Today's Topics:
1. France, Union Communiste Libertaire UCL - Unitary press
release, Against racist amalgamations and manipulations, we
defend freedoms (de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
release, Against racist amalgamations and manipulations, we
defend freedoms (de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, Union Communiste Libertaire AL #309 -
Antipatriarchy, Women's body control: hidden, not hidden, it's
never enough (de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
Antipatriarchy, Women's body control: hidden, not hidden, it's
never enough (de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. ait russia: Warsaw: Picket against non-payment of wages
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Czech, AFED: Four anarchists were arrested in Belarus
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Czech, AFED: Breaking the limits and the Tuareg tribe - A
short reflection on overcoming prejudices from our supporter
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
short reflection on overcoming prejudices from our supporter
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. UNIPA: The lessons of the Chilean insurrection and the
constituent process by União Popular Anarquista (pt)
constituent process by União Popular Anarquista (pt)
[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. Turin Anarchist Federation: Our Friday trip to Anarres (it)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
8. Poland, ozzip: Poznanska IP on the amount and equal pay
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
9. France, Union Communiste Libertaire UCL - UCL press release,
Subway, work, tomb: the new confinement
Subway, work, tomb: the new confinement
(de, it, fr, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
10. France, Union Communiste Libertaire
AL #309 - International,
Belarus: cities and factories against dictatorship (de, it, fr,
pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
More than 30 unions, associations and political forces are taking a united position so that the attacks in Conflans and Nice are not used
for racist ends. the Libertarian Communist Union (UCL) is a signatory of this unitary forum. ---- We condemn the assassinations of Samuel
Paty and Nice, which remind us of the danger represented by the Islamist terrorism that we are fighting. All our thoughts are with the
families and loved ones of the victims. Using the pretext of religious or political convictions to threaten the lives of those who do not
share the same ideas endangers the whole of society, especially women.
We defend freedom of expression and association
After these assassinations, we reaffirm the need to defend everywhere and all the time freedom of expression, freedom of education, freedom
of association, conscience and worship within the framework of the rule of law. We are more than ever in solidarity with all particularly
affected teachers and education personnel.
We also affirm our support for the people, collectives, associations, unions who are accused by their actions against racism of colluding
with this attack, in particular through the qualification of "Islamo-leftist", a term which is not based on any reality. .
We denounce the media wave and on social networks against all those who fight for freedom and equality and in particular assure those
directly threatened by the extreme right of all our solidarity. These assassinations must not play into the hands of reactionary forces who
wish to use them to divide society.
We defend secularism
Deeply attached to secularism which excludes religions from public affairs and guarantees freedom of conscience and worship, we condemn its
instrumentalisation to limit the rights of any part of the population.
We act against racism in all its forms
These killings must not be used to stigmatize individuals or groups, based on their origin, gender, culture or religion. We reject these
shameful and dangerous amalgamations and we will continue to fight against all forms of racism, in particular attacks against people of
Muslim culture or religion or perceived as such.
We reiterate our opposition to the " separatism " bill which has nothing to do with secularism and everything to do with a racist and
liberticidal campaign aimed at dividing French society.
It is more than ever necessary that all the organizations and the population join forces to fight against all forms of racism,
discrimination and sexism. We intend to take our responsibilities in this direction through public initiatives to defend a democratic,
secular and united society.
Signatories:
ACEM , Engaged Arts and Cultures of the World
ADTF , Democratic Association of Tunisians in France
ATTAC , Association for the Taxation of Financial Transactions and for Citizen Action
Avenir Jeunes Marseille
Cap-Med-Marseille
Cedetim , Center for Studies and Initiatives of International Solidarity
CGT , General Confederation of
Collective Labor of Associations of Tunisians in the South of France
Collective of November 10 against Islamophobia
National Collective for Women's Rights
CRLDHT , Committee for the Respect of Freedoms and Human Rights in Tunisia
CNT , National Confederation of Labor
Confédération Paysanne
DAL , Droit Au Logement)
Collective Emancipation
ESSF , Solidarity Europe Without Borders
Fasti , Federation of Solidarity Associations with All Immigrants
FTCR , Federation of Tunisians for Citizenship of the Two Rives
FIDL , Independent and Democratic Federation high school student
Copernic Foundation
FUIQP , Front Uni des Immigrations et des Quartiers Populaires
IDD , Immigration Development Democracy
Family planning
SAF , Syndicat des Avocats de France
UNEF , National Union of Students of France
UNL, National High School Union
UTAC , Union of Tunisians for Citizen Action
Union Syndicale Solidaires
Together! , Movement for a Left Alternative, Ecologist and Solidarity
GDS , Democratic and Social Left
NPA , New anti-capitalist party
PEPS , For a Popular and Social Ecology
UCL , Libertarian Communist Union
Aljoumhouri Party (Tunisia) , France North Federation
Workers Party (Tunisia) , French Section
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Contre-les-amalgames-et-les-manipulations-racistes-nous-defendons-les-libertes
------------------------------
Message: 2
The outfits of high school girls, the veil of the vice-president of UNEF, the burkini in the swimming pool, the neckline of the Musée
d'Orsay ... so many recent facts that remind us that women are always too much or not enough covered in the eyes of powers, and that it is
up to men to define what is "normal". ---- Monday, September 14, high school girls launched a day of action around the wearing of clothes
adapted to the heat, in opposition to the directors of establishments which treat a cropped top or shorts as indecent, of girls. And
particularly to point out the inequality of treatment between boys and girls: shorts of the same length, exclusion of girls ; thong that
protrudes in a sitting position, exclusion while the guys show their almost entire underwear without concern ; exclusion from sport for
showing his navel ...
May they be discovered ...
The main argument is that these outfits are provocative and distract boys, even they can cause aggression. It is a great contempt for boys
to think that the sight of a navel or a shoulder can prevent them from taking a class. And a great contempt for girls to hold them
responsible for the behavior of boys.
A slogan has emerged that applies well to rule makers: "She doesn't dress like a slut, you just think like a rapist." The Minister of
National Education, always very relevant, declared that it is enough to dress "normally" [1].
Thursday, September 17, the vice-president of UNEF participates in a meeting at the National Assembly. His veil provokes outraged reactions
and the exit of deputies from the meeting, in particular because the veil would be an indication of submission. Excluding people believed to
be submissive is probably a method of support. Again, there are many reactions to say how a woman should be dressed to go to the assembly,
or elsewhere. Nothing on kippah wearers. Islamophobia is tinged with sexism.
... or not enough ...
Wednesday September 16, Jadot, self-proclaimed presidential candidate declares that the burkini has nothing to do in a swimming pool. An
unwritten rule probably says that a woman should wear a swimsuit that shows off her body, but not too much. Tuesday, September 8, security
officers from the Musée d'Orsay prevented a woman from entering because of her cleavage. They invoke the "rules" that exist only in their
patriarchal brains. Later, the museum management will apologize.
... Women's bodies are disturbing
These incidents have in common that people (often men, but unfortunately not only, but if all women were feminists, the patriarchy would be
over) make rules and impose them on women or girls according to their opinions, of their patriarchal beliefs. This observation is not new,
it nonetheless arouses anger. Women continue to be judged on their appearance: too undressed, too covered, too sexy, too masculine, not
enough this, too that ... It's unbearable, unfair and oppressive, it forces women to be constantly concerned about what should be simple and
mundane, and it is for men: dress as you want.
Christine (UCL Sarthe)
cc The social movement photo library / Leclerc Patrice
Validate
[1] Jean-Michel Blanquer at the microphone of BFMTV, September 14, 2020
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Controle-du-corps-des-femmes-cache-pas-cache-c-est-jamais-assez
------------------------------
Message: 3
Even in the face of a mass movement of protest against the complete ban on abortion in Poland - a movement in which anarcho-syndicalists
also take an active part - the comrades in Warsaw do not forget about the daily struggle for the interests of hired workers. On October 26,
activists of the Polish Union of Syndicalists (ZSP, MAT Section) held a picket in front of the Tumiray Education, Therapy and Diagnostic Center.
The protesters demanded, among other things, the payment of wage arrears to workers and vacation pay, and resented the systematic violation
of workers' rights (including the dismissal of a pregnant woman) by the administration of the Center.
https://aitrus.info/node/5580
------------------------------
Message: 4
The arrests face charges of direct action - in the language of police officers for terrorism. ---- On the night of October 28-29, 2020,
anarchists Dmitry Dubovsky, Igor Olinevich, Sergei Romanov and Dmitry Rezanovich were arrested on the border between Belarus and Ukraine.
They have been accused of terrorism and illegal arming. For section 289 (terrorism), they face the death penalty. ---- All are currently in
the KGB remand prison in Minsk. ---- Dmitry Dubovsky is from Soligorsk, Sergei Romanov and Dmitry Rezanovich are from Gomel. Irog Olinevic
is a former political prisoner , he described his first arrest and stay in custody in the book Poison to Magadan , which was published in
Czech in 2014 by the AF Publishing House together with the Anti-Fascist Action .
Addresses to which arrests can be sent:
Headcount, abbantic tongue 8
Minsk
Dubovsky Dmitry
Headcount, abbantic tongue 8
Minsk
Rezanovich Dmitry Grigoryevich Day of birth
12 November
Source: https://abc-belarus.org/?p=13228
https://www.afed.cz/text/7243/v-belorusku-byli-zatceni-ctyri-anarchiste
------------------------------
Message: 5
Muslim. A word that evokes feelings of contempt, fear and resentment in most people, especially at a time of migratory crisis in Europe. For
what reason? What makes us think that we look at each other with horror and distrust just because we come from a different background and
culture? One would say that especially the media exaggerate certain events that create in us a fear of things about which we actually have
very little information and our mental prejudices limit our ability of the mind to see situations and people from a different angle. Others
could refer to historical events taken out of context, or point to the radical actions of a group of people acting in the name of the
traditions into which disasters were born and which shaped them since childhood, without knowing any other pattern of behavior or perception
of the world around them. . Pointing a finger at the other and exalting oneself over others without deeper research and obtaining important
information that can expand our knowledge leads to unnecessary fear and closure to others. It is fear and ignorance that are the tools used
by power groups to keep people in society obedient, quiet and passively waiting for the solution that the ruling group will provide for
them. If we want humanity to choose the true path of unity, we must overcome our limits of ignorance. The first step is to stop seeing
situations and people in black and white. Every act or situation is "provoked" for a specific cause or causes. Is it easy to judge
everything around without knowing these causes, but at what cost? Wars, false accusations, hatred, etc. Knowing the causes does not mean
accepting iniquity,
For example, the Muslim tribe of desert nomads of the Tuareg can inspire us to lead a harmonious life in mutual respect, and the text will
continue to address it. Tuareg political organizations cross national borders. These nomadic shepherds inhabit areas of North Africa from
central Algeria and Libya in the north to northern Nigeria in the south and from western Libya in the east to western Timbuktu in Mali.
Today, it is estimated that 1.3 million Tuareg live here, most of them in Mali and Nigeria. Their origin is not entirely clear. They were
first mentioned by the Greek historian Herodotus in the 5th century AD. The Tuareg are an example of the fact that being open to new things
does not necessarily mean denying the original good customs and usages. The teachings of Islam are adapted to their free lifestyle. The
Tuareg themselves call themselves Imohag, which means free people. Tuareg women do not have to be veiled. Women in this tribe have an equal
status with men. Before the release, women have the right to meet and date as many men as they want. Like men, women decide matters in the
tribe. Divorces between the Tuareg are not exceptional, but they are not accompanied by quarrels, struggles and hatred. The people of the
Tuareg tribe are aware of the natural changes in life and try to stay in non-conflicting relationships. Despite current influences that seek
to negatively affect the original lifestyle of the Tuareg, the Tuareg are unique in that they can lead us to the idea that different tribes
in different cultures and countries have been capable of mutual solidarity and equivalence for centuries.
Equivalence and respect are not just the theme of the 21st century. It is the natural state of society and the people in it. It is important
to be aware of these facts that many current as well as past cultures, which have mostly disappeared from our historical memory, have been
capable of a just and harmonious life. The answer to the question of whether people are able to live in peace with one another without
enslavement or exploitation is hidden deep within us. What is more natural for us? A life of respect or hypocrisy? Establishing an equal
society is not a utopia. It is a return to our original state of being, but shifted to an already civilized phase of society.
https://www.afed.cz/text/7241/prelomenie-limitov-a-kmen-tuaregov
------------------------------
Message: 6
Plebiscite in Chile for the approval or rejection of a new constitution, October 2020 ---- Communiqué 75 of the União Popular Anarquista -
UNIPA, November 3, 2020 ---- PDF release Download ---- Follow Unipa on twitter: @UNIPAbr ---- To the brave Chilean people and Mapuche; ----
To popular activists and Brazilian and Latin American workers; ---- To comrades and revolutionary companions around the world. ---- On
October 25, a Plebiscite called by the Chilean State, in a major national agreement between right and left parties, resulted in the approval
of a Constituent Convention with the task of writing a new Constitution for the country. But this fact cannot be understood in isolation, it
is the result of the political crisis and the consequences of the class struggle in Chile and in the world.
The Chilean people prove to be a warrior people, with a deep disposition to fight. Their struggle has been so intense that it has been
provoking successive political crises in the country, since the anti-neoliberal student resistance that started in 2006 called "penguin
revolt", which in 2011 continues with the massive adhesion of the proletariat through the general strikes of 24 and 25 August 2011, passing
through the ancestral experience of resistance of the Mapuche people, through the processes of self-organization and self-defense in poor
neighborhoods, as well as the deepening of the combative struggle of women.
The political and social crisis that started in October 2019 was sparked by the fight against the increase in public transport fares, but it
revealed the indignation that had already accumulated over decades of precarious living conditions, increased social inequalities, attacks
on health services. health, education and social security, rising unemployment, repression and ecological destruction, resulting from
decades of neoliberalism and extractive policies.
In the 2019 uprising, collectivist demands were defended in mass popular demonstrations, with permanent violent clashes with repressive
forces, general strikes, expropriation of markets, occupations, barricades and fires of trains and buildings. The battles against the forces
of order were bravely taken on by social movements and political organizations of the Chilean proletariat.
The revolt lasted until 2020 and directly affected imperialist interests with the cancellation of the Conference on Climate Change (COP25),
the Asia-Pacific Cooperation Forum (APEC) and the final of the Copa Libertadores, contradicting from below the dominant powers of the State
and of Capital. The insurgency defeated the increase in transport tariffs, achieved a reduction in working hours to 40 hours, improvements
in social security, an increase in the minimum wage, a reduction in the price of electricity and medicines ... but the revolt continued.
Through insurrectionary methods, the Chilean masses defeated curfews and the use of armed forces on the streets. The political crisis in
Chile has become an insurrectionary process, a pre-revolutionary situation.
On the other hand, and contradictorily, despite the strength of the mass movement, the political pressure it exerted, this movement did not
evolve in a revolutionary direction. And this is extremely serious, because the logic of the capitalist system indicates that repression is
a variation proportional to popular mobilization, which means that as the mass mobilization grows, the repression will increase, possibly
culminating in a Dictatorship, which would have the mission to destroy the focuses of popular organization.
The systematic use of military / paramilitary violence and state terrorism in Chile until today correspond exactly to this need for the
class struggle. But the Piñera government also sought to demobilize the streets from the beginning through the cooptation and
institutionalization of the mass movement, this is where the proposal for a constituent assembly comes in.
The current context of the class struggle in Chile serves to give two important lessons to the international working class:
1º) The possibility of popular resistance against neoliberal policies and the reversal of measures unfavorable to the people, imposed by the
bourgeois forces and their allies, through the direct action of the masses, strikes and street struggles;
2) The limitations of a mass movement without a revolutionary leadership guided by a clear and well-defined theory and program, in other
words, of a mass movement without the guidance and practice to expropriate the bourgeoisie, neutralize repression and erect popular power.
The Chilean uprising, therefore, proved to be an excellent revolutionary gymnastics, a test for the necessary breaks that can only come with
the strengthening of the independent popular musculature.
In this sense, it is necessary to escape the mere greetings alluding to the Chilean constituent and to analyze the crisis in Chile from a
materialistic point of view. Indicate the possibilities and weaknesses of the mass movement in the face of the current political situation.
This is what we will do from the Bakuninist materialist method. We must avoid romantic and voluntaristic analyzes. The victory of the
Chilean and Latin American revolution depends on a correct strategy and consistent tactics.
1 - Origin and objectives of constituent reform in Chile
In the face of the popular insurrection of October 2019, in the face of the real possibility of the Piñera government's collapse and in view
of the various economic impacts caused by the revolt, the government's actions went in two directions: 1º) A brutal repression that
increasingly took on the character of an internal counterinsurgency war, with State of Exception decrees, approval of anti-barricade and
anti-theft laws, billionaire spending on tear gas, bombs, rubber bullets, among others, that served to cause thousands of injured, political
prisoners, dozens of dead , disappearances and cases of torture, rape and rape by the police; 2nd)The so-called "Peace Agreement", proposed
in November 2019 by the government, and supported by almost all the parties of the order (from right to left), with the objective of
demobilizing the popular revolt in the streets and directing it to a plebiscite and a constituent assembly, that is, for the protection of
capitalist legality.
The popular uprising in Chile had important similarities to the June 2013 Days in Brazil. One was widespread rejection of union and party
bureaucracies. The extreme-left and combative popular movements and organizations achieved a hegemony (albeit temporary and fluid) in the
mass movement, translated into forms of action (direct action, self-defense), organization (horizontal, assembly and grassroots structures)
and agendas of struggle (collectivist and non-corporatist). In Chile, too, the rebellious masses rejected control of the reformist leaders
of the Socialist Party (PS), the Communist Party (CCP) and the Chilean CUT. According to data from the Chilean Electoral Service, from
October 18 to January 31, political parties had a record of parade that reached 15 thousand people,
It is within this insurrectional context, with millions on the streets, with a profound anti-systemic character of rejection of the
institutions and parties of the order, with 78% of popular disapproval of the murderous government of Piñera, it is in this context that the
political parties and elites of the right and of left, the dialogues and agreements to propose a constituent assembly as a solution to the
crisis and the return of "social peace" are in haste.
Thus, the ongoing constitutional reform process did not come from the insurgent masses on the streets. This is false. It emerged in the
first half of November 2019 from top to bottom, as part of a counterinsurgency and cooptation strategy. This clearly explains why the
proposed constituent was not immediately recognized by the Chilean people as a solution and was therefore unable to stop the uprising that
followed until 2020.
As the insurgency continued, it became clear that the demobilization objective had failed, and not even unity among all the parties of the
order was able to "return to normal". The rebellious masses did not listen to the false solutions of their "bosses" and "representatives".
In the face of the continuation of the revolt, repression and state terrorism deepened.
Without a solution to the impasse, the trend was the gradual decrease in popular mobilization, aggravated by the Covid-19 crisis. It was at
this moment of reflux that the proposal for a constituent assembly gained greater strength, as a direct development of the reformist line,
applied from the State and from the institutions and in clear benefit of these. Thus, the reformist bureaucrats gradually resumed the
hegemony and legitimacy lost within the insurgent process.
That is why, even though it emerged as a reaction to the popular revolt, the constituent assembly is not a "conquest" of the streets as the
reformists, the conservative right and the Piñera government call together. Its origin and historical objective are precisely the negation
of direct action and popular insurrection, they are the delegitimization of the protagonism and political capacity of the working class as a
collective subject of change. The aim has always been to save the system and the Piñera government itself, threatened by the rebellion.
The reformist path points out as a solution the election of deputies to a Constituent Assembly, removing the protagonism of the masses and
pointing to spaces for the conciliation of classes with murderers and exploiters of the people that they call "democratic". This is the
classic repertoire of democratic-bourgeois oppositions. It is in the face of a pre-revolutionary and insurrectionary situation like the
Chilean, or the Bolivian one in the early 2000s, that the conservative function of the reformist proposal that will divert the masses from
taking power is clear. A new constitution under the tutelage of bourgeois institutions (from the control of candidacies and funding, the
requirement of 2/3 to pass new laws, the untouchability of free trade agreements, etc.) will not solve the structural and material problems
that the Chilean people,
2 - The revolutionary line facing the Chilean political process
Chilean uprising, 2019
Two alternatives formulated by the movements of opposition to the Piñera government and the neoliberal regime presented themselves before
the Chilean people and history. One is the reformist and democratic-bourgeois way, represented by the movements organized around the
Agreements for Peace and the Constituent Assembly. Another would be the revolutionary route, virtually possible, but which we could not
indicate the existence of forces capable of guaranteeing in Chile today. This is an enigma.
For the revolution to be consolidated, three conditions were necessary:
1) the existence of a revolutionary party or revolutionary front of national action, which guarantees a unified strategy and direction of
mass struggle and the arming of the popular movement at the right time;
2) the existence of a strong mass movement, and equally strong bodies of popular power and economic self-management, influenced by such a
party or front;
3) the formulation of a Program, which makes it possible to bring together the majority of the masses for the assault on Power.
When we say the importance of a Program, we assume a materialistic method of mobilizing the proletariat, because the people will not unite
merely in terms of a set of principles, tactics and strategy that are well articulated, but that do not go to the people.
It is necessary to know whether such conditions existed or exist in Chile today. And if they do not exist, that is probably the reason for
the impasses that the Chilean proletariat has faced so far. The mass movement, which the world left should greet with enthusiasm, was and is
facing this impasse. It would have been necessary to launch a revolutionary offensive, but were there conditions for that? If conditions
exist, the preferential path will be that of general insurrection (the people in arms) and if this fails, prolonged popular war or guerrilla
war will remain. But it seems that such conditions do not exist, or are still in an embryonic stage.
On the other hand, one cannot sit listlessly stating that it is not possible to do anything or support the democratic-bourgeois reformist
path. A revolution does not take place on the fly, but it does not take the same time to prepare that diamonds take to form. The working
class and revolutionary organizations can create the conditions necessary for the revolution by their conscious and organized action.
Although the insurgency in Chile did not achieve national articulation of popular forces around a revolutionary program and strategy, the
Chilean revolt highlighted three important aspects of a pre-revolutionary situation:
1º) The incapacity of the hegemonic political forces (reformist or conservative) and of the state and capitalist institutions themselves to
protect and govern the working class;
2) The creation of different structures of popular power, such as grassroots assemblies, self-defense organizations, cooperatives, etc .;
3rd) The creation of alliances between the urban proletariat and the original peoples and peasants, creating strategic links in the
field-city struggle.
Although temporarily (or as an embryo) these aspects need to be the target of intense political and militant work on the part of anarchists
and revolutionaries.
On the other hand, the current partial victory of the reformist route in Chile (materialized in the plebiscite on the constituent) has shown
the solidity of the social democratic forces and, in turn, the weaknesses and challenges of the revolutionary and autonomous forces.
Therefore, we cannot ignore the weight of the social democratic and reformist tradition in a large part of the Latin American working class,
especially in the sector organized in unions and movements. Fighting this reformist sector, which at decisive moments collaborates with the
bourgeois restoration, is a fundamental task of the revolutionaries.
Even though this reformist left has entered into crisis in Latin America since 2014/2015 (the so-called progression crisis), the lack of a
solid and consequent revolutionary alternative has led to a possible (but still uncertain) "second wave of progressism ". The struggles of
workers and peoples have not yet been able to destroy the reformist hegemony. In some cases, they weakened the governance of the left, but
were later used by the right to rise to power. In other cases, they have weakened the governability of the right, but were used for the
social democratic and social liberal parties to return to power.
For us revolutionary anarchists, it is necessary that this systemic cycle be broken. It is necessary to accumulate the strength for the
people to gain all power for themselves, destroying the political and economic system and building self-government and socialism. To this
end, insurrections are decisive moments in history. They carry this creative and destructive potential of a new world. Those who minimize
the character of the popular uprisings as simple "marches for this or that claim" are bound to reproduce the system forever, to doubt the
political and revolutionary capacity of the masses, to err in the interpretation of the facts and for that reason not to act consistent and
correct when our people need it most.
3 - Teachings of Chile for the Brazilian and Latin American revolution
Repression of carabineers (the Chilean police) to the uprising, 2019
"This organization[the Universal Revolution Alliance]excludes any idea of dictatorship and tutelary ruling power. But for the very
establishment of this revolutionary alliance and for the triumph of the revolution over reaction, it is necessary that in the midst of the
anarchy of the people that will constitute the very life and energy of the revolution, the unity of revolutionary thought and action must
find an organ. This body must be the Secret and Universal Association of International Brothers. This association starts from the belief
that revolutions are never made by individuals or even by secret societies. They are made as if by themselves, produced by the force of
things, by the movement of events and facts. They are prepared for a long time in the depths of the instinctive consciousness of the popular
masses - and then they explode, apparently often brought about by futile causes. All that a well-organized secret society can do is, first
of all, to help the birth of a revolution, spreading ideas among the masses corresponding to the instincts of the masses, and to organize,
not the army of the revolution - the army must always be the people - but a kind of revolutionary staff composed of dedicated, energetic,
intelligent individuals and, above all, sincere, unambitious or convinced friends of the people - capable of serving as intermediaries
between the revolutionary idea and popular instincts. "(Bakunin, Secret Alliance Statutes , 1868)
What Chile has already taught, and will still teach to the Brazilian and Latin American proletariat, is exactly the degree of strength that
the popular movement can achieve without necessarily pointing to revolutionary rupture. In Brazil, the June 2013 uprising also warned of
this, including the proposals for the Constituent Assembly and "Political Reform" that emerged from PT / CUT reformists - and today polled
by government leaders in Congress. In this sense, we can say that the situation in Chile gives us the following lessons:
1º) It is necessary that the mass movement produces revolutionary forms of consciousness and organization, that have a theory and a program,
and that will guarantee the revolutionary leadership and the militarization of the mass movement at the moment of the outbreak of
insurrectionary situations. That is why the importance of revolutionary unionism and the general strike. In addition, the existence of a
revolutionary political organization based on theoretical unity, tactical unity, collective responsibility and federalism is fundamental to
the revolutionary process, as well as the constitution of a revolutionary army of the people.
2nd)It is necessary to build organizations of popular power (popular assemblies and their unification in councils of delegates of the people
at local, regional and national scales, as well as factories and occupied lands and production and consumption cooperatives) that exercise
the capacity for self-government and economic self-management of masses, still under the capitalist system. These popular power
organizations emerged during various historical moments in Latin America, but after the apex of the struggle, they break down due to the
lack of revolutionary organizations that defend them and insert them in a strategy that allows their continuity and development, or are
disintegrated by repression. It is also common for them to join the regime, for reformers to use popular power organisms as instruments to
ascend to the state, or call "social power" any social movement or "participatory" government bodies. It is essential to overcome these
political and theoretical weaknesses.
3rd)If these preconditions are not met, the proletariat will be immobilized by its own contradictions and will capitulate or be defeated by
the repression of the bourgeoisie. Revolution is war, and it is only through war that it is possible to destroy bourgeois power. The
bourgeoisie knows this. The solution against revolutionary war is dictatorship or cooptation. In the capitalist system, the increase in the
quantity and quality of the organization of the masses has as a counterpart the increase in organization and bourgeois reaction. As the
social polarization around material demands increases (as happened in Chile with respect to anti-neoliberal demands), the solution to class
conflicts will pass through violence. The tendency then is that the dictatorship is the solution found by the bourgeoisie, even if it is a
"constitutional dictatorship", dictatorship disguised under democratic mechanisms, as we have already witnessed in Latin America. When the
mass movement faces a pre-revolutionary situation, if it does not have revolutionary organizations prepared to do so, the bourgeoisie will
have time to regroup its forces and launch an offensive to destroy the mass movement. The Peace Agreements and the Constituent Assembly give
the Chilean State time to reorganize and dismantle the popular movement for repression and cooptation.
4º) Another lesson is that which shows the revolutionary potential of the peasantry and the marginal proletariat, as well as the importance
of ethnic-racial contradictions for the class struggle. Chile's crisis is also linked to social inequality between a mass of indigenous
peasants, mainly the Mapuche people, and a national and international bourgeoisie that controls agro-industry. In the current stage of world
capitalism, Latin America occupies a peripheral place in the international division of labor, a fundamentally agrarian-export position. The
economic contradictions between the rural bourgeoisie and the peasantry, as well as the anti-colonial demands of native peoples for land and
freedom, gain strategic dimensions for the revolution.
In Brazil, in a moment of deep reflux of struggles, parties like PT, PCdoB, PSOL, use the examples of the election in Bolivia and the
plebiscite in Chile to strengthen the reformist path. Political processes in Chile and Bolivia are presented by social democracy with an
emphasis and triumphalism only on institutional and political-electoral results. The reformists echo bourgeois politics by silencing the
political prisoners of the revolt, by silencing the immense achievements of popular assemblies, community kitchens, self-defense groups,
etc. They silence or romanticize everything that the revolutionary way means. For them, struggles and revolts must be mere instruments for
themselves to achieve institutional results, positions and votes. It is the misery of small reformist politics.
Thus, the current situation in Chile deserves the attention of the international proletariat. We must support, but also theoretically and
critically interpret all the steps of the mass movements. This crisis in Chile offers important lessons for the Brazilian revolution. It
also serves to show the role of Bakuninist theory in elucidating the main problems of the revolution, a fundamental aspect of revolutionary
activity.
Do not deviate from reformist illusions!
For self-government and socialism!
Prepare for the working class uprising!
https://uniaoanarquista.wordpress.com/2020/11/03/insurreicao-e-contituinte-chilena/#more-3326
------------------------------
Message: 7
Anarres of October 30 Smart working. Fascists, suburban kids, dpcm, urban revolt. Lockdown but factories stay open... ---- Our Friday trip
to Anarres, the planet of concrete utopias. From 11 am to 13 pm on 105,250 free Blackout frequencies. Also in streaming ---- Listen and
spread the escopost: https://radioblackout.org/.../anarres-del-30-ottobre.../ ---- Live, insights, ideas, proposals, appointments: ----
Smart working. The hardening of the pandemic has brought thousands of civil servants back to work and not. ---- We talked about it with
Peppe, a companion from Pisa Chronicles from Turin and Milan. Fascists, suburban kids, dpcm and urban revolt ---- The night is the time
suspended from duties and obligations, the reign of superfluous, of life that tries, without too much success, to take up some space.
The night can be put on lockdown. Not the day: nothing should stop the chain of ´´ produce, consume, die ".
Always running, always riding. Always on running, the tragic slogan coined for Bergamo before the city and its valleys were overwhelmed by
the unbraking race of the virus.
Always running, because goods have to move, because production must not stop, because business matters more than our lives. Cheap lives,
excess lives..
We discussed it with Francesco del Bakunin of Rome
War spending, health, missions abroad
Contacts:
Turin Anarchist Federation
Palermo Corso 46-meetings every Tuesday at 14
Contacts: fai_torino@autistici.org-@senzafrontiere.to /
Wild C.A.T. Anarco-Turin Feminist Collective
Palermo course 46-@Wild.C.A.T.anarcofem
www.anarresinfo.org-write to: anarres@inventati.org
https://www.facebook.com/radioblackout105250fm/posts/10159064302644180
------------------------------
Message: 8
In Poznan, talks were held between trade unions and the city authorities regarding wage increases. The salaries of employees and female
employees of plants and institutions financed by the city are low. They differ significantly from the national and Poznan average. Let us
add that over 80% of the employed are women. The Employee Initiative to compensate for these disproportions indicated the necessity to make
pay rises even at the level of PLN 1,000 per month. ---- We informed you about the course of negotiations on increases for 2020 in a
separate material . Citing the epidemic crisis, the city withdrew from earlier promises. Ultimately, of the PLN 300 planned for the current
year, employees received PLN 100. More could not be achieved. In view of the new wave of COVID-19 cases, the Employee Initiative (like all
trade unions) agreed to such a change in the wage agreement. It assumed further talks on this matter. However, the city authorities,
following the blow, did not provide for any increases in the planned budget for 2021. They took it for granted.
On Wednesday, IP committees from Poznan took a position on this issue, writing, inter alia: "We can see how the policy of strengthening
economic gender inequality looks on the local level. In times of crisis, it manifests itself with particular clarity. We are treated worse
not only as employees, but also the current economic policy is hitting our families, where we work for a second time."
Entire position below:
For several years, the Employee Initiative has proposed a systemic solution regarding the principles of remunerating employees and female
workers employed in plants and institutions financed from the city budget. Many years of neglect and the lack of systematic wage increases
have led to a situation that today they are at a very low level, much below the national average, or especially the average for Poznan.
Today we are again overlooked and omitted in the city's budget plans, and our real wages are falling! We are not going to tolerate it anymore!
All the increases for the previous and foreign term of office of the city authorities (during Jacek Jaskowiak's office) were set
significantly below the level postulated by trade unions. Despite the exceptional economic situation and the budgetary situation of local
government units, the increases proposed by the City Hall did not manage to radically change the situation of female employees and employees
of the municipal budget sector. Nominal wages remain extremely low, and their real value is now declining due to rising inflation.
Additionally, we get the impression that every time trade unions sit down to talk about wage increases for a given year, the pay rises seem
to be "torn" and "forced". The assurances of the city authorities that their intention is always to increase workers' wages are not too
convincing in the context of the course of the talks. Only the threat of protests and mass resignations mobilized the current city
authorities to decide on any increase in wages and to include it in the budget plan for a given year. Demands for higher wages met with the
greatest resonance, especially in relation to the election year.
In such circumstances, of course, there is no question of shaping a fair and honest wage system in the municipal budgetary sphere. In this
system, wages are subject to the rules of the political game and - in our opinion - unfair manipulations. Of course, the solution would be a
multi-enterprise collective labor system that would regulate the way wages are shaped and make this issue independent of political factors.
I would decide on clear rules, readable for all parties and each employee. However, there is no such document.
We are currently finding out that the city authorities do not provide for wage increases in the budget for 2021. Moreover, in 2020 the city
authorities increased wages by approx. PLN 100 gross, although PLN 300 was previously planned. Everything is presented as a result of the
economic crisis caused by the coronavirus. The problem is that - as we wrote - the previously exceptionally good economic situation was not
sufficiently used by the local authorities to improve the financial situation of employees and women workers subordinate to its plants and
institutions. There was always something more of a priority.
As an Employee Initiative, we have also repeatedly demonstrated in payroll interviews that low salaries in municipal institutions and
establishments are also the result of discrimination against women on economic grounds. We can boldly say that over 80% of people employed
"by the city" are women.
What's more, the lowest salaries apply primarily in plants that today are of key importance for the functioning of the system during a
pandemic and where constant contact with the citizen is required, where it is difficult to switch to a remote system or the so-called
hybrid. This applies in the first place to the care system, such as nurseries or DPS. This problem also partially affects cultural
institutions such as libraries, where remote work can only be used to a limited extent.
While people associated with the health service can count on an increase in wages in these circumstances, they have remained underestimated
in the local government sector. Let us recall that, for example, nurseries in nurseries were considered to be healthcare workers until 2011,
before they came under the provisions of the Act on local government employees. Today they have to look after children in overcrowded
classrooms, with deepening staff shortages and insufficient protection against COVID-19. Every day they run the risk of contracting
infection and getting sick. The issue of DPS employees, whose salaries are among the lowest in the city, has been written many times. Today,
they play a responsible role, caring for those who are particularly at risk of dying from COVID-19. The financial benefits they received
after the spring lockdown do not solve the problem.
Recently, the media reports that 36 health care workers (16 doctors, 11 nurses, 1 midwife) have already died due to COVID-19. It is
estimated that 600 doctors and almost 1000 nurses were hospitalized for this reason. It is not known what the situation looks like in the
local government care sector, because nobody is interested in it.
Therefore, we perceive this situation as a manifestation not only of labor exploitation, but also of discrimination against women - pay
inequality and a lack of respect for our work. We can see what the policy of consolidating economic gender inequality looks like on the
local level. In times of crisis, it manifests itself with particular clarity. We are treated worse not only as employees, but also the
current economic policy is hitting our families, where we work for a second time. That's why we're talking enough!
We demand equal and fair wages!
We demand safe working conditions!
Inter-Enterprise Committee at the Nursery Complexes in Poznan
Inter-Enterprise Committee at the Theater of the Eighth Day
Company Committee at CK Zamek
Poznan Inter-Enterprise Committee
https://ozzip.pl/informacje/wielkopolskie/item/2703-poznanska-ip-w-sprawie-wysokosci-i-rownosci-plac
------------------------------
Message: 9
The health situation we are currently experiencing is dramatic. Worse than in the spring, thousands of people will die or have serious
sequelae of their coronavirus infection, not to mention those who cannot be treated for other pathologies. This health crisis is coupled
with a social crisis with the increase in layoffs. As if no lesson had been learned from the previous confinement, Macron announced on
October 28 a re-confinement which is not one but rather a curfew of social life. ---- In order to allow the capitalists to continue to
enrich themselves, confinement is now being worked on. From a first confinement, where many non-essential economic activities had been
stopped (but not all! Bosses continued to bring in employees to manufacture cars ...), it is now all people essential to health of the
portfolio of capitalists who have to work.
So some of us will continue to cram into crowded public transportation morning and night. The situation will not be the same for everyone:
it is the working classes who find themselves on the front line of the pandemic.
Between the constant endangerment at school and at work, the government's catastrophic management of the epidemic, the increase in layoffs
and the intensification of the economic crisis, the end of 2020 promises to be particularly bleak.
The confinement of sociability
If containment were unavoidable to limit the spread of the virus, which has become uncontrollable, not only could this measure have
certainly been avoided by better management of deconfinement but in addition it arrives two weeks late and only sheds light once again. the
government's deadly ideology.
This false confinement is perfectly in line with the logic of the previous measures of the State which chooses to save the economy in
defiance of the health and well-being of the population and sacrifices our sociability.
While places of study and businesses are proven centers of transmission, the government perseveres in wanting to keep them open without
putting in place applicable health protocols.
Disastrous authoritarian management of the health crisis
No assessment has been drawn from the first wave: once again forgotten, the precarious (homeless people, poor workers, beneficiaries of the
RSA, salaried students, the unemployed) find themselves alone in the face of the virus.
As in the spring, the State is surprised by the crisis. The job and bed cuts of the last decade are making themselves felt severely and the
Hospital is once again overwhelmed with no bed opening or new urgent recruitments having been started during the summer to anticipate the
second wave.
From now on our social life is limited to work: the State deprives us of our freedom and takes the opportunity to impose police checks on
us. Once again, checks will be carried out more in working-class neighborhoods than in wealthy ones. And in a climate of terrorist attacks
and intensifying state racism and intensifying Islamophobic climate, it is feared that there will be even more police violence than during
the last lockdown.
We have nothing to expect from the state. It is not for us to pay the costs of this crisis which the capitalists and the states have taken
advantage of to bleed us more.
We demand that the capitalists pay the cost of our wages: zero layoffs during this health crisis. Hospitals will quickly be overloaded:
let's socialize and requisition clinics. In places of study, at work through unionization, in the streets with solidarity brigades, in
buildings by activating direct solidarity, it is up to us to mobilize ourselves as quickly as possible to fight against this crisis
unprecedented.
Libertarian Communist Union, October 31, 2020
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Metro-boulot-tombeau-le-nouveau-confinement
------------------------------
Message: 10
Belarusian anarchists deliver their analysis of the movement against the Lukashenko regime. This is on an unprecedented scale, but remains
for the moment confined to peaceful protests as it faces fierce repression and the threat of direct Russian intervention. ---- Last August
9, Alexander Lukashenko, the only head of state of Belarus since the fall of the USSR, in power for 26 years now, won his sixth presidential
election. too much water and sparked the most massive and radical protests in the country's post-Soviet history. ---- Between August 9 and
12, police repression, at an unprecedented level, caused the deaths of three people and more than 600 were imprisoned. Hundreds of
demonstrators were more or less seriously injured in the clashes and thousands mistreated or even tortured in prison.
The regime regularly arrests those who are considered " coordinators " of demonstrations (here August 23). Self-organization has emerged
as the only way to resist in this system.
HOMOATROX
At present, President Lukashenko remains in power through a relentless and strong crackdown on law enforcement loyalty, while across the
country massive protests and rallies continue.
The dictatorship does not consider that the demands of the demonstrators are the object of negotiation since it does not see the citizens as
political subjects, and is content to seek to put down the protest. This approach is not new since the regime has always taken care to
prevent the emergence of a form of legal political opposition.
Opponents without experience
But in the absence of such " classic " opposition , a new form has emerged - bloggers and election candidates - relatively isolated from
the population and drawn from elitist circles. They don't really have parties or organizations, or experience in political struggle. Many of
them hadn't imagined what they were getting into, and didn't think Lukashenko would start killing to stay in power.
After the main election candidates were taken down, the key role of the protest shifted to bloggers on the online messaging app Telegram,
most of whom are now in exile. Their news channels set the tone for the protest, posting instructions and plans. They are also the ones who
tried to launch a general strike. Unfortunately, even these opinion leaders cannot fight on their own the fear and the pacifism latent in
the population.
The regime regularly arrests those who are seen as leaders or " coordinators " of protests, so self-organization has emerged as the only
way to resist in this dictatorial system. Spaces for discussions are created where people can prepare actions or coordinate to go to
demonstrations without being arrested beforehand. Autonomous groups are formed to paint graffiti or hang flags in order to make the protest
visible.
There is a pitfall, however, the major problem in our opinion lies in the prevailing pacifism. Demonstrators do not really resist arrests
and do not defend themselves against the police. Lukashenko therefore has a free hand to strengthen its grip on the country and gradually
transforms Belarus into a second North Korea.
A semi-clandestine but active anarchist movement
The oldest and most active organization in protest is Revolutionary Action (), which also has a branch in Ukraine. Their campaigns and
actions are regularly published on their website Revbel.org. In particular, they succeeded in massively disseminating collective techniques
in the demonstrations to slow down arrests.
There are also several other groups in the political landscape, organized around internet media or bookstores, which are forced into
semi-clandestine activities as a result of the repression. As a result, their numbers are extremely low.
The anarchist movement has little infrastructure and media influence. Its members are participating individually in the protests and several
comrades have been arrested, including Alexander Frantskevich and Akihiro Gaevsky-Khanada.
In reality, no political force, anarchist included, can claim to truly influence the protest. This is undoubtedly the reason why power has
been fighting us for so long.
The anarchists have paid the price for years of political repression. Arrests, searches, seizures of material, dismissals and more.
If our movement was not diminished to the point of being confined to marginal groups whose number is limited to a few dozen activists, then
we could radicalize and organize the demonstrators. And that, the dictatorship cannot let. to happen.
The Kremlin guarantor of the established order
We cannot analyze the current situation in Belarus without ignoring the influence of Russia. This is economically and geopolitically so
important that it must be considered as the predominant external factor in the development of the situation.
For example, at the moment Russia is considering lending the regime equivalent to over $ 1.5 billion. This money must compensate for the
sums spent by Lukashenko to silence the protest.
In addition, Belarusians still fear the possibility of intervention by OMON, the special forces of the Russian Interior Ministry since Putin
declared that if the demonstrations were of a violent nature, it would lead to looting and pogroms, and that he would then have to send
special units to help the regime maintain order.
The forces of repression in line, in Minsk on September 6.
HOMOATROX
For the moment, these are only words, but for the population, these words create the illusion of a real threat. Can we even consider that it
is only an illusion ? Many people in 2013 thought that the idea that Russia could start a military conflict in the south-east of Ukraine was
unthinkable, and yet ...
However, we must understand that Putin does not want a new military conflict that could drag on. The Russian economy is in crisis, and one
more adventure with an uncertain outcome risks costing the Kremlin too much.
Moscow is not fundamentally opposed to Lukashenko's departure because he is unpopular and a problematic dictator. Russia would prefer
someone more loyal and accommodating to their interests instead. This is why Putin trying to convince Lukashenko to reform the constitution
and " legally " transfer power to new heads. But even if he accepts, he will do everything to keep control over the country, through a
puppet government if necessary.
It is not easy at present to know how the situation will develop or what the result will be. At the start of the summer, no one would have
thought that there could be demonstrations of this magnitude, or that people would throw Molotov cocktails at the militias in power. The
idea that protesters could be executed only existed in the warnings of fringe anarchist groups. But the reality has exceeded all expectations.
Faced with this dictatorship, the anarchists, as well as the other political groups, cannot significantly influence the protest. They at
least try to disseminate their practices to make themselves known to the greatest number, and develop their potential for action. But if
Lukashenko remains in place, Belarusians as a whole and frontline anarchists risk facing a state of dictatorial terror still unknown in the
country.
Belarusian anarchists
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Bielorussie-les-villes-et-les-usines-contre-la-dictature
------------------------------
Belarus: cities and factories against dictatorship (de, it, fr,
pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
More than 30 unions, associations and political forces are taking a united position so that the attacks in Conflans and Nice are not used
for racist ends. the Libertarian Communist Union (UCL) is a signatory of this unitary forum. ---- We condemn the assassinations of Samuel
Paty and Nice, which remind us of the danger represented by the Islamist terrorism that we are fighting. All our thoughts are with the
families and loved ones of the victims. Using the pretext of religious or political convictions to threaten the lives of those who do not
share the same ideas endangers the whole of society, especially women.
We defend freedom of expression and association
After these assassinations, we reaffirm the need to defend everywhere and all the time freedom of expression, freedom of education, freedom
of association, conscience and worship within the framework of the rule of law. We are more than ever in solidarity with all particularly
affected teachers and education personnel.
We also affirm our support for the people, collectives, associations, unions who are accused by their actions against racism of colluding
with this attack, in particular through the qualification of "Islamo-leftist", a term which is not based on any reality. .
We denounce the media wave and on social networks against all those who fight for freedom and equality and in particular assure those
directly threatened by the extreme right of all our solidarity. These assassinations must not play into the hands of reactionary forces who
wish to use them to divide society.
We defend secularism
Deeply attached to secularism which excludes religions from public affairs and guarantees freedom of conscience and worship, we condemn its
instrumentalisation to limit the rights of any part of the population.
We act against racism in all its forms
These killings must not be used to stigmatize individuals or groups, based on their origin, gender, culture or religion. We reject these
shameful and dangerous amalgamations and we will continue to fight against all forms of racism, in particular attacks against people of
Muslim culture or religion or perceived as such.
We reiterate our opposition to the " separatism " bill which has nothing to do with secularism and everything to do with a racist and
liberticidal campaign aimed at dividing French society.
It is more than ever necessary that all the organizations and the population join forces to fight against all forms of racism,
discrimination and sexism. We intend to take our responsibilities in this direction through public initiatives to defend a democratic,
secular and united society.
Signatories:
ACEM , Engaged Arts and Cultures of the World
ADTF , Democratic Association of Tunisians in France
ATTAC , Association for the Taxation of Financial Transactions and for Citizen Action
Avenir Jeunes Marseille
Cap-Med-Marseille
Cedetim , Center for Studies and Initiatives of International Solidarity
CGT , General Confederation of
Collective Labor of Associations of Tunisians in the South of France
Collective of November 10 against Islamophobia
National Collective for Women's Rights
CRLDHT , Committee for the Respect of Freedoms and Human Rights in Tunisia
CNT , National Confederation of Labor
Confédération Paysanne
DAL , Droit Au Logement)
Collective Emancipation
ESSF , Solidarity Europe Without Borders
Fasti , Federation of Solidarity Associations with All Immigrants
FTCR , Federation of Tunisians for Citizenship of the Two Rives
FIDL , Independent and Democratic Federation high school student
Copernic Foundation
FUIQP , Front Uni des Immigrations et des Quartiers Populaires
IDD , Immigration Development Democracy
Family planning
SAF , Syndicat des Avocats de France
UNEF , National Union of Students of France
UNL, National High School Union
UTAC , Union of Tunisians for Citizen Action
Union Syndicale Solidaires
Together! , Movement for a Left Alternative, Ecologist and Solidarity
GDS , Democratic and Social Left
NPA , New anti-capitalist party
PEPS , For a Popular and Social Ecology
UCL , Libertarian Communist Union
Aljoumhouri Party (Tunisia) , France North Federation
Workers Party (Tunisia) , French Section
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Contre-les-amalgames-et-les-manipulations-racistes-nous-defendons-les-libertes
------------------------------
Message: 2
The outfits of high school girls, the veil of the vice-president of UNEF, the burkini in the swimming pool, the neckline of the Musée
d'Orsay ... so many recent facts that remind us that women are always too much or not enough covered in the eyes of powers, and that it is
up to men to define what is "normal". ---- Monday, September 14, high school girls launched a day of action around the wearing of clothes
adapted to the heat, in opposition to the directors of establishments which treat a cropped top or shorts as indecent, of girls. And
particularly to point out the inequality of treatment between boys and girls: shorts of the same length, exclusion of girls ; thong that
protrudes in a sitting position, exclusion while the guys show their almost entire underwear without concern ; exclusion from sport for
showing his navel ...
May they be discovered ...
The main argument is that these outfits are provocative and distract boys, even they can cause aggression. It is a great contempt for boys
to think that the sight of a navel or a shoulder can prevent them from taking a class. And a great contempt for girls to hold them
responsible for the behavior of boys.
A slogan has emerged that applies well to rule makers: "She doesn't dress like a slut, you just think like a rapist." The Minister of
National Education, always very relevant, declared that it is enough to dress "normally" [1].
Thursday, September 17, the vice-president of UNEF participates in a meeting at the National Assembly. His veil provokes outraged reactions
and the exit of deputies from the meeting, in particular because the veil would be an indication of submission. Excluding people believed to
be submissive is probably a method of support. Again, there are many reactions to say how a woman should be dressed to go to the assembly,
or elsewhere. Nothing on kippah wearers. Islamophobia is tinged with sexism.
... or not enough ...
Wednesday September 16, Jadot, self-proclaimed presidential candidate declares that the burkini has nothing to do in a swimming pool. An
unwritten rule probably says that a woman should wear a swimsuit that shows off her body, but not too much. Tuesday, September 8, security
officers from the Musée d'Orsay prevented a woman from entering because of her cleavage. They invoke the "rules" that exist only in their
patriarchal brains. Later, the museum management will apologize.
... Women's bodies are disturbing
These incidents have in common that people (often men, but unfortunately not only, but if all women were feminists, the patriarchy would be
over) make rules and impose them on women or girls according to their opinions, of their patriarchal beliefs. This observation is not new,
it nonetheless arouses anger. Women continue to be judged on their appearance: too undressed, too covered, too sexy, too masculine, not
enough this, too that ... It's unbearable, unfair and oppressive, it forces women to be constantly concerned about what should be simple and
mundane, and it is for men: dress as you want.
Christine (UCL Sarthe)
cc The social movement photo library / Leclerc Patrice
Validate
[1] Jean-Michel Blanquer at the microphone of BFMTV, September 14, 2020
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Controle-du-corps-des-femmes-cache-pas-cache-c-est-jamais-assez
------------------------------
Message: 3
Even in the face of a mass movement of protest against the complete ban on abortion in Poland - a movement in which anarcho-syndicalists
also take an active part - the comrades in Warsaw do not forget about the daily struggle for the interests of hired workers. On October 26,
activists of the Polish Union of Syndicalists (ZSP, MAT Section) held a picket in front of the Tumiray Education, Therapy and Diagnostic Center.
The protesters demanded, among other things, the payment of wage arrears to workers and vacation pay, and resented the systematic violation
of workers' rights (including the dismissal of a pregnant woman) by the administration of the Center.
https://aitrus.info/node/5580
------------------------------
Message: 4
The arrests face charges of direct action - in the language of police officers for terrorism. ---- On the night of October 28-29, 2020,
anarchists Dmitry Dubovsky, Igor Olinevich, Sergei Romanov and Dmitry Rezanovich were arrested on the border between Belarus and Ukraine.
They have been accused of terrorism and illegal arming. For section 289 (terrorism), they face the death penalty. ---- All are currently in
the KGB remand prison in Minsk. ---- Dmitry Dubovsky is from Soligorsk, Sergei Romanov and Dmitry Rezanovich are from Gomel. Irog Olinevic
is a former political prisoner , he described his first arrest and stay in custody in the book Poison to Magadan , which was published in
Czech in 2014 by the AF Publishing House together with the Anti-Fascist Action .
Addresses to which arrests can be sent:
Headcount, abbantic tongue 8
Minsk
Dubovsky Dmitry
Headcount, abbantic tongue 8
Minsk
Rezanovich Dmitry Grigoryevich Day of birth
12 November
Source: https://abc-belarus.org/?p=13228
https://www.afed.cz/text/7243/v-belorusku-byli-zatceni-ctyri-anarchiste
------------------------------
Message: 5
Muslim. A word that evokes feelings of contempt, fear and resentment in most people, especially at a time of migratory crisis in Europe. For
what reason? What makes us think that we look at each other with horror and distrust just because we come from a different background and
culture? One would say that especially the media exaggerate certain events that create in us a fear of things about which we actually have
very little information and our mental prejudices limit our ability of the mind to see situations and people from a different angle. Others
could refer to historical events taken out of context, or point to the radical actions of a group of people acting in the name of the
traditions into which disasters were born and which shaped them since childhood, without knowing any other pattern of behavior or perception
of the world around them. . Pointing a finger at the other and exalting oneself over others without deeper research and obtaining important
information that can expand our knowledge leads to unnecessary fear and closure to others. It is fear and ignorance that are the tools used
by power groups to keep people in society obedient, quiet and passively waiting for the solution that the ruling group will provide for
them. If we want humanity to choose the true path of unity, we must overcome our limits of ignorance. The first step is to stop seeing
situations and people in black and white. Every act or situation is "provoked" for a specific cause or causes. Is it easy to judge
everything around without knowing these causes, but at what cost? Wars, false accusations, hatred, etc. Knowing the causes does not mean
accepting iniquity,
For example, the Muslim tribe of desert nomads of the Tuareg can inspire us to lead a harmonious life in mutual respect, and the text will
continue to address it. Tuareg political organizations cross national borders. These nomadic shepherds inhabit areas of North Africa from
central Algeria and Libya in the north to northern Nigeria in the south and from western Libya in the east to western Timbuktu in Mali.
Today, it is estimated that 1.3 million Tuareg live here, most of them in Mali and Nigeria. Their origin is not entirely clear. They were
first mentioned by the Greek historian Herodotus in the 5th century AD. The Tuareg are an example of the fact that being open to new things
does not necessarily mean denying the original good customs and usages. The teachings of Islam are adapted to their free lifestyle. The
Tuareg themselves call themselves Imohag, which means free people. Tuareg women do not have to be veiled. Women in this tribe have an equal
status with men. Before the release, women have the right to meet and date as many men as they want. Like men, women decide matters in the
tribe. Divorces between the Tuareg are not exceptional, but they are not accompanied by quarrels, struggles and hatred. The people of the
Tuareg tribe are aware of the natural changes in life and try to stay in non-conflicting relationships. Despite current influences that seek
to negatively affect the original lifestyle of the Tuareg, the Tuareg are unique in that they can lead us to the idea that different tribes
in different cultures and countries have been capable of mutual solidarity and equivalence for centuries.
Equivalence and respect are not just the theme of the 21st century. It is the natural state of society and the people in it. It is important
to be aware of these facts that many current as well as past cultures, which have mostly disappeared from our historical memory, have been
capable of a just and harmonious life. The answer to the question of whether people are able to live in peace with one another without
enslavement or exploitation is hidden deep within us. What is more natural for us? A life of respect or hypocrisy? Establishing an equal
society is not a utopia. It is a return to our original state of being, but shifted to an already civilized phase of society.
https://www.afed.cz/text/7241/prelomenie-limitov-a-kmen-tuaregov
------------------------------
Message: 6
Plebiscite in Chile for the approval or rejection of a new constitution, October 2020 ---- Communiqué 75 of the União Popular Anarquista -
UNIPA, November 3, 2020 ---- PDF release Download ---- Follow Unipa on twitter: @UNIPAbr ---- To the brave Chilean people and Mapuche; ----
To popular activists and Brazilian and Latin American workers; ---- To comrades and revolutionary companions around the world. ---- On
October 25, a Plebiscite called by the Chilean State, in a major national agreement between right and left parties, resulted in the approval
of a Constituent Convention with the task of writing a new Constitution for the country. But this fact cannot be understood in isolation, it
is the result of the political crisis and the consequences of the class struggle in Chile and in the world.
The Chilean people prove to be a warrior people, with a deep disposition to fight. Their struggle has been so intense that it has been
provoking successive political crises in the country, since the anti-neoliberal student resistance that started in 2006 called "penguin
revolt", which in 2011 continues with the massive adhesion of the proletariat through the general strikes of 24 and 25 August 2011, passing
through the ancestral experience of resistance of the Mapuche people, through the processes of self-organization and self-defense in poor
neighborhoods, as well as the deepening of the combative struggle of women.
The political and social crisis that started in October 2019 was sparked by the fight against the increase in public transport fares, but it
revealed the indignation that had already accumulated over decades of precarious living conditions, increased social inequalities, attacks
on health services. health, education and social security, rising unemployment, repression and ecological destruction, resulting from
decades of neoliberalism and extractive policies.
In the 2019 uprising, collectivist demands were defended in mass popular demonstrations, with permanent violent clashes with repressive
forces, general strikes, expropriation of markets, occupations, barricades and fires of trains and buildings. The battles against the forces
of order were bravely taken on by social movements and political organizations of the Chilean proletariat.
The revolt lasted until 2020 and directly affected imperialist interests with the cancellation of the Conference on Climate Change (COP25),
the Asia-Pacific Cooperation Forum (APEC) and the final of the Copa Libertadores, contradicting from below the dominant powers of the State
and of Capital. The insurgency defeated the increase in transport tariffs, achieved a reduction in working hours to 40 hours, improvements
in social security, an increase in the minimum wage, a reduction in the price of electricity and medicines ... but the revolt continued.
Through insurrectionary methods, the Chilean masses defeated curfews and the use of armed forces on the streets. The political crisis in
Chile has become an insurrectionary process, a pre-revolutionary situation.
On the other hand, and contradictorily, despite the strength of the mass movement, the political pressure it exerted, this movement did not
evolve in a revolutionary direction. And this is extremely serious, because the logic of the capitalist system indicates that repression is
a variation proportional to popular mobilization, which means that as the mass mobilization grows, the repression will increase, possibly
culminating in a Dictatorship, which would have the mission to destroy the focuses of popular organization.
The systematic use of military / paramilitary violence and state terrorism in Chile until today correspond exactly to this need for the
class struggle. But the Piñera government also sought to demobilize the streets from the beginning through the cooptation and
institutionalization of the mass movement, this is where the proposal for a constituent assembly comes in.
The current context of the class struggle in Chile serves to give two important lessons to the international working class:
1º) The possibility of popular resistance against neoliberal policies and the reversal of measures unfavorable to the people, imposed by the
bourgeois forces and their allies, through the direct action of the masses, strikes and street struggles;
2) The limitations of a mass movement without a revolutionary leadership guided by a clear and well-defined theory and program, in other
words, of a mass movement without the guidance and practice to expropriate the bourgeoisie, neutralize repression and erect popular power.
The Chilean uprising, therefore, proved to be an excellent revolutionary gymnastics, a test for the necessary breaks that can only come with
the strengthening of the independent popular musculature.
In this sense, it is necessary to escape the mere greetings alluding to the Chilean constituent and to analyze the crisis in Chile from a
materialistic point of view. Indicate the possibilities and weaknesses of the mass movement in the face of the current political situation.
This is what we will do from the Bakuninist materialist method. We must avoid romantic and voluntaristic analyzes. The victory of the
Chilean and Latin American revolution depends on a correct strategy and consistent tactics.
1 - Origin and objectives of constituent reform in Chile
In the face of the popular insurrection of October 2019, in the face of the real possibility of the Piñera government's collapse and in view
of the various economic impacts caused by the revolt, the government's actions went in two directions: 1º) A brutal repression that
increasingly took on the character of an internal counterinsurgency war, with State of Exception decrees, approval of anti-barricade and
anti-theft laws, billionaire spending on tear gas, bombs, rubber bullets, among others, that served to cause thousands of injured, political
prisoners, dozens of dead , disappearances and cases of torture, rape and rape by the police; 2nd)The so-called "Peace Agreement", proposed
in November 2019 by the government, and supported by almost all the parties of the order (from right to left), with the objective of
demobilizing the popular revolt in the streets and directing it to a plebiscite and a constituent assembly, that is, for the protection of
capitalist legality.
The popular uprising in Chile had important similarities to the June 2013 Days in Brazil. One was widespread rejection of union and party
bureaucracies. The extreme-left and combative popular movements and organizations achieved a hegemony (albeit temporary and fluid) in the
mass movement, translated into forms of action (direct action, self-defense), organization (horizontal, assembly and grassroots structures)
and agendas of struggle (collectivist and non-corporatist). In Chile, too, the rebellious masses rejected control of the reformist leaders
of the Socialist Party (PS), the Communist Party (CCP) and the Chilean CUT. According to data from the Chilean Electoral Service, from
October 18 to January 31, political parties had a record of parade that reached 15 thousand people,
It is within this insurrectional context, with millions on the streets, with a profound anti-systemic character of rejection of the
institutions and parties of the order, with 78% of popular disapproval of the murderous government of Piñera, it is in this context that the
political parties and elites of the right and of left, the dialogues and agreements to propose a constituent assembly as a solution to the
crisis and the return of "social peace" are in haste.
Thus, the ongoing constitutional reform process did not come from the insurgent masses on the streets. This is false. It emerged in the
first half of November 2019 from top to bottom, as part of a counterinsurgency and cooptation strategy. This clearly explains why the
proposed constituent was not immediately recognized by the Chilean people as a solution and was therefore unable to stop the uprising that
followed until 2020.
As the insurgency continued, it became clear that the demobilization objective had failed, and not even unity among all the parties of the
order was able to "return to normal". The rebellious masses did not listen to the false solutions of their "bosses" and "representatives".
In the face of the continuation of the revolt, repression and state terrorism deepened.
Without a solution to the impasse, the trend was the gradual decrease in popular mobilization, aggravated by the Covid-19 crisis. It was at
this moment of reflux that the proposal for a constituent assembly gained greater strength, as a direct development of the reformist line,
applied from the State and from the institutions and in clear benefit of these. Thus, the reformist bureaucrats gradually resumed the
hegemony and legitimacy lost within the insurgent process.
That is why, even though it emerged as a reaction to the popular revolt, the constituent assembly is not a "conquest" of the streets as the
reformists, the conservative right and the Piñera government call together. Its origin and historical objective are precisely the negation
of direct action and popular insurrection, they are the delegitimization of the protagonism and political capacity of the working class as a
collective subject of change. The aim has always been to save the system and the Piñera government itself, threatened by the rebellion.
The reformist path points out as a solution the election of deputies to a Constituent Assembly, removing the protagonism of the masses and
pointing to spaces for the conciliation of classes with murderers and exploiters of the people that they call "democratic". This is the
classic repertoire of democratic-bourgeois oppositions. It is in the face of a pre-revolutionary and insurrectionary situation like the
Chilean, or the Bolivian one in the early 2000s, that the conservative function of the reformist proposal that will divert the masses from
taking power is clear. A new constitution under the tutelage of bourgeois institutions (from the control of candidacies and funding, the
requirement of 2/3 to pass new laws, the untouchability of free trade agreements, etc.) will not solve the structural and material problems
that the Chilean people,
2 - The revolutionary line facing the Chilean political process
Chilean uprising, 2019
Two alternatives formulated by the movements of opposition to the Piñera government and the neoliberal regime presented themselves before
the Chilean people and history. One is the reformist and democratic-bourgeois way, represented by the movements organized around the
Agreements for Peace and the Constituent Assembly. Another would be the revolutionary route, virtually possible, but which we could not
indicate the existence of forces capable of guaranteeing in Chile today. This is an enigma.
For the revolution to be consolidated, three conditions were necessary:
1) the existence of a revolutionary party or revolutionary front of national action, which guarantees a unified strategy and direction of
mass struggle and the arming of the popular movement at the right time;
2) the existence of a strong mass movement, and equally strong bodies of popular power and economic self-management, influenced by such a
party or front;
3) the formulation of a Program, which makes it possible to bring together the majority of the masses for the assault on Power.
When we say the importance of a Program, we assume a materialistic method of mobilizing the proletariat, because the people will not unite
merely in terms of a set of principles, tactics and strategy that are well articulated, but that do not go to the people.
It is necessary to know whether such conditions existed or exist in Chile today. And if they do not exist, that is probably the reason for
the impasses that the Chilean proletariat has faced so far. The mass movement, which the world left should greet with enthusiasm, was and is
facing this impasse. It would have been necessary to launch a revolutionary offensive, but were there conditions for that? If conditions
exist, the preferential path will be that of general insurrection (the people in arms) and if this fails, prolonged popular war or guerrilla
war will remain. But it seems that such conditions do not exist, or are still in an embryonic stage.
On the other hand, one cannot sit listlessly stating that it is not possible to do anything or support the democratic-bourgeois reformist
path. A revolution does not take place on the fly, but it does not take the same time to prepare that diamonds take to form. The working
class and revolutionary organizations can create the conditions necessary for the revolution by their conscious and organized action.
Although the insurgency in Chile did not achieve national articulation of popular forces around a revolutionary program and strategy, the
Chilean revolt highlighted three important aspects of a pre-revolutionary situation:
1º) The incapacity of the hegemonic political forces (reformist or conservative) and of the state and capitalist institutions themselves to
protect and govern the working class;
2) The creation of different structures of popular power, such as grassroots assemblies, self-defense organizations, cooperatives, etc .;
3rd) The creation of alliances between the urban proletariat and the original peoples and peasants, creating strategic links in the
field-city struggle.
Although temporarily (or as an embryo) these aspects need to be the target of intense political and militant work on the part of anarchists
and revolutionaries.
On the other hand, the current partial victory of the reformist route in Chile (materialized in the plebiscite on the constituent) has shown
the solidity of the social democratic forces and, in turn, the weaknesses and challenges of the revolutionary and autonomous forces.
Therefore, we cannot ignore the weight of the social democratic and reformist tradition in a large part of the Latin American working class,
especially in the sector organized in unions and movements. Fighting this reformist sector, which at decisive moments collaborates with the
bourgeois restoration, is a fundamental task of the revolutionaries.
Even though this reformist left has entered into crisis in Latin America since 2014/2015 (the so-called progression crisis), the lack of a
solid and consequent revolutionary alternative has led to a possible (but still uncertain) "second wave of progressism ". The struggles of
workers and peoples have not yet been able to destroy the reformist hegemony. In some cases, they weakened the governance of the left, but
were later used by the right to rise to power. In other cases, they have weakened the governability of the right, but were used for the
social democratic and social liberal parties to return to power.
For us revolutionary anarchists, it is necessary that this systemic cycle be broken. It is necessary to accumulate the strength for the
people to gain all power for themselves, destroying the political and economic system and building self-government and socialism. To this
end, insurrections are decisive moments in history. They carry this creative and destructive potential of a new world. Those who minimize
the character of the popular uprisings as simple "marches for this or that claim" are bound to reproduce the system forever, to doubt the
political and revolutionary capacity of the masses, to err in the interpretation of the facts and for that reason not to act consistent and
correct when our people need it most.
3 - Teachings of Chile for the Brazilian and Latin American revolution
Repression of carabineers (the Chilean police) to the uprising, 2019
"This organization[the Universal Revolution Alliance]excludes any idea of dictatorship and tutelary ruling power. But for the very
establishment of this revolutionary alliance and for the triumph of the revolution over reaction, it is necessary that in the midst of the
anarchy of the people that will constitute the very life and energy of the revolution, the unity of revolutionary thought and action must
find an organ. This body must be the Secret and Universal Association of International Brothers. This association starts from the belief
that revolutions are never made by individuals or even by secret societies. They are made as if by themselves, produced by the force of
things, by the movement of events and facts. They are prepared for a long time in the depths of the instinctive consciousness of the popular
masses - and then they explode, apparently often brought about by futile causes. All that a well-organized secret society can do is, first
of all, to help the birth of a revolution, spreading ideas among the masses corresponding to the instincts of the masses, and to organize,
not the army of the revolution - the army must always be the people - but a kind of revolutionary staff composed of dedicated, energetic,
intelligent individuals and, above all, sincere, unambitious or convinced friends of the people - capable of serving as intermediaries
between the revolutionary idea and popular instincts. "(Bakunin, Secret Alliance Statutes , 1868)
What Chile has already taught, and will still teach to the Brazilian and Latin American proletariat, is exactly the degree of strength that
the popular movement can achieve without necessarily pointing to revolutionary rupture. In Brazil, the June 2013 uprising also warned of
this, including the proposals for the Constituent Assembly and "Political Reform" that emerged from PT / CUT reformists - and today polled
by government leaders in Congress. In this sense, we can say that the situation in Chile gives us the following lessons:
1º) It is necessary that the mass movement produces revolutionary forms of consciousness and organization, that have a theory and a program,
and that will guarantee the revolutionary leadership and the militarization of the mass movement at the moment of the outbreak of
insurrectionary situations. That is why the importance of revolutionary unionism and the general strike. In addition, the existence of a
revolutionary political organization based on theoretical unity, tactical unity, collective responsibility and federalism is fundamental to
the revolutionary process, as well as the constitution of a revolutionary army of the people.
2nd)It is necessary to build organizations of popular power (popular assemblies and their unification in councils of delegates of the people
at local, regional and national scales, as well as factories and occupied lands and production and consumption cooperatives) that exercise
the capacity for self-government and economic self-management of masses, still under the capitalist system. These popular power
organizations emerged during various historical moments in Latin America, but after the apex of the struggle, they break down due to the
lack of revolutionary organizations that defend them and insert them in a strategy that allows their continuity and development, or are
disintegrated by repression. It is also common for them to join the regime, for reformers to use popular power organisms as instruments to
ascend to the state, or call "social power" any social movement or "participatory" government bodies. It is essential to overcome these
political and theoretical weaknesses.
3rd)If these preconditions are not met, the proletariat will be immobilized by its own contradictions and will capitulate or be defeated by
the repression of the bourgeoisie. Revolution is war, and it is only through war that it is possible to destroy bourgeois power. The
bourgeoisie knows this. The solution against revolutionary war is dictatorship or cooptation. In the capitalist system, the increase in the
quantity and quality of the organization of the masses has as a counterpart the increase in organization and bourgeois reaction. As the
social polarization around material demands increases (as happened in Chile with respect to anti-neoliberal demands), the solution to class
conflicts will pass through violence. The tendency then is that the dictatorship is the solution found by the bourgeoisie, even if it is a
"constitutional dictatorship", dictatorship disguised under democratic mechanisms, as we have already witnessed in Latin America. When the
mass movement faces a pre-revolutionary situation, if it does not have revolutionary organizations prepared to do so, the bourgeoisie will
have time to regroup its forces and launch an offensive to destroy the mass movement. The Peace Agreements and the Constituent Assembly give
the Chilean State time to reorganize and dismantle the popular movement for repression and cooptation.
4º) Another lesson is that which shows the revolutionary potential of the peasantry and the marginal proletariat, as well as the importance
of ethnic-racial contradictions for the class struggle. Chile's crisis is also linked to social inequality between a mass of indigenous
peasants, mainly the Mapuche people, and a national and international bourgeoisie that controls agro-industry. In the current stage of world
capitalism, Latin America occupies a peripheral place in the international division of labor, a fundamentally agrarian-export position. The
economic contradictions between the rural bourgeoisie and the peasantry, as well as the anti-colonial demands of native peoples for land and
freedom, gain strategic dimensions for the revolution.
In Brazil, in a moment of deep reflux of struggles, parties like PT, PCdoB, PSOL, use the examples of the election in Bolivia and the
plebiscite in Chile to strengthen the reformist path. Political processes in Chile and Bolivia are presented by social democracy with an
emphasis and triumphalism only on institutional and political-electoral results. The reformists echo bourgeois politics by silencing the
political prisoners of the revolt, by silencing the immense achievements of popular assemblies, community kitchens, self-defense groups,
etc. They silence or romanticize everything that the revolutionary way means. For them, struggles and revolts must be mere instruments for
themselves to achieve institutional results, positions and votes. It is the misery of small reformist politics.
Thus, the current situation in Chile deserves the attention of the international proletariat. We must support, but also theoretically and
critically interpret all the steps of the mass movements. This crisis in Chile offers important lessons for the Brazilian revolution. It
also serves to show the role of Bakuninist theory in elucidating the main problems of the revolution, a fundamental aspect of revolutionary
activity.
Do not deviate from reformist illusions!
For self-government and socialism!
Prepare for the working class uprising!
https://uniaoanarquista.wordpress.com/2020/11/03/insurreicao-e-contituinte-chilena/#more-3326
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Message: 7
Anarres of October 30 Smart working. Fascists, suburban kids, dpcm, urban revolt. Lockdown but factories stay open... ---- Our Friday trip
to Anarres, the planet of concrete utopias. From 11 am to 13 pm on 105,250 free Blackout frequencies. Also in streaming ---- Listen and
spread the escopost: https://radioblackout.org/.../anarres-del-30-ottobre.../ ---- Live, insights, ideas, proposals, appointments: ----
Smart working. The hardening of the pandemic has brought thousands of civil servants back to work and not. ---- We talked about it with
Peppe, a companion from Pisa Chronicles from Turin and Milan. Fascists, suburban kids, dpcm and urban revolt ---- The night is the time
suspended from duties and obligations, the reign of superfluous, of life that tries, without too much success, to take up some space.
The night can be put on lockdown. Not the day: nothing should stop the chain of ´´ produce, consume, die ".
Always running, always riding. Always on running, the tragic slogan coined for Bergamo before the city and its valleys were overwhelmed by
the unbraking race of the virus.
Always running, because goods have to move, because production must not stop, because business matters more than our lives. Cheap lives,
excess lives..
We discussed it with Francesco del Bakunin of Rome
War spending, health, missions abroad
Contacts:
Turin Anarchist Federation
Palermo Corso 46-meetings every Tuesday at 14
Contacts: fai_torino@autistici.org-@senzafrontiere.to /
Wild C.A.T. Anarco-Turin Feminist Collective
Palermo course 46-@Wild.C.A.T.anarcofem
www.anarresinfo.org-write to: anarres@inventati.org
https://www.facebook.com/radioblackout105250fm/posts/10159064302644180
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Message: 8
In Poznan, talks were held between trade unions and the city authorities regarding wage increases. The salaries of employees and female
employees of plants and institutions financed by the city are low. They differ significantly from the national and Poznan average. Let us
add that over 80% of the employed are women. The Employee Initiative to compensate for these disproportions indicated the necessity to make
pay rises even at the level of PLN 1,000 per month. ---- We informed you about the course of negotiations on increases for 2020 in a
separate material . Citing the epidemic crisis, the city withdrew from earlier promises. Ultimately, of the PLN 300 planned for the current
year, employees received PLN 100. More could not be achieved. In view of the new wave of COVID-19 cases, the Employee Initiative (like all
trade unions) agreed to such a change in the wage agreement. It assumed further talks on this matter. However, the city authorities,
following the blow, did not provide for any increases in the planned budget for 2021. They took it for granted.
On Wednesday, IP committees from Poznan took a position on this issue, writing, inter alia: "We can see how the policy of strengthening
economic gender inequality looks on the local level. In times of crisis, it manifests itself with particular clarity. We are treated worse
not only as employees, but also the current economic policy is hitting our families, where we work for a second time."
Entire position below:
For several years, the Employee Initiative has proposed a systemic solution regarding the principles of remunerating employees and female
workers employed in plants and institutions financed from the city budget. Many years of neglect and the lack of systematic wage increases
have led to a situation that today they are at a very low level, much below the national average, or especially the average for Poznan.
Today we are again overlooked and omitted in the city's budget plans, and our real wages are falling! We are not going to tolerate it anymore!
All the increases for the previous and foreign term of office of the city authorities (during Jacek Jaskowiak's office) were set
significantly below the level postulated by trade unions. Despite the exceptional economic situation and the budgetary situation of local
government units, the increases proposed by the City Hall did not manage to radically change the situation of female employees and employees
of the municipal budget sector. Nominal wages remain extremely low, and their real value is now declining due to rising inflation.
Additionally, we get the impression that every time trade unions sit down to talk about wage increases for a given year, the pay rises seem
to be "torn" and "forced". The assurances of the city authorities that their intention is always to increase workers' wages are not too
convincing in the context of the course of the talks. Only the threat of protests and mass resignations mobilized the current city
authorities to decide on any increase in wages and to include it in the budget plan for a given year. Demands for higher wages met with the
greatest resonance, especially in relation to the election year.
In such circumstances, of course, there is no question of shaping a fair and honest wage system in the municipal budgetary sphere. In this
system, wages are subject to the rules of the political game and - in our opinion - unfair manipulations. Of course, the solution would be a
multi-enterprise collective labor system that would regulate the way wages are shaped and make this issue independent of political factors.
I would decide on clear rules, readable for all parties and each employee. However, there is no such document.
We are currently finding out that the city authorities do not provide for wage increases in the budget for 2021. Moreover, in 2020 the city
authorities increased wages by approx. PLN 100 gross, although PLN 300 was previously planned. Everything is presented as a result of the
economic crisis caused by the coronavirus. The problem is that - as we wrote - the previously exceptionally good economic situation was not
sufficiently used by the local authorities to improve the financial situation of employees and women workers subordinate to its plants and
institutions. There was always something more of a priority.
As an Employee Initiative, we have also repeatedly demonstrated in payroll interviews that low salaries in municipal institutions and
establishments are also the result of discrimination against women on economic grounds. We can boldly say that over 80% of people employed
"by the city" are women.
What's more, the lowest salaries apply primarily in plants that today are of key importance for the functioning of the system during a
pandemic and where constant contact with the citizen is required, where it is difficult to switch to a remote system or the so-called
hybrid. This applies in the first place to the care system, such as nurseries or DPS. This problem also partially affects cultural
institutions such as libraries, where remote work can only be used to a limited extent.
While people associated with the health service can count on an increase in wages in these circumstances, they have remained underestimated
in the local government sector. Let us recall that, for example, nurseries in nurseries were considered to be healthcare workers until 2011,
before they came under the provisions of the Act on local government employees. Today they have to look after children in overcrowded
classrooms, with deepening staff shortages and insufficient protection against COVID-19. Every day they run the risk of contracting
infection and getting sick. The issue of DPS employees, whose salaries are among the lowest in the city, has been written many times. Today,
they play a responsible role, caring for those who are particularly at risk of dying from COVID-19. The financial benefits they received
after the spring lockdown do not solve the problem.
Recently, the media reports that 36 health care workers (16 doctors, 11 nurses, 1 midwife) have already died due to COVID-19. It is
estimated that 600 doctors and almost 1000 nurses were hospitalized for this reason. It is not known what the situation looks like in the
local government care sector, because nobody is interested in it.
Therefore, we perceive this situation as a manifestation not only of labor exploitation, but also of discrimination against women - pay
inequality and a lack of respect for our work. We can see what the policy of consolidating economic gender inequality looks like on the
local level. In times of crisis, it manifests itself with particular clarity. We are treated worse not only as employees, but also the
current economic policy is hitting our families, where we work for a second time. That's why we're talking enough!
We demand equal and fair wages!
We demand safe working conditions!
Inter-Enterprise Committee at the Nursery Complexes in Poznan
Inter-Enterprise Committee at the Theater of the Eighth Day
Company Committee at CK Zamek
Poznan Inter-Enterprise Committee
https://ozzip.pl/informacje/wielkopolskie/item/2703-poznanska-ip-w-sprawie-wysokosci-i-rownosci-plac
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Message: 9
The health situation we are currently experiencing is dramatic. Worse than in the spring, thousands of people will die or have serious
sequelae of their coronavirus infection, not to mention those who cannot be treated for other pathologies. This health crisis is coupled
with a social crisis with the increase in layoffs. As if no lesson had been learned from the previous confinement, Macron announced on
October 28 a re-confinement which is not one but rather a curfew of social life. ---- In order to allow the capitalists to continue to
enrich themselves, confinement is now being worked on. From a first confinement, where many non-essential economic activities had been
stopped (but not all! Bosses continued to bring in employees to manufacture cars ...), it is now all people essential to health of the
portfolio of capitalists who have to work.
So some of us will continue to cram into crowded public transportation morning and night. The situation will not be the same for everyone:
it is the working classes who find themselves on the front line of the pandemic.
Between the constant endangerment at school and at work, the government's catastrophic management of the epidemic, the increase in layoffs
and the intensification of the economic crisis, the end of 2020 promises to be particularly bleak.
The confinement of sociability
If containment were unavoidable to limit the spread of the virus, which has become uncontrollable, not only could this measure have
certainly been avoided by better management of deconfinement but in addition it arrives two weeks late and only sheds light once again. the
government's deadly ideology.
This false confinement is perfectly in line with the logic of the previous measures of the State which chooses to save the economy in
defiance of the health and well-being of the population and sacrifices our sociability.
While places of study and businesses are proven centers of transmission, the government perseveres in wanting to keep them open without
putting in place applicable health protocols.
Disastrous authoritarian management of the health crisis
No assessment has been drawn from the first wave: once again forgotten, the precarious (homeless people, poor workers, beneficiaries of the
RSA, salaried students, the unemployed) find themselves alone in the face of the virus.
As in the spring, the State is surprised by the crisis. The job and bed cuts of the last decade are making themselves felt severely and the
Hospital is once again overwhelmed with no bed opening or new urgent recruitments having been started during the summer to anticipate the
second wave.
From now on our social life is limited to work: the State deprives us of our freedom and takes the opportunity to impose police checks on
us. Once again, checks will be carried out more in working-class neighborhoods than in wealthy ones. And in a climate of terrorist attacks
and intensifying state racism and intensifying Islamophobic climate, it is feared that there will be even more police violence than during
the last lockdown.
We have nothing to expect from the state. It is not for us to pay the costs of this crisis which the capitalists and the states have taken
advantage of to bleed us more.
We demand that the capitalists pay the cost of our wages: zero layoffs during this health crisis. Hospitals will quickly be overloaded:
let's socialize and requisition clinics. In places of study, at work through unionization, in the streets with solidarity brigades, in
buildings by activating direct solidarity, it is up to us to mobilize ourselves as quickly as possible to fight against this crisis
unprecedented.
Libertarian Communist Union, October 31, 2020
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Metro-boulot-tombeau-le-nouveau-confinement
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Message: 10
Belarusian anarchists deliver their analysis of the movement against the Lukashenko regime. This is on an unprecedented scale, but remains
for the moment confined to peaceful protests as it faces fierce repression and the threat of direct Russian intervention. ---- Last August
9, Alexander Lukashenko, the only head of state of Belarus since the fall of the USSR, in power for 26 years now, won his sixth presidential
election. too much water and sparked the most massive and radical protests in the country's post-Soviet history. ---- Between August 9 and
12, police repression, at an unprecedented level, caused the deaths of three people and more than 600 were imprisoned. Hundreds of
demonstrators were more or less seriously injured in the clashes and thousands mistreated or even tortured in prison.
The regime regularly arrests those who are considered " coordinators " of demonstrations (here August 23). Self-organization has emerged
as the only way to resist in this system.
HOMOATROX
At present, President Lukashenko remains in power through a relentless and strong crackdown on law enforcement loyalty, while across the
country massive protests and rallies continue.
The dictatorship does not consider that the demands of the demonstrators are the object of negotiation since it does not see the citizens as
political subjects, and is content to seek to put down the protest. This approach is not new since the regime has always taken care to
prevent the emergence of a form of legal political opposition.
Opponents without experience
But in the absence of such " classic " opposition , a new form has emerged - bloggers and election candidates - relatively isolated from
the population and drawn from elitist circles. They don't really have parties or organizations, or experience in political struggle. Many of
them hadn't imagined what they were getting into, and didn't think Lukashenko would start killing to stay in power.
After the main election candidates were taken down, the key role of the protest shifted to bloggers on the online messaging app Telegram,
most of whom are now in exile. Their news channels set the tone for the protest, posting instructions and plans. They are also the ones who
tried to launch a general strike. Unfortunately, even these opinion leaders cannot fight on their own the fear and the pacifism latent in
the population.
The regime regularly arrests those who are seen as leaders or " coordinators " of protests, so self-organization has emerged as the only
way to resist in this dictatorial system. Spaces for discussions are created where people can prepare actions or coordinate to go to
demonstrations without being arrested beforehand. Autonomous groups are formed to paint graffiti or hang flags in order to make the protest
visible.
There is a pitfall, however, the major problem in our opinion lies in the prevailing pacifism. Demonstrators do not really resist arrests
and do not defend themselves against the police. Lukashenko therefore has a free hand to strengthen its grip on the country and gradually
transforms Belarus into a second North Korea.
A semi-clandestine but active anarchist movement
The oldest and most active organization in protest is Revolutionary Action (), which also has a branch in Ukraine. Their campaigns and
actions are regularly published on their website Revbel.org. In particular, they succeeded in massively disseminating collective techniques
in the demonstrations to slow down arrests.
There are also several other groups in the political landscape, organized around internet media or bookstores, which are forced into
semi-clandestine activities as a result of the repression. As a result, their numbers are extremely low.
The anarchist movement has little infrastructure and media influence. Its members are participating individually in the protests and several
comrades have been arrested, including Alexander Frantskevich and Akihiro Gaevsky-Khanada.
In reality, no political force, anarchist included, can claim to truly influence the protest. This is undoubtedly the reason why power has
been fighting us for so long.
The anarchists have paid the price for years of political repression. Arrests, searches, seizures of material, dismissals and more.
If our movement was not diminished to the point of being confined to marginal groups whose number is limited to a few dozen activists, then
we could radicalize and organize the demonstrators. And that, the dictatorship cannot let. to happen.
The Kremlin guarantor of the established order
We cannot analyze the current situation in Belarus without ignoring the influence of Russia. This is economically and geopolitically so
important that it must be considered as the predominant external factor in the development of the situation.
For example, at the moment Russia is considering lending the regime equivalent to over $ 1.5 billion. This money must compensate for the
sums spent by Lukashenko to silence the protest.
In addition, Belarusians still fear the possibility of intervention by OMON, the special forces of the Russian Interior Ministry since Putin
declared that if the demonstrations were of a violent nature, it would lead to looting and pogroms, and that he would then have to send
special units to help the regime maintain order.
The forces of repression in line, in Minsk on September 6.
HOMOATROX
For the moment, these are only words, but for the population, these words create the illusion of a real threat. Can we even consider that it
is only an illusion ? Many people in 2013 thought that the idea that Russia could start a military conflict in the south-east of Ukraine was
unthinkable, and yet ...
However, we must understand that Putin does not want a new military conflict that could drag on. The Russian economy is in crisis, and one
more adventure with an uncertain outcome risks costing the Kremlin too much.
Moscow is not fundamentally opposed to Lukashenko's departure because he is unpopular and a problematic dictator. Russia would prefer
someone more loyal and accommodating to their interests instead. This is why Putin trying to convince Lukashenko to reform the constitution
and " legally " transfer power to new heads. But even if he accepts, he will do everything to keep control over the country, through a
puppet government if necessary.
It is not easy at present to know how the situation will develop or what the result will be. At the start of the summer, no one would have
thought that there could be demonstrations of this magnitude, or that people would throw Molotov cocktails at the militias in power. The
idea that protesters could be executed only existed in the warnings of fringe anarchist groups. But the reality has exceeded all expectations.
Faced with this dictatorship, the anarchists, as well as the other political groups, cannot significantly influence the protest. They at
least try to disseminate their practices to make themselves known to the greatest number, and develop their potential for action. But if
Lukashenko remains in place, Belarusians as a whole and frontline anarchists risk facing a state of dictatorial terror still unknown in the
country.
Belarusian anarchists
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Bielorussie-les-villes-et-les-usines-contre-la-dictature
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