enzensberger, The Short Summer of Anarchy, 1998, p. 170, Ed. Anagram.
http://alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/42421
------------------------------
Message: 4
The struggling Iraqi people are not alone in their fight against injustice, exploitation
and oppression. ---- States and the bourgeoisie suppress and assassinate those who fight
for and claim a life of dignity. ---- As of 1/10/2019, the vibrant masses in Iraq are
constantly on the streets, protesting against the corrupt government of Adil Abdul Mahdi,
the economic elite that surround him, and the constant austerity measures that have swept
away the oppressed and the oppressed. , which deprives them of the ability to meet basic
and basic, everyday human needs, such as access to electricity, water and public health
services. In addition, unemployment in Iraq affects about 35% of the population,
especially young people, who make up 60% of the country's population, so the main demand
of the protesters is to tackle poverty and secure employment for the unemployed, so that
can survive.
Despite bans on roads and threats of legal sanctions imposed by the Iraqi government on
protesters, students, students, the unemployed and workers have blocked the streets of
Iraq's major urban centers, from the Iraqi south to the capital Ba'ath. central Tahrir
Square. But state repression is relentless. The army and counter-terrorism have taken to
the streets, snipers are being shot on the rooftops of buildings, tear gas is being fired
at the demonstrators, and real-day fires are being used by both the Iraqi military and
paramilitary units. The bloody rally for the protesters has so far killed more than 250
dead and more than 6,000 injured. It is characteristic that the Iraqi State's repressive
forces have so far invaded many protesters' homes, beating them wildly, even breaking
their hands and feet in order to terrorize them so that they can stop demonstrating,
fighting, claiming. In fact, in order to silence their atrocities, the Iraqi state
authorities have blocked access to the internet in 75% of Iraqi territory, silencing any
voices opposed to the regime while preventing international information on the events
taking place in Iraq. to claim. In fact, in order to silence their atrocities, the Iraqi
state authorities have blocked access to the internet in 75% of Iraqi territory, silencing
any voices opposed to the regime while preventing international information on the events
taking place in Iraq. to claim. In fact, in order to silence their atrocities, the Iraqi
state authorities have blocked access to the internet in 75% of Iraqi territory, silencing
any voices opposed to the regime while preventing international information on the events
taking place in Iraq.
Today's protests in Iraq are the second and most militant round of anti-government
protests that began, for the same reasons, in July 2018. They are yet another hotbed of
resistance to the barbarism of state and capitalist totalitarianism, yet another part of
international society. uprisings currently under way. The unbearable material pressures of
daily life, as they are shaped by the rupture and structural crisis of capitalism, have
driven thousands of Iraqi poor to claim what should be considered a decent human life. The
demonstrations are spontaneous. The class conflict and popular anger in Iraq are
undoubtedly waged in a boiling cauldron. The Shiite opposition is trying to affiliate, but
without significant or decisive influence, the demonstrations and direct them towards the
institutional path of elections and the rotation of the present bourgeois, Shiite
government, with a correspondingly different staffing, which will serve however. the
interests of the privileged elites. Against this cloudy landscape, the Iranian government
is actively contributing to the suppression of popular mobilizations in order to safeguard
the Shiite-dominated archipelago of wider Iran as a regional imperialist power in the
Middle East. It is also no secret that Iran is exerting political and economic pressure
and influence on Iraq. That is why, after all, Iran has been alarmed by anti-government
protests in Iraq. Because he sees his interests in the region shaken. That is why the
Iranian paramilitary organization Hashd al-Shaabi is pressing for Iraqi internal affairs.
That is why there are open pro-Iranian parties in Iraq, because Iran has undermined Iraq
in the international imperialist chain, subordinating it to its own interests. Looking
macroscopically, gaining momentum from the regional imperialist movements in Iran is
Russia itself at the expense of Euro-Atlantic imperialism, the forefront of which the US
is. subjecting it to a considerable extent under its interests. Looking macroscopically,
gaining momentum from the regional imperialist movements in Iran is Russia itself at the
expense of Euro-Atlantic imperialism, the forefront of which the US is. subjecting it to a
considerable extent under its interests. Looking macroscopically, gaining momentum from
the regional imperialist movements in Iran is Russia itself at the expense of
Euro-Atlantic imperialism, the forefront of which the US is.
The lack of a coherent, politically and organizationally, anti-capitalist pole within the
popular anti-government demonstrations certainly raises questions as to where these
militant and otherwise mobilizations that are spreading across Iraqi territory can
ultimately lead. On the other hand, the Iranian regime uses as a communicative accusation
that the demonstrations are driven by American imperialism, to undermine and ridicule the
protesters and their demands for their struggle. In turn, Iraqi Prime Minister Adil Abdul
Mahdi has made cynical statements to the regime's media, calling for calm and national
reconciliation as his chair is clearly shaking. It is a given that no government power, no
state, no imperialist power, no fundamentalist organization can promote the interests of
the oppressed and exploited, because they are the reactionary bodies that aggravate their
daily working and living conditions from below, without endlessly promoting their class
devaluation and socialization. On the other hand, we cannot demand that spontaneous
popular uprisings be cut and sewn into the molds that fit our tactical and strategic
positions, especially when the politically and classically constituted revolutionary
bodies are absent from their ranks. promoting without interruption their class devaluation
and their social marginalization. On the other hand, we cannot demand that spontaneous
popular uprisings be cut and sewn into the molds that fit our tactical and strategic
positions, especially when the politically and classically constituted revolutionary
bodies are absent from their ranks. promoting without interruption their class devaluation
and their social marginalization. On the other hand, we cannot demand that spontaneous
popular uprisings be cut and sewn into the molds that fit our tactical and strategic
positions, especially when the politically and classically constituted revolutionary
bodies are absent from their ranks.
We cannot, however, remain silent in the face of the murderous policy of suppressing
popular mobilizations, as implemented by the partnership of the Iraqi and Iranian states,
as a characteristic example of the role played by individual states and bourgeoisie in
capitalism. So let's not keep our arms crossed while hundreds of people in our class are
being killed by state repressive forces in Iraq. That is why we call in support of the
demonstration in Thessaloniki, which the Iraqi community itself calls upon, as the poor
and the poor fighting in Iraq are the flesh of the international proletariat and the
demands of their struggle are just,
AGAINST STATE AND CAPITAL CAPACITY
SOLIDARITY IN COMPETITIVE IRAQIAN PEOPLE
WE ARE SUPPORTING THE ROAD THAT IS INVITED TO THE IRAQI COMMUNITY:
THURSDAY NOVEMBER 5, 17:00 IN KAMARA
Anarchist Federation (Thessaloniki Region)
anarchist-federation.gr
anarchist-federation@riseup.net
twitter: twitter.com/anarchistfedGr
fb: facebook.com/anarxikiomospondia2015
Youtube: Anarchist Federation
https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com/2019/11/04
------------------------------
Message: 5
The Committee for the Defense of the Rojava Revolution convened another demonstration in
the center of Prague on Saturday, November 2, to mark World Day of Resistance against the
Turkish invasion of Rojava. Prague thus ranked among dozens of cities around the world
where people took to the streets that day to condemn the aggression of the Turkish army
and its jihadists, as well as the hypocrisy of the superpowers who run their foreign
policy regardless of the lives of ordinary people. ---- The demonstration was to start at
3 pm on Palacký Square. My friend and I arrived about ten minutes before, and as we
expected it to be the biggest public protest so far, we were unpleasantly surprised that
the number of protesters (so far most organizers) was equal to the number of "secret"
policemen present. The ratio began to change soon, and around a quarter to four there
might be some 150 people in place. The whole event was dominated by a number of Kurdish
flags, as a large group of Kurds living in the Czech Republic were also present. There
were signs such as "No Turkish Aggression", "Smash Turkish fascism", "Erdogan go home" or
"Save Rojava" on the signs.
After solving the sound problems and while other people were coming, the first series of
speeches began. After a few words at the beginning, the first speaker was the chairman of
Pirates Ivan Bartoš. He said his party had interrupted negotiations with the Republic
Committee for the demonstration, and he had not failed to emphasize the involvement of the
Pirates in defending the Rojava autonomy, as early as last year's Turkish attack on
Africa. He reminded Babis of ignoring the whole topic and the subsequent support of the
Prime Minister to the Turkish dictator. He praised himself a bit for the recent resolution
of the House of Deputies on the Turkish invasion and the pressure of the Pirates on the
matter in the European Parliament. He noted, however, that the Great Powers were making
Syria a playground for their own interests.
The organizers drew attention to a photo corner, where interested parties could take a
photo with the inscription #NeTureckeInvazi and join the photo campaign announced by the
Committee. After a short chant of "Erdogan terrorist", the promised Kurdish music was
awaited, but the technology had its head. While waiting, the Kurds sounded a few short
scandals, but the atmosphere was still rather embarrassing. However, the representative of
the Committee for the Defense of the Revolution in Rojava has already started to represent
the organizing group, including the activities she has taken so far. She stressed that in
addition to human lives, a unique social project is under threat and that, as in Africa, a
whole range of manifestations of power oppression can be expected. This was then
translated by another representative of the Committee into English.
Applause, chanting... Attempts to turn attention by anti-American shouts were a man
holding a sign "Stop the US Occupation in Syria" and stuck with a baguette bag in the
crotch. "At one of the events I saw him with the words Long Live Turkey," he adds,
explaining what the patient is, a friend standing next to me. I hope that normal
demonstrations will not be diminished, and there will be no such wounds. Most of them are
attracted, so there was a curse from a man in the Czech flag who arrived with a lady
wrapped in the EU flag. Personally, I have hives from such rags, so I start scrubbing in a
minute.
Fortunately, the Committee's speech, which begins with a comment on how one NATO army
betrayed and the other attacked Rojava's self-government, spells out the devastating
consequences of the invasion, whose main aim is to destroy the reorganization in this
area. It continues on what self-government has done. "Their struggle is far from over, and
that is not ours." It calls for an uncompromising cessation of trade with Turkey, pressure
from the government within NATO to suspend Turkey's membership, expulsion of Turkish
agents from the EU and bringing Erdogan to justice.
This is followed by reproduced music, although in the front rows it is very rugged and
difficult to talk. But it saves reading a note from the Jinwar women's village saying,
among other things: "We have once again been convinced that we are fighting together the
same enemy: a capitalist patriarchal system that seeks to bring every alternative out of
the world based on collective human values, women's culture, justice and ecological
understanding of life. These are the Rojava defend and it is the thing that unites us all.
"(Full text here.) This is followed by a speech by a representative of the Turkish
pro-Kurdish party of GDP, which faces systematic repression, even though it was the third
strongest party in the country. Not surprisingly, it is recalled that 15 party deputies
sit in jail with a fabricated terrorist charge. "We want peace. That all nationalities
live in peace and security. We do not fight. "He criticized ethnic movements and jihadist
groups raging in northern Syria. Finally, he thanked for the solidarity shown.
About ten minutes after four, a crowd of around two hundred people formed a banner of
"Solidarity with Rojava", which was complemented by banners "Stop Turkish Aggression" on
the sides. Rise up 4 Rojava "," Erdogan is a terrorist. Rojava.info "and" Holidays?
Certainly not in Turkey! ". Kurdish children with YPG and YPJ militia flags were in front
of the front banner. You were chilled to hear these kids start running the scandalers
during the march. It was chanted from the beginning to the end, in Czech, English and
Kurdish, albeit with occasional pauses, so that the continuous whirlwind of slogans we
could experience at a similar event on October 16th did not repeat. And the dynamics of
the triple crowd was much more pronounced two weeks ago. Those familiar with the planned
route in advance were certainly confused when turning into Myslíkova Street. So it was not
at all along the waterfront, but continued with Spálená. There were a large number of
people at the Národní trída metro station who took pictures of the parade with Kurdish
flags with interest and filmed on their mobiles. Then along Na Perštýne Street, go through
the narrow Husova Street, through Mariánské Square, Križovnická Street to Palachovo Square
and just cross the river and end in Klárov.
The fifth hour had already struck and darkness fell. After circling the lawn lawn, it was
the turn of the final series of speeches. Ondrej Slacálek resurfaced the past and reminded
the slogan "Madrid fights for Prague", and although historical comparisons are often
limping, today Rojava is our Madrid. Once the Western democracies had drowned the Spanish
cause in their blood, they now used the Kurds first, and when they no longer needed them,
they threw them out to Erdogan with the motto "He's a son of a bitch, but our son of a
bitch." The Czech Republic is a member of NATO and bears its share of responsibility.
Already at the entrance we are in the newspaper Confrontationhighlighted the activities of
the Turkish army. But no one wanted to hear it. And so Ondrej asked what Havel, who
supported NATO, might say today about what fools are at the head of the Allied
governments. Sanctions should be adopted that will hurt Erdogana. The Kurdish movement
deserves our unconditional solidarity without being a projection of our own dreams and ideas.
While Andrew spoke, people lit candles in portraits of three people who died as a result
of a Turkish invasion - Anarchist Anna Campbel, who fell in defense of Africa, Kurdish
politician Hevrina Khalaf, who was brutally executed by jihadist militias, and Konstantin,
YPG militants Kielu. After the speech they heard their short medallions, followed by a
minute of silence.
There was also a message from our friend who is helping as a medic in the north of Syria.
Although the technology did not want to work together, it was eventually solved by a
combination of mobile phone and microphone. In his greetings he described both his
personal experiences, which are absolutely unimaginable for us here, and his opinion of
the disgusting game of superpowers. In some places the message was very unintelligible
(fortunately you can find its transcript on our website HERE ). It made me all the more
angry that, with such serious words from the place of conflict about the wounded and dead,
the already mentioned Czech flag wadded in front of the loudspeaker and made his own photo
corner there and talked to people around.
Max spoke last for the Extinction Rebellion initiative. He admitted that such messages
were hard to speak. So he only briefly mentioned that climate organizations support
Kurdish self-government, because it is necessary to fight not only for climate justice but
also for social justice against the hierarchy and dictatorships of weapons, money, state
and religion. "Unhappiness has no borders, nor does our solidarity."
https://www.afed.cz/text/7062/pochod-pro-rojavu
------------------------------
Geen opmerkingen:
Een reactie posten