#Worldwide #Information #Blogger #LucSchrijvers: #Update: #anarchist #information from all over the #world - #Part1 - 4.04.2020

Today's Topics:

  
1.  anarchist communist group ACG: Clap for carers: a statement
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  Britain, anarchist communist group ACG: Naked Greed part 2
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  France, Union Communiste Libertaire UCL - press release:
      Latin America, between drastic measures and deaf ears (fr, it,
      pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  Milan. Italy. Statement by the USI-CIT Milan Hospitals and
      USI-CIT Health Workers in times of the coronavirus.
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
  
 5.  US, black rose fed: Strategy and Tactics for a Revolutionary
      Anarchism (ca) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  France, Union Communiste Libertaire AL #303 - Antifascism,
      Mila Affair: The far right in full pinkwashing (fr, it,
      pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
7.  Poland, ozzip, Report on the activities of the Employee
      Initiative during the coronavirus epidemic [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1


We TOTALLY respect, appreciate and support all that those in the NHS are doing and putting themselves through, along with millions of other
essential workers. But, we have concerns that the Clap For Carers gesture will be seen as a smoke screen for the government's handling of
the current situation. ---- Whilst it was a way for ordinary people to show their genuine support for care workers, it also takes the
spotlight off the state for their pathetic attempts at protecting and supporting essential workers, whilst at the same time shoring up the
business sector and donors to their parties. The governments lack of foresight and mismanagement is nothing short of astounding.
Our care workers need more than a two-minute round of applause - as heart felt as it was from all of us. They need us to support their
demands for the tools they need to do the job effectively. They don't have enough personal protective equipment, resulting in staff are
being asked to work in dangerous environments. They don't have enough staff and its bloody criminal that we ask retired NHS staff to cover
when we have known for years we have between 30,000 and 100,000 vacancies in the NHS. NHS staff have been undervalued and under paid for
years by successive governments of all colours. The financial crisis was brought about by the financial sector yet public sector workers and
the poorest in society were made to pay for it.

NHS staff are crying out for support from the state - support that isn't coming. We are told more Intensive Care beds are needed; more
ventilators; more Personal Protective Equipment; and more testing. Yet staff are still waiting for much of this to be delivered, a lot of
which should have been in place already. The private sector is apparently helping but at what cost? Why can't we commandeer all private
hospitals, and NOW? Why does Prince Charles get tested when frontline NHS staff do not? It begs the question, who else is being tested
before the NHS staff? Who should be tested first? So much for "we're all in it together", we've heard this lie before.

Staff are scared that they are returning home to their families and spreading Corona Virus. They need to be protected. We have 1,000's of
empty student accommodation rooms and hotels. Why can't they use these?

NHS staff are telling us on all social and main stream media that they don't have the resources. Politicians say they do. Who do you
believe. Parasites lie in bad times as well as good.

The crisis is bad at the moment. But when we come through this we need to build on the support the general public have for public sector
workers. Don't retire to your normal life when the crisis is over. The NHS (and millions of others) need active support. The odd
demonstration just isn't good enough when we can suddenly find billions now to rescue the economy. After this crisis we need to mobilise and
force any government to adequately staff the NHS; to have huge resources in place (as people die all the time and can be saved if we put
money in the right place); and to pay working class people like health care workers a proper bloody salary.

If we don't mobilise now, it will be business as usual after this crisis. And that means sod all benefits for all those people we/you
clapped for a minute on Thursday and huge sodding profits for the rich, like Virgin boss Branson and Dysons boss James Dyson who will make a
small fortune "helping" produce ventilators.

Some members of Haringey Solidarity Group

London Anarchist Communist Group

https://www.anarchistcommunism.org/2020/03/29/clap-for-carers-a-statement/

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Message: 2



The world's richest man is Jeff Bezos. His net worth is $113.9 billion. In February he gained $3.5 billion in four days by selling Amazon
stocks before the stock market crash set off by the coronavirus. Surely he was not acting on non-public information that so fortunately
netted him such big profits? No, it can't be! ---- In March he asked the public to donate to his Amazon relief fund, designed to help Amazon
workers fallen ill or in quarantine from Covid19. Originally, the company said that it would only pay sick leave to full time workers, and
then only for 2 weeks. ---- Workers in his warehouses in Chicago and Sacramento protested and Bezos was forced to include Amazon workers who
work 20 hours or more. ---- Public response to his appeal to donate to the relief fund set up for workers working less hours than this was
swift. As one person mailed:

"How is your company worth over a TRILLION dollars and you want the public to donate to an employee relief fund?! As if Amazon can't pay
their employees themselves."

The Simpsons' Mr. Burns could learn a lot from this travesty of a human being. Time to sweep away the whole crew of parasites - Bezos, Tim
Martin, Mike Ashley and Branson included!

https://www.anarchistcommunism.org/2020/03/27/naked-greed-part-2/

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Message: 3



Central America and South America are torn between quarantine on one side and skeptical governments on the other who refuse to admit the
gravity of the situation. The latter wish to preserve their economy at the expense of the poorest. Quarantines are carried out without the
implementation of a large social policy that can meet all those who, being part of the parallel economy and living on the day-to-day money
cannot survive without stepping outside. ---- Neo-liberalism and populist left, a common line shelters real social measures. The most
striking cases in the media are those of Chile by Piñera and especially by Brazil by Bolsonaro. ---- In these countries, the borders have
been partially closed. Governments continue to play the watch and make decisions that only benefit the elite. In Brazil, a good number of
leaders of the political class are against the sense of the president, who in spite of everything is obstinate and continues the
declarations trying to make pass the pandemic for a false crisis. Bolsonaro prefers to take measures to safeguard companies, allowing them
to dismiss without constraint "temporally" the time that passes the crisis and suggesting that the covid-19 is not more dangerous than a bad
cold ... Minister of Health even warning that at this rate, the hospitals will be in total crisis from April. In both cases, our organized
anarchist comrades, from the CAB [1]and FAS [2]strongly criticized these false measures and called for action. They point to capitalism as
responsible and claim that the general strike, the legitimate weapon of our class, is the only thing capable of defending and protecting us.

In Bolivia, quarantine and border closure have been decreed. In the process, the putschist government took the opportunity to announce
immediately the postponement, without date, of the elections which were to be held in May. The excesses of over-militarization of the
country since the coup were already extremely violent. We fear that the quarantine, proposed without social reform to support it, is another
excuse to legitimize the bloody repression of the indigenous populations and the peripheral districts.

In Peru, quarantine and curfews have also been ordered, and here again it is largely the soldiers placed in the streets to enforce the
measures. Colombia has entered compulsory confinement since Tuesday, March 25, even if the borders were already closed, especially with
Venezuela where quarantine was already in place. The country, torn apart by the power struggle between Maduro and Guaido since the attempted
coup, fears a health catastrophe in the very near future as the public and hospital services are in disastrous condition. 80% of hospitals
do not have running water more than twice a week.

The Uruguayan state, the first country on the continent to have closed its borders and schools, has still not decreed a compulsory
quarantine. It is strongly advised to stay at home and only go out when necessary. Companies are starting to shut down but take advantage of
this to lay off workers. It is also to be feared, from both a health and social point of view, for the lives of the poorest inhabitants,
entrenched in the outlying districts, if nothing is put in place to ensure a minimum income all of them.

Argentina, after having closed its borders to countries at risk, quickly closed the land and sea borders as well as the schools. The
announcement of the quarantine, even if it was expected on the spot, was made very quickly by a speech by President Alberto Fernandez
Thursday March 19 at the end of the day with immediate effect from midnight, leaving very little time to organize . Once again, it is with
the full support of soldiers and all the police that we intend to implement this decision. As of the following Monday, there were more than
8,800 arrests across the country ...

Despite everything, the Argentinian social organizations manage to impose a balance of power and a universal income is being discussed.
However, it will not be enough to live in dignity. In fact we are talking about 10,000 pesos / month (155 €). The minimum monthly wage is
18,000 pesos (262 €) already at the limit of the poverty line. Our comrades from FOB Autonoma participate in the discussions through an
inter-organization struggle front, reminding that quarantine must not be romanticized. It can be a risk for the most precarious who already
do not have enough to eat, as well as for the safety of women in the face of the violence they suffer. FAR activists [3]active too, remind
us of the importance of solidarity and mutual aid within our class during these difficult times.

Central America also suffers the pangs of these leaders.
The Mexican president is still on course despite the criticism. The "healthy distance" plan, scheduled for March 23 to April 19, which
invites Mexicans to stay confined or maintain 1.50m distance between people outside remains the only real measure in place. Conversely, and
after having detected 17 cases of Covid-19 on its territory, Guatemala decided to partially stop industrial production in the country in
order to contain the pandemic. "With the Chamber of Industry, we have agreed to a voluntary shutdown of non-essential industries in the
country for a period of eight days "Says Alejandro Giammattei. This does not tell us what measures are put in place to protect the wages of
workers, any more than for those without jobs or for those outside formal wage employment. Former Sandinista revolutionary Ortega, a
controversial Nicaraguan leader, does not believe in the gravity of the situation. He always organizes public gatherings and takes no
action. All the same, he has just called Cuba, to request the dispatch of a "brigade of medical specialists", which gives us hope for a
change of course ...

Honduras and El Salvador have implemented border closings and imposed quarantine. In Panama for the moment, a curfew has been decreed. While
Costa Rica calls for quarantine and has closed all unnecessary public places.

Our lives are worth more than their profits, and yet, once again, it is all of those below that who are most severely affected by the
crisis. Our class we would like to try to ask to redouble our efforts to stop it. It is all of capitalism that is in crisis, a whole system
that shows once again its weaknesses but which, moreover, has the indecency to point the finger at us as responsible.

Quarantine, currently, if it is the best bulwark against the spread of Covid-19, is unfortunately not a possibility for all. The repressive
policies put in place all over the world show it well, those who toast it is not the bourgeois and the first ones targeted by the repression
are as always the inhabitants of popular neighborhoods .

We must everywhere create networks of solidarity and concrete mutual aid as much as possible. Let us impose with our colleagues the right to
stop working to stop the epidemic. Let's organize this production ourselves. Claim that a decent income is guaranteed for everyone
everywhere. Let us demand that the necessary means be brought to the health services and that the caregivers are protected !

Libertarian Communist Union, the

Libertarian alternative n ° 304 (April 2020) is open access
Click to download

Validate

[1] CAB: Brazilian anarchist coordination .

[2] FAS: Anarchist Federation of Santiago , Chile,

[3] FAR: Anarchist Federation of Rosario , Argentina.

https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?L-Amerique-Latine-entre-mesures-drastiques-et-sourde-oreille

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Message: 4



At least 37 billion euros, or 43,000 workers, which means the loss of 70,000 beds, including 3,000 in intensive care. In recent years, these
have been the cutbacks to the healthcare system. ---- For years, we have been getting ready, with "scientific rigour", so that we wouldn't
have enough resources to deal with a health emergency like the present one. In these days of the coronavirus outbreak, the alarm caused by
the massive cutbacks to the health system must take centre stage. Now, every problem is evident, as well as the shortcomings it brings
about. ---- The continuous cutbacks to the National Health Service and the systematic reduction of human and technological resources, due to
cuts in the Health Fund, have led to a widespread collapse of the healthcare system. As a result, access to treatment has been reduced for
an increasing number of people. Today it is the coronavirus, tomorrow it could be another virus or even any trivial disease: to maintain
only Essential Levels of Care (ELC) is to sign a death sentence. When deaths take place gradually, it may not be so obvious. But now, deaths
because of the coronavirus are numerous and in a very short time.

Now, at the height of the emergency, the importance of public health is undeniable. Health workers are praised as heroes, but they have
endured abysmal working conditions for years: lots of stress, emotional blackmail, harassment in the workplace and penalties from the
management, which uses report cards to evaluate performance (and their subsequent effect on wages) and appalling contracts that have not
improved for years.

Workers in public and state-funded private healthcare have been affected by a process of deconstruction of the system. Even worse, abandoned
and neglected, they have had to adapt the health response to the country's needs. But, what about the needs of those who provide the
service? More than ten days after the start of the coronavirus outbreak, health workers had to work without masks and with insufficient
protection. As a result, more and more doctors and healthcare workers became infected and at risk of infecting patients and their families.
Healthcare workers who may be exposed to infection are no longer tested. Exhaustion is rife, both physical and mental, and pills are used to
sleep for a few hours between gruelling shifts, when it is impossible to stop thinking about what has been witnessed. Experienced co-workers
are seen crying, patients are abandoned in the corridors, alone, far from their loved ones. Death from coronavirus is a lonesome death.
Health workers are in the front-line trenches, under relentless shelling. We are witnessing a merry-go-round of regulations and protocols,
sometimes contradictory, between regional administrations and the central government. They all complain very loudly about the lack of
supplies, only to mask a chronic shortage that they did not even consider replenishing after the outbreak of the epidemic in China.

We have denounced for a long time, together with other class unions, what those years of devastation of the national health system could
mean. These days of the coronavirus emergency, our reasons to raise the alarm about the massive cuts are making themselves evident.
Governments and politicians in general are to blame, of course, but not only them. Brunetta, the Secretary for Public Administrations under
Berlusconi, used to say that health workers were lazy, parasites, crooks who got paid for doing nothing and other such epithets, and he
enjoyed a good deal of support.

Every time we stood by when a hospital bed was lost, we were feeding our fear and desperation of today. Over the past few years, groups and
strikes in defence of the health system were not supported enough. Now, people are coming to cheer health workers... The legacy of this
pandemic must be a widespread struggle to demand and recover an effective and universal health service, ready to deal with any possible
emergency.

->http://usi-cit.org/index.php/1664-comunicato-usi-sanita-emergenza-sanitaria-covid-19

USI-CIT Milan Hospitals and USI-CIT Health Workers

Originally published by International Confederation of Labour (ICL).

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Message: 5



As COVID-19 continues to spread, triggering an unprecedented global crisis, we need to take up the challenging task of both responding to
the urgency of the moment and positioning ourselves for the post-pandemic period, which remains uncertain. This will require a critical
engagement with strategy and tactics that are tied to a long-term vision. To this end, we are republishing the first English translation of
Estrategia y táctica para un anarquismo revolucionario. ---- Written by Lusbert, a libertarian communist based in Spain, Strategy and
Tactics for a Revolutionary Anarchism lays the foundation for exploring fundamental questions related to class struggle, building popular
power, strategy, assessing the correlation of forces, building a revolutionary program and communications infrastructure - all of which we
need to develop if we want to have a meaningful influence over this rapidly changing and disorienting political moment.

Translation by Enrique Guerrero-López and Antonio Spalla

Versión Español

Download a PDF version of this article.

I once wrote that anarchism suffered from a lack of strategic vision. Later, a reader recommended a short text on strategy and tactics based
on the context of Chile in the 70s from a Marxist-Leninist perspective. And because it seemed interesting to me (not because it was marxist
or Chilean, but because of the concepts developed within it), I decided to adapt it for anarchism today.

A Small Clarification
Why a revolutionary anarchism if anarchism is already revolutionary? The answer to this question has its origins in the atomization that
anarchism has suffered from up to this day, in which tendencies emerged that rejected everything that was or smelled of socio-political
intervention, libertarian socialism as a final goal or other issues, making anarchism a radical parody of self-complacency and ideological
consumption, a hobby and an individual or gang lifestyle. These liberal conceptions of anarchism are what lead to currents incapable of-or
directly rejecting-producing conjunctural analysis, strategic vision, programs, roadmaps, proposals, social insertion, creating structures
for social struggle and building an anarchist political tendency with a mass-oriented project through the strategy of popular power that
points toward libertarian socialism, since it does not start from anarchism as a political path toward socialism, but from anarchism as a
way of living. It is for this reason that the title carries the qualifier revolutionary, because we argue that anarchism is a politics of
revolutionary transformation and not radical liberalism.

This adaptation aims to lay the foundation to develop the tools necessary for giving rise to a revolutionary anarchism without having to add
a qualifier. To do this, we will discuss questions about class struggle, strategy, correlation of forces, the program and more.

Introduction
We begin with class society, which results from a structural social inequality in the capitalist system, where the ruling class is the owner
of the means of production, the resources of the land and capital on the one hand (the ruling class, the bourgeoisie) and, on the other,
dispossessed majorities that sell their labor power to the capitalists to obtain a wage (the working classes).

The existence of exploited and exploiters will bring about a conflict: the class struggle, in which each social class fights for its
objective class interests. This struggle is fought unevenly, where the bourgeoisie is the one that has an advantage and intends to
perpetuate itself in control, while the working classes remain disjointed and the vast majority carry on without having a sense of socialism
or class emancipation.

Nevertheless, around the world there are still class-based organizations that fight to defend wages, jobs, collective bargaining, contracts,
dignified conditions at work, job security, etc. These demands generally favor the working class. However, these demands, although fair and
necessary in that through struggle the working class learns to defend its interests, do not reach the point of being revolutionary since
they lack a revolutionary backbone that points toward the seizure and socialization of the means of production, the land and the instruments
of work-in short, toward socialism. In other words, these struggles are not enough to achieve class emancipation, because that will only
come with socialism as a goal.

The revolutionary left, and with it anarchism, assumes that the class struggle is a protracted war with many open fronts, not only in the
workplace, and that, like every war, to achieve the final victory, it is necessary to equip ourselves with tools that allow us to
materialize our libertarian socialist political project. Neither time nor reason nor any abstraction will inevitably lead us to socialism.
It is the working class that will have to materialize it by surpassing the current system of capitalist exploitation, since the ruling class
will logically not give up its privileged position and will utilize all the structures and means necessary to stay in power. If we want to
implement libertarian socialism, we have to start by building counterpower that challenges the dominance of the ruling class and directly
confronts the status quo to overthrow them.

Therefore, these theses lead us to other approaches about the structures we need (a revolutionary party, an organization of cadres, unions,
neighborhood assemblies ...?), about the immediate objectives to be determined (housing, work, public services, territories ...), how to
increase popular forces, their real power and the creation of counterpowers, how we will spread our messages and struggles to increase these
forces and consolidate ourselves as a political alternative and movement. All this we will develop throughout the text.

Strategy and Tactics
Strategy is a series of methods of planning, organization and execution of various tactical operations to achieve a concrete objective. As
we said in the introduction, class struggle is understood as a prolonged war and as such, to win a war it is necessary to develop and
implement strategic plans that start from a conjunctural analysis, that is, tools of analysis that allow us to understand the material and
social reality that surrounds us, taking into account the following factors (We will accompany the theoretical explanations with a case
study written in italics):

The scenario in which the battles will take place. It is the physical space where the class struggle and its temporary manifestations will
take place (fronts: labor, territorial, public services, etc.)
The real strength and weaknesses the enemy possesses.
The real strength and weaknesses we possess.
In a subway company, the management wants to restructure the workforce by putting forward a package of downgrades that touch salaries,
working hours, shifts and breaks. The staff is dissatisfied with management's decision and a labor dispute begins. Suppose a priori the
company can apply it without problems. On the workers side, most of the workforce is not unionized, and the representation of the only
combative union that exists is low compared to the mainstream union, which tends more toward dialogue than confrontation.

We will call the balance of forces on both sides a correlation of forces, which can be in favor of the enemy when their forces are superior
to ours, or they can be favorable to our class when the opposite happens. At the current juncture, the correlation of forces is clearly
favorable to the capitalist class. Therefore, through strategy we intend to reverse this situation, trying to tip the balance of the
correlation of forces in our favor.

As we can see, the initial situation is based on an inequality in the correlation of forces in which the balance leans in favor of the
employer. However, the climate within the workforce is marked by outrage and therefore, an opportunity was opened for that outrage to be
articulated in an organized response capable of tipping the scales. This is where the strategic question arises to change that correlation
of forces.

Tactics are each of the movements that are carried out within a strategic framework to achieve positions of intermediate advantage that
bring us closer to a partial or final strategic objective. The difference between a partial and a final objective is that in the first
instance, they try to gain a key position and change part of the correlation of forces or secure a better position to change it; while in
the second, the final defeat of the enemy is the intention.

In the context of a dynamic situation, strategic plans must always be adapted to the changes that occur, and therefore, it is essential to
assess and evaluate, in cycles of change, the achievement or not of strategic objectives set out above and adapt the road maps and strategic
lines appropriate to each circumstance. These processes for determining which strategies to implement will come from experiences in the
course of struggles, where we will learn from mistakes and successes.

While the mainstream unions called for calm and for a seat at the negotiating table, the staff criticized the moderate position that only
suggested that the package of policies were not so aggressive for these unions, which also creates an atmosphere of distrust towards them,
both among the unorganized and the bases of those unions. The position of the combative union is to call an indefinite strike that ends up
being approved in an assembly of workers where the majority of the workforce participated. Once the strike has begun, we can see the
movements of each side.

The ultimate goal of the company is to defeat the strike and apply its policies. For this purpose, it will resort to various strikebreaking
tactics: divide the workforce and generate a climate of disunity, use the yellow unions so that they convince the Strikers to call off the
strike, decree abusive minimum services, promote scabbing or generate a negative opinion towards the strikers through the media.

The final objective (we can say immediate) for the workforce is that, since downgrade is unjustified, it must be withdrawn in its entirety.
With the call for a strike, the workforce has already gained strength and thus will be able to move further towards its victory. But for
this, they will have to use tactics that not only neutralize the bosses' attacks, but allow them to win and impose their demands. Tactics
such as offering free service for the duration of the strike and converging with the demands of the subway users, would win over the
sympathies of the population and at the same time could be a measure against the minimum abusive services, seek media coverage and support,
cross the sectoral border converging with other social movements, create a list of demands and force negotiating positions according to the
list...

We can see these types of strategies in the military:

The strategy of direct confrontation consists of using all available forces and throwing them against the enemy on all fronts. This strategy
is correct when your real strength is much greater than that of the enemy.
The strategy of enclosure consists of attacking the flanks until the enemy is surrounded, isolating it and preventing it from communicating
with the outside to receive reinforcements. This option, together with the following, is used when the correlation of forces is more or less
balanced or unfavorable.
The strategy of division consists of attacking a weak point and advancing through it until the enemy is divided so that communications are
cut between the enemy territories.

The purpose of strategy is to increase our forces in order to turn a situation of unfavorable correlation of forces into a favorable one
that allows us to achieve the final victory: the defeat of capitalism and the triumph of libertarian socialism. A good strategy is one that,
based on a conjunctural analysis, is capable of generating methods of action that allow the real advance of our forces to the detriment of
those of the enemy. A strategy is wrong when it stems from an erroneous analysis or leaves out the correlation of forces and this could make
for awaste of time and lead us to hard defeats. Thus, for example, the current insurrectionist trend is using the direct confrontation
strategy without having a real force superior to that of the enemy, which is leading them to a lost war from the outset, wrapped up in
cycles of repression.

Correlation of Forces
The correlation of forces is another important factor in the development of strategies. To do this, we must first understand the smallest
parts - that is, force itself - which we will distinguish in two:

Real force. It is the real material capacity of a movement, a social class or a political force. In other words, they would be the forces
that exist at any given time.
Potential or possible force. It is the one that can be achieved if the appropriate strategies are adopted, that is, a social sector that at
a certain moment is still outside the movement or political force but that has the possibility of being part of the real force and
increasing its effective base.
In the same way, we can talk about the real correlation of forces as the situation of our real forces in the immediate scenario, and the
possible correlation of forces as that which is expected depending on the strategies implemented by the forces present on the stage.

Through strategy, the expectation is that potential or possible force becomes a real force, resulting in a change in the correlation of
forces. Taking the previous practical example, we could say that the outrage of the workforce and its disagreement or indifference with
respect to the downgrade would be the possible force used to materialize a real force. The real force at that time would be the combative
union or the organized and mobilized sector of the workforce. However, in the correlation of forces at the time before the strike, it was
unfavorable for the workers; this changes when the strike is called.

Discontent in itself is not able to stop the cuts; it's necessary to organize it and mobilize it around a series of demands, not only to
reject the bosses' attacks but also to demand measures that benefit the workforce, to reach better negotiating positions or so negotiations
are carried out within the field and the rhythms determined by the workforce, not management.

When the organized and mobilized sector of the workforce is able to read the situation and put on the table tools (strike committee) that
allow for organizing a real response by winning over the sector that is not well positioned or not outraged, ensuring that everyone works
together to carry out the strike and adhere to a set of demands from the strike committee, that possible force will have become a real
force. It will be then when there will be possibilities to change the balance of the correlation of forces.

Offensive and Defensive
When the balance of the correlation of forces leans in favor of the ruling classes, proposing a direct offensive would be suicidal for any
revolutionary tendency. In this situation, it would be better to resort to a defensive posture and one of resistance rather than surrender,
since that would be giving into our final defeat. Thus, through resistance we buy time in order to articulate the necessary projects with
which to change the correlation of forces and go on the offensive. A constant defensive position sooner or later will overcome the
resistance after fatigue sets in from trying to stop enemy offensives, which ultimately ends with the final defeat, or at best, works
through inertia.

Continuing with the scenario of the labor struggle in the subway, we could put it this way:

If through the combative union the workers moved directly into picketing and a list of demands, they would possibly end in defeat. In this
case, it would be going on the offensive with an unfavorable correlation of forces. It would be easy for the bosses to discredit them and
pit the workforce against them.
The other way is to opt for a defensive position that helps them buy time and accumulate the necessary forces to take the conflict to
another level, where the correlation of forces is more balanced. Encouraging the workforce to oppose the package of policies is a first step
to finally put a stop to them. However, if they were only on the defensive, in the end the cuts would be applied through the exhaustion of
the workers if they are not organized or mobilized, in addition to the risk of co-optation by the collaborationist unions.
Seeing that rejection alone is not enough, based on the resistance they have created, they put on the table the need to launch the offensive
through the organization and mobilization of the workforce. This is how the indefinite strike is carried out, a list of demands is
established, aimed not only at stopping the cuts but also improving working conditions.
A great illustrative example of resistance can be seen in all the social movements that have emerged recently, organized around defensive
demands, such as NO to cuts in public services, labor reforms, more restrictive laws, etc. Social movements, lacking a political orientation
and a model from which to work from and oppose the neoliberal model, will tend to preserve and defend what already exists, so for example,
public education is only proposed as a model when facing cuts in Education as is the case with Health.

As we can see today, the Citizen Tides[1]have virtually disappeared from the social scene. In general, we are facing the end of the
mobilization cycle of 15M[2]after the movement hit a ceiling in 2013, subsequently declining, although some movements such as the PAH[3]and
neighborhood assemblies have been forged.

When these social movements hit a ceiling, that was the time to continue encouraging them by providing them with a political orientation
that proposed new models to work on, such as community management of the education system, Health and other public services, forge ties
between different sectors in struggle, etc., and consolidate a political project on which to pivot all social struggles. Only from this
point can we launch the offensive, framing these struggles within the strategy of popular power.

The Strategy of Popular Power
The strategy of popular power begins from the premise of accumulation of forces in favor of our class and of generating counterpowers that
confront the dominant power and lead to control of all areas of social life, such as public services, the educational system, work,
territorial management, etc., through neighborhood assemblies, student organizations, associations of fathers and mothers, labor unions and
workers councils, cooperatives, political organizations, etc. Popular power is understood here as the material capacity of a people to
realize its revolutionary demands through its own self-organization, which allows it to be articulated as a class, and as an independent and
autonomous political force outside the institutions of the State. This popular power would be constituted as a political actor formed by a
network of popular institutions, movements and political organizations.

In the case of the strike, the union would be the body to drive mobilizations around a list of demands. To this end, it calls an assembly of
workers as an organ so that the workforce participates in the decisions on how to carry out the labor dispute and determine the actions,
tactics and strategies to be implemented in the course of the strike, in which they create a legitimate institution with social support to
bring the demands of the staff to the negotiating table and mediate with the employers and labor authorities.

Within the framework of this strategy, the tactic of social insertion is used, which consists in participating in social movements and
trying to get them to extract small victories in everyday struggles, giving them continuity and dynamism through the application of tactics,
strategies, road maps and programs developed from political organizations, with the aim of creating a broad popular movement in which
popular power institutions will be created, such as neighborhood assemblies, popular cultural and social centers, etc. if we're talking
about the neighborhood sector; unions, workers' councils, etc. in the labor sector...on which the struggles would be articulated and acquire
the legitimacy to implement the demands of the popular movements and the working class.

In order to carry out this strategy, it must be embodied in revolutionary political programs and have the necessary structures to bring
these programs to the popular movements so that road maps are created and implemented.

The Program and the Cadre Organization
The program is a document that gathers the lines and tactical and strategic objectives to be reached and it varies depending on which of
those objectives and what strategies should be pursued. In other words, why do we need political programs? To mark objectives and actions
for implementation in the revolutionary process following a strategy, creating the necessary structures to carry out tasks and have a clear
direction, in the sense of having an orientation, a "North" to build a revolutionary political project and articulate the pivotal struggles
of that project. We can distinguish two types:

Minimum programs. That is the program which gathers the objectives to be reached in the immediate moment and medium term, preparing the way
toward socialism by strengthening the real power of popular movements to have an impact on the most immediate problems for the working class
such as housing, work, public services, territorial issues, etc. It could also be said that the minimal program would be a transitional
program and that it is framed within the strategy of popular power as a path to reach socialism.

It's worth adding that roadmaps and agendas make up part of the programmatic tasks. The former consist of lines of concrete action in a
specific sphere in order to advance in the short term. The latter, are schedules of actions to take and are not only mobilizations, but also
meetings, assemblies, the building of structures, establishing agreements, etc.
Maximum programs. The purpose-driven program where we express the political project or new model for the society that we want: socialism.
And the political path we opt for: anarchism. Here are gathered the measures to take once capitalism is defeated, such as the socialization
of the means of production and, consequently, the reorganization of the productive model in general, urban reorganization, the organization,
management and administration of resources and territory... and all questions that must be dealt with to get the new model for society
underway. This program is related to the previous one inasmuch as it is the frame upon which the minimal programs are created and adapted to
a given situation, and it is these programs that establish the final objective, preventing the minimal programs from ending up without any
political direction. The relationship between them is essential in order to advance the revolutionary process, the minimal program being
part of these.
It is important to distinguish between these types of programs since, while the maximum program does not vary much and is not applicable in
the short or medium term (in the long term will depend on the trajectory of the revolutionary political forces); the minimum program will
necessarily go through modifications since it will have to be updated to the changes in situation, whether for factors external to the
movement (capitalist crises, changes in government and laws, changes in the cycles of social movements...), or for internal factors
(organization of counterpowers in the neighborhoods, multisectorality in social movements, growth and radicalization of the labor movement,
etc).

Nevertheless, there is a different view in terms of the programmatic question, which only considers the maximum program without the
necessity of making a minimal program. In its stead, the roadmaps would be the elaboration of goals, tactics and strategies based on the
maximal program, adapted to a given situation and linked to the reality in which such roadmaps are created.

In current anarchism, at least on the level of the Spanish State, some collectives and affinity groups have goals that are similar to
maximum programs whose points of unity include the abolition of Capitalism and the State, generalized self-management, collectivization, the
free federation of territories, etc. But lacking strategies, minimal programs and roadmaps that permit them to advance within the immediate
situation toward the ultimate goal, those affinity groups aren't capable of making any material changes, nor of serving as a political
reference for popular movements, since the program is not adapted to the immediate social reality, but to a distant goal and incapable of
materializing given the current correlation of forces. Therefore, it is essential to have a minimal program if we really want to effect
change. On the other hand, it would also not be viable to take on the minimal program as the only one since the necessary revolutionary
direction to get to Socialism would be lost.

The programs would be carried out among the popular movements in harmony with the cadre organization, that is to say, an organization formed
by militants with training in different disciplines of the social sciences (politics, economics, history...), with experiences in social
struggles and leadership capacity both within the organization and in the struggles in which they are involved, who are organized into an
internally cohesive entity, voluntary discipline and some shared strategic and political lines. The role of this type of organization will
be, in addition to programmatic tasks, creating conjunctural analysis, develop and implement strategic plans, have links and insertion with
the popular movement, bring roadmaps based on minimal programs to the social struggles, etc.

The Communications Strategy
Our political option is framed within a mass oriented project, that is that we should count on the social majorities to build popular power.
For that, in our current information society, we need to elaborate an adequate communications strategy to have as much dissemination and
impact as possible.

A successful communications strategy would be able to distinguish the different sectors of the public we address, and also be able to adapt
slogans to audiences in any given situation without falling into abstractions. Simply put, by speaking openly about Anarchism to the rest of
the population, we'll only scare them away. For example, if we speak to the public or to the social movements with the same terms that we
use within our milieu, many things could be misinterpreted or simply not understood. And if we make a speech ahead of or behind the current
times, or simply not in touch with reality and therefore full of rhetoric, we would fall into abstractions.

Within the combative union, they have as a clear objective the socialization of the means of production and worker control of enterprise.
However, they know that if they use these words to try to mobilize the rest of the workforce, it would end up as nothing but pretty rhetoric
without laying out real issues, proposals and roadmaps that enable the mobilization and organization of the workforce to reach the most
immediate objectives, which are to stop the cuts and improve existing conditions.

To that end, instead of charging directly against the other unions, it critiques what their upper leadership does and tries to approach
their rank and file in the same way as the rest of the non-union workforce. The method of dissemination in the workplace of creating open
assemblies with an agenda that includes preparing and organizing a strike, in this case, would be a wise choice.

An example of why we should utilize different discursive levels is seen in the purely scientific and accessible scientific language; while
the former is expressly technical and only understood by scientists, the second is a language adapted to be understandable by the majority
of the population. Both discursive elements transmit the same theses, but vary only by the language used. In this sense and as an example,
to refer to our political project internally we could speak of Social Anarchism, Communism and/or Libertarian Socialism; when speaking to
social movements as popular power; and for the public, as political and economic democracy.

The strikers realized that media silence could be one of the keys to their defeat, since they run the risk of falling into isolation and the
criminalization of the labor conflict putting public opinion against the workers. Thus, they have to play the media field by bringing the
conflict out of the workplace: to the streets, to the neighborhoods, to join with other social movements and labor conflicts, to hold press
conferences, to generate audiovisual content and use speech that is familiar, sincere and realistic, that dovetails with the demands of
transit riders to generate mutual understanding and awaken popular and class solidarity.

In addition to the level of discourse, it would also be necessary to place goals on the table such as an aesthetic renovation, having our
own professional media to achieve more constant media coverage of our movements, organizations, political proposals, actions and any social
issues linked to our project, create an easily recognizable public image for our movement, a movement with its own identity as well as a
presence in mainstream media. All of that would make up a communications strategy, keeping in mind that the media needs to be backed by a
real popular movement.

In Short
The strategic vision is a look at reality from the point of view of social transformation, one coming from the same reality and the dynamics
within it, overcoming ideological bias, stagnation and defeatist attitudes. A lack of strategic vision keeps us from building arevolutionary
movement. A strategy is necessary because we take on the class struggle as a protracted war where we position ourselves in favor of the
working class, seeking the victory of our class over the current dominant class: the capitalist and proprietarian class. To carry out our
strategic objectives, first we need to articulate ourselves politically, build a new model of Libertarian movement and consolidate a
socialist political project, to begin elaborating common plans of action and a program to put together the new societal model that we want:
Socialism, from which we can carry out minimal programs or roadmaps with the goal of advancing in the current conjuncture. In these
roadmaps, we will address the social problems that the working class currently experiences, solving them through the strategy of popular
power and the tactic of social insertion. While we consolidate this new tendency, it is essential to have a good communications strategy.

This adaptation, updated as time goes on, seeks to be a small contribution to the necessary changes that would consolidate a revolutionary
Anarchism with the capacity to intervene socially and politically on the scene. There is much work ahead to be done and a long road to walk.
This is only the beginning of a project that is being built little by little and whose fruit we hope to see in the coming years. First,
then, we must start identifying the errors we come across so as to learn from them and fix them; changes in militant culture, building a new
movement model, organizational structuring, coordination and insertion in the fronts, the creation of common plans of action for the entire
Libertarian movement, the consolidation of a political project and a revolutionary program, the recovery of communal values and a popular
culture based on solidarity and social struggle, grounding ourselves in the reality we face to start socializing our tactics and strategies,
inserting ourselves in social movements within the frame of the strategy of popular power, creating from it broad popular movements with
their own institutions as counterpowers, and a long ongoing list of tasks that will emerge in the course of our activity.

Lusbert is an anarchist communist writer based in Spain. This article was originally published at Regeneración.

https://blackrosefed.org/strategy-tactics-revolutionary-anarchism/

------------------------------

Message: 6
Date: Sun, 5 Apr 2020 10:03:51 +0300
From: a-infos-en@ainfos.ca
To: en <a-infos-en@ainfos.ca>
Subject: (en) France, Union Communiste Libertaire AL #303 -
        Antifascism, Mila Affair: The far right in full pinkwashing (fr, it,
        pt)[machine translation]
Message-ID: <mailman.854.1586070235.28251.a-infos-en@ainfos.ca>
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="windows-1252"; Format="flowed"

Behind the "Mila affair" hides an already proven far-right strategy: pinkwashing. This consists of pretending to stand up for LGBTI people
or groups under the guise of attack against Muslims and supposed Muslims, while promoting a reactionary, misogynistic and LGBTI-phobic model
of society. ---- It all starts with a live Saturday afternoon between a 16-year-old teenager and his subscribers on a so-called social
network. Words recorded, shared and finally exposed where the burning teenage girl delivers, in abusive words, her hatred of religions and
particularly of Islam. The young girl, especially taken to task for her homosexuality, became in return a target of hatred of other fools.
---- Mila's words were widely reported in far-right networks and the fachosphere immediately took up the cause of the girl. The Bellica.fr
site publishes an article with numerous screenshots and requests to " share his testimony " and use the hashtag #JeSuisMila.

RN officials, led by Marine Le Pen, publicly support the girl. Florian Philippot (Patriotes, ex-RN) or Raphaël Enthoven (philosopher
favorite of Philippe Val) are Mila, like all the people who find there a legitimacy to spit their hatred of mulsumanes and Moslems.

Articles and forums then follow one another, in a remake of JeSuisCharlie, to defend freedom of expression and denounce the cowardice of
those who would not absolutely take up the cause for Mila.

Hate Marketing

Mila's media exposure is a real success for Islamophobes of all stripes. His defense and the promotion of his sexual orientation by the far
right was done according to a political marketing strategy already widely proven: pinkwashing. This involves appearing as an LGBTI defender
for commercial or political promotion.

By taking up the cause here for Mila, the far right masks its propaganda which discriminates against sexual minorities by pointing out what
would be that of its enemies. This strategy, which appeared in commercial marketing, has been recovered for several years by the State of
Israel, promoting the tolerance of Tel Aviv, which does not represent far from all Israel, to make people forget the violence of the
colonization of the Palestinian territories.

In Europe, following the populist leader Pim Fortuyn, a claimed homosexual, the far-right parties have since sought to display themselves as
defenders of the rights of women and homosexuals, but exclusively with a view to clashing civilizations for claim that Islam would put them
at risk.

Let there be no mistake, the far right - no more than religious obscurantists of all stripes - is not progressive, and will never, neither
for women, nor for sexual minorities, nor for the working classes, pledge of release. On the contrary !

David (Grand-Paris-Sud)

https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Affaire-Mila-L-extreme-droite-en-plein-pinkwashing

------------------------------

Message: 7



 From the very beginning of the outbreak of the coronavirus epidemic, the Workers 'Initiative has been working intensively to defend
workers' rights. Our union focuses on the one hand on the fight for safe and hygienic working conditions (including the closure of plants
whose activities are not necessary during the epidemic), on the other - it prepares for conflicts related to attempts to pass the costs of
the coming economic crisis on to employees and employees. These activities are carried out at the level of individual workplaces and on a
national scale. ---- Below we publish a detailed report on the activities of the Employee Initiative in March this year. ---- National
activities ---- Shortly after the first decisions of public authorities to limit the activities of educational, cultural and care
facilities, the National Commission launched a special website devoted to the impact of the epidemic on the situation of employees. It
publishes legal advice, information on the activities of company and inter-company commissions, reports from other countries and information
on the "anti-crisis shield" prepared by the government.

To date, 6 legal guides have been published, discussing such issues as: (1) downtime and remuneration for downtime, (2) leave regulations,
(3) remuneration / sickness allowance for persons subject to quarantine, (4) the possibility of stopping work in health and life threatening
situations.

The National Commission also issued a position critically referring to the government's planned legal changes presented as the "anti-crisis
shield", opposing all forms of wage reduction, subsidies from the state budget for employers, and attempts to make working time more
flexible. As an alternative to the 'shield', the following were indicated, among others: (1) raising unemployment benefits and lifting
restrictive rules that make less than 20% of the unemployed entitled to benefit, (2) universal access to health care, (3) liquidation of
junk contracts, (4) providing everyone with free access to basic utilities (electricity, gas, running water, heating).
The website also published a detailed analysis of the consequences of government proposals contained in the "shield" as well as reports on
trade union activities in other countries.

Currently, materials are being prepared to encourage non-unionized people to organize and guides are provided on issues such as the
possibility of blocking salary cuts and dismissals for economic reasons.

Private sector - industry

At manufacturing plants in the industry - Volkswagen and Danfoss - the key demand of the IP commission was to suspend production and
introduce 100% paid downtime. This postulate was successfully implemented at the Volkswagen plant in Poznan, which employs approx. 11,000
people. However, Danfoss factories still operate, although there have been changes in the organization of work.

On March 14, the Commission for Employee Initiative at Volkswagen Poznan published an "Open Letter to the Management Board of VW Poznan and
the Polish authorities" in which it demanded: (1) stop production with 100% salary, (2) launch a support fund for employees for increased
medical expenses during pandemic and (3) extension of contracts with temporary employees until the end of the pandemic. The letter ended the
appeal to state authorities to intervene in the event that the company's management board was not willing to meet the union's demands.

In the following days, the board refused to meet with representatives of the committees, and in communications to employees the company
indicated that the priority was "maintaining continuity of production". At the same time, information was coming to Poland from car
factories in other countries (not only VW), where downtime was introduced with the active role of trade unions (this was the case in Spain,
France and Slovakia).

Three days after the publication of the Letter, Volkswagen announced the introduction of a two-week downtime from Friday, March 20 this
year. Initially it was supposed to last two weeks, but eventually it was extended to April 10. In accordance with the agreement between the
management board and NSZZ Solidarnosc, some of these days will be treated as downtime (so-called "flexibility days"), and for other
employees "have the option" to take paid leave. There have been cases, however, that employees have been suggested that they must take back
their overdue leave for the past year in order to benefit from downtime at all. After the intervention of the IP commission, this pressure
ceased.

March for the Employee Initiative committee at Danfossa began with the fight for pay increases. After a series of leaflet campaigns (one of
which ended with the intervention of the police called by the company's authorities) and increased dissatisfaction among employees, Danfoss
Poland decided to inform production workers about the results of ASR'20 (i.e. an annual pay review) two weeks earlier. Salaries for this
category of employees increased from 5% to 11% (differently for different jobs) and it was much less than what the commission expected.
However, two weeks later it turned out that these were the only increases granted by Danfoss Poland this year.

In mid-March, the Management Board of Danfoss Poland announced that it was dismissing ASR'20 for office workers, justifying it with the
coronavirus epidemic and the deteriorating economic situation of the company. Later it also turned out that not all Danfoss factories in
Eastern Europe were assigned to production workers ASR'20. It seems, therefore, that Polish production workers got increases, because
Danfoss, at the time of announcing the dismissal of ASR'20 for office workers, could no longer withdraw from the production workers
allocated 2 weeks earlier.

Later, everyone's attention focused on preventing the epidemic, which brutally entered Poland at the beginning of March. Danfoss introduced,
among others, remote work for employees and office workers, the organization of serving meals in the canteen was changed, and all employees
were recommended to keep a minimum distance of 1.5 meters and more frequent decontamination of hands and machines. Some of these changes
have been previously reported as postulates of the Employee Initiative.

In the opinion of employees and IP committees, these changes are, however, insufficient - with constantly effective performance standards
and the concentration of such a large number of employees on the premises of the plant, maintaining the recommended distances and limiting
contacts to a minimum is simply not feasible. That is why the commission twice requested the board to temporarily close the workplace,
citing the closure of Danfossa factories in Italy and India. The company's authorities, however, did not accede to this conclusion, arguing
that the closure of the group's factories in other countries resulted from the decision of public authorities.

Private sector - logistics

Despite the epidemic, the magazines of Amazon and Avon work without major changes, and both companies at the time of writing this article
did not consider stopping work, despite the fact that such a demand was put forward by trade unions operating in these plants.

On 11 March, the Employee Initiative Committee issued an appeal to close the warehouses and demanded a meeting with the management. In the
absence of a response from Amazon, on March 16, the Employee Initiative together with the establishment committee of NSZZ Solidarnosc
directed an appeal to close the warehouses to voivodes, demanding the intervention of public authorities.

It was not until March 20 that teleconferences of trade union representatives with the company's authorities took place, which refused to
talk about closing the warehouses. The employer only proposed a supplement of PLN 4 gross for each hour worked from March 15 to April 30,
refusing to negotiate its amount and payment conditions. In the following days, trade unions carried out a broad information campaign on how
work in the company's magazines looks like - social media circulated, among others films from cloakrooms, buses or canteens, and a map
showing how large the area is 30,000 daily. employees of the company.

On March 30, Workers' Initiative and Solidarity agreed to introduce a PLN 4 gross allowance for each hour of work from March 15 to April 30,
but announced that they would continue their efforts to close their warehouses during the epidemic.

Similar requests to the Amazon commission were made by the Employee Initiative Committee operating in the warehouses of Avon Distribution
Sp. z o. o. in Garwolin (Masovian Voivodeship), which work "normally" during the epidemic. In a letter sent to the employer on March 13, the
OZZ IP committee called for:
- introduction of economic downtime in the company (based on the provisions of the so-called "second anti-crisis act" of 2013);
- suspension of performance standards, which would increase the time allowed for rest and maintain good hygiene in the event of a threat of
coronavirus infection;
- suspending 12-hour shifts to reduce the workload of employees; in particular people particularly vulnerable due to age or problems with
blood pressure, diabetes.
- equipping security guards and drivers with additional disinfection devices (evaporators and diffusers); For now, they have a cloth and
rubbing alcohol.
- increasing the number of days of paid leave during the epidemic, so that employees and employees can look after elderly parents;
- introducing changes to the bonus system,
- providing the company with information on planned security measures to all those working in Avon warehouses - directly employed persons
and agency employees.

The employer replied to the Commission's letter three days later. The management declared that "concern for the health and safety of
employees is the" highest priority "of the Avon group, however, with regard to key demands, the company" does not foresee in the near future
"neither the introduction of downtime, nor a reduction in performance standards, nor a reduction in the length of changes. The effective
working time "by 4% (about 18 minutes) giving thus a greater chance for bonuses so that employees can wash their hands while maintaining the
right to a bonus. In addition, the employer purchased non-contact thermometers. What the association has applied several times. However,
these actions are in our opinion insufficient .

Public sector - higher education

Pursuant to the decisions of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education and rectors, universities in Poland conduct classes remotely, and
the buildings are performing (to a limited extent) the work of administration and service departments. Employee Initiative Committees at
universities and scientific institutions have taken several interventions over the past two weeks, mainly regarding the working conditions
of technical staff (staff).

The OZZ IP Committee at the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun forwarded a letter regarding the lack of adequate security for people
working in student housing at reception desks; thanks to the intervention of the OZZ IP Commission at the Jagiellonian University, employees
of the Jagiellonian Library were allowed to work remotely, the OZZ IP Commission at the University of Warsaw intervened on the working
conditions of service workers in one of the buildings of the Faculty of Philosophy and Sociology - after the intervention, the opening hours
of the building were shortened and work on roster with reduced staffing.

The committees also published a number of positions: The OZZ IP Commission at the University of Wroclaw submitted a letter on 13 March
regarding the conditions, health and safety of employees and non-academic staff; The OZZ IP Committee at the University of Warsaw published
a position on 18.03 expressing concern over government announcements of lowering wages; On March 20, the Inter-Enterprise OZZ IP Commission
at the Polish Academy of Sciences and the Academy of Fine Arts in Warsaw presented a letter on work safety, securing the salaries of the
least paid and employed on commission contracts, and how remote work could be organized, which would take into account home conditions and
responsibilities related to care work.

On March 20 representatives of trade unions at the University of Warsaw received a letter from the rector, in which he refers to questions
submitted by the unions in the first week of the application of special regulations and ensures that measures "minimizing the effects of the
crisis on employees and workers" are taken. "

Public sector - culture

All cultural institutions are suspended until further notice. Factory commissions monitor the situation of individual groups of employees.
In most cases, office workers were directed to work remotely. People whose daily work was strictly dependent on the organization and
preparation of events are in a difficult situation: actresses and actors as well as technical staff (canceled performances and rehearsals),
educators and educators (canceled groups), people working in exhibition spaces. The consequences of canceling events are borne in particular
by persons from these groups employed under civil law contracts. Where you can, employers try to outsource tasks to them remotely (e.g.
through e-learning, recording and publishing speeches, etc.), but this is possible to a limited extent.

Factory commissions in cultural institutions also conduct negotiations with employers regarding the payment of remuneration to employees for
periods of downtime in accordance with the legal commentary prepared by the Employee Initiative. An example is the Old Town Culture Center,
where consultations are ongoing between the Workers' Committee and the employer regarding the rules for determining remuneration for
downtime, remote work, on-call time and other remuneration during the period of suspension of the institution's activities.

The situation at the POLIN Museum of the History of Polish Jews shows how difficult the situation was for people employed by companies
providing outsourcing services. A company providing such services for the POLIN Museum in the area of customer service forces its employees
to submit vacation applications without paying remuneration for downtime. Despite the intervention of the works commission at the POLIN
Museum, the situation has not changed. In this case, the factory commission submitted a complaint to the National Labor Inspectorate.

Cultural institutions are still waiting for the guidelines of the governing bodies regarding the settlement of employees and employees,
persons employed under civil law contracts and external companies. All movements require changes in annual budgets, annexing contracts or
non-standard solutions that go beyond the Public Procurement Law.

http://ozzip.pl/informacje/ogolnopolskie/item/2619-raport-z-dzialan-ozzip-podczas-epidemii-koronawirusa
------------------------------