#WORLDWIDE #WORLD #News #Update - #Anarchism from all over the #world - TUESDAY 8 DECEMBER 2020

 

Today's Topics:

   

1.  Chiapas, Fourth part: THE MEMORY OF WHAT IS COMING 

      by Bad
      Horse APO [Greece] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

2.  PICTURES AND 6 DAYS OF STRIKE IN 180 DAYS, THE 

     BATTLE OF THE
      CNT SECTION IN EUREST COMPASS GROUP (ca) 

     [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

3.  France, Union Communiste Libertaire AL #310 - History, 1880:
      the anarchist communist "party" asserts its existence (de, it,
      fr, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

4.  Colombia, grupo via libre: Balance of the mobilizations of
      November 19 and 21, 2020 (ca, it, pt) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

5.  avtonom: Festival "Santa Claus Against" is postponed to a
      later date [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

6.  avtonom: Why don't dogmatists support the popular uprising
      in Belarus? [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

7.  federacion anarquista de rosario: Faced with demobilization
      promoted from above, recovering the street regardless 

      of class --
      OAT-OAC-FAR Situation December 2020, Argentina (it, ca, pt)
      [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1



Source: http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/ It happened before October 35th. ----
Gero Antonio looks at the fire that resists the rain. Under the wet straw hat, he
lights the cigarette he had just turned with a half-burned log. The fire is kept,
hidden under the logs. Sometimes, the wind helps her and with her breath she
enlivens the coals that blush with anger. ---- The camp is the famous "Watapil",
in the so-called "Sierra Cruz de Plata" which rises between the wet hands of the
rivers Jataté and Perlas. We are in the year 1985 and October welcomes the team
with a storm, a harbinger of the coming days. The tall almond tree (which will
re-baptize this mountain in the guerrilla language), looks with compassion at its
feet at this small, very small, insignificant handful of men and women. Scratched
faces, thin skins, glowing look (perhaps from fever, stubbornness, fear,
delirium, hunger, insomnia), tattered brown and black clothes, and deformed boots
from the vines[i] trying to hold the soles in place.

The words of Gero Antonio slowly, as soon as they are heard in the roar of the
storm. He speaks to them as if addressing himself:

" The tyrant will come again to impose thecolorof theearththehardofreason
,theegowho murders thelogic ,thecorruptionthatmasquerades asacharity .

Willcomethedaythatthedeathwillwearmorecruelly clothes . With e nischymena
thefootstepsofawheelandscreams, the machine that infects the paths ,will cover
the disaster with the lie of prosperity that will sow. Those whoresistthis
mayhemthatterrifiesplantsandanimals ,willperish from life and from memory. With
apencilfrom the first,withaliefrom the second . Thenight willbegreater ,thepain
is immenseandthedeath more deadly .

TheAluxo ' ob[ii] willthen warnthemotherearth, saying: " There comesthedeath
,mother ,iskilled " .

Hewakes up, then,themotherearth, thefirstmother -tarazontasthesleepof theparrot,
themacaw andtoucan - and will need to get back thebloodofpatronsandpatroness of.
Addressingher children, she willsay:

"You are going to mock the invader. The others will go to call the brotherly
blood. Do not be frightened by the water, do not be afraid of the cold and the
heat. Open roads where they do not exist. Climb rivers and seas. Sail in the
mountains. Fly in rains and clouds. Become night, become day, start awake and
awaken the universe. Many are my names and colors, but one is my heart, and my
death will be the death of everything. Do not be ashamed of the skin color I gave
you, nor of the reason I planted it in your mouths, nor of the stature that holds
you so close to me. Because I will give light to your eyes, warmth to your ears
and strength to your feet and hands. Do not be afraid of different ways and
different colors, nor different paths. Because it's a heart I gave you,

Then, under the siege of AluxoŽob, the machines of the deadly fraud will be
dismantled, its arrogance will be crushed and its greed will be destroyed. The
powerful will bring mannequins from other countries to repair the dismantled
machine. They, after checking the bowels of the machines of death and finding the
cause of the damage will say: "they are full of blood". In their attempt to
explain the cause of this terrible miracle, they will announce to their bosses:
"we do not know the reason. "All we know is that this blood comes from the blood
of the natives."

And then, there in the great mansions where the Mighty One gets drunk and abuses,
evil will fall on him like rain. The irrational will invade its lands and blood
will gush from the springs instead of water. His gardens and the hearts of those
who work and serve him will wither. The powerful will then bring other slaves to
use them. They will come from another earth. And among equals will be born the
hatred that nurtures money and the reciprocity, death and destruction of those
who share history and pain.

Those who before lived and worked the earth, will become servants and slaves of
the Mighty on the earth and under the heavens of their ancestors. They will see
misery fall in their homes. Their daughters and sons will be lost in the rot of
corruption and crime. The "first night" right[iii]by which money kills innocence
and love will be revived. The babies will grab from the arms of their manas and
their flesh will be tasted by the great Lords, to satisfy their uselessness and
bestiality. For the money the son will raise his hand to the parents and mourning
will clothe their homes. The daughter will be lost in darkness or death, her life
and existence being murdered by the Lords and money.

Ceiba's mother, who carries the worlds, will shout so loudly that even the most
isolated and deaf person will hear her wounded cry. And 7 distant voices will
approach her. And 7 distant hands will embrace her. And 7 different punches will
join her. Mana Ceiba will then lift her petticoats and her thousands of feet will
be trampled and the streets will be paved with iron rails. Wheelchairs will go
off the railroad tracks. The waters will overflow from the rivers and lakes, and
the sea will roar with rage. Then the bowels of the earth and the heavens will be
opened to all the worlds.

Then the mother earth, the first mother, will get up and take back her house and
place with fire. Above the arrogant buildings of Power, trees, plants and animals
will grow, and in their hearts will live againVot á nZapata[iv], the protector
and heart of the people. And the jaguar will walk the ancient paths again,
reigning again where money and its slaves once reigned.

The strong will not die before he sees his unbridled arrogance collapse silently.
And by bleeding, the Tyrant will know that it is nothing more than a bad memory,
in a world that rebelled and resisted the death that his rule protected.

This is what the eternal dead are said to say, those who will die again, but this
time to live.

To hear the word in valleys and mountains, in ravines and plains ? to be
constantly sung by the birdtapacamino[v] announcing the steps of the brotherly
heart ? the rain and the sun to plant it in the eyes of those who live on this
earth. And the wind to take him away to nest in companion thought.

Because these heavens and these earths will see awesome and amazing things.

And the jaguar will walk the ancient paths again, reigning again where money and
his slaves once reigned. "

Gero Antonio was silent, and with him, the rain was silent. Nothing sleeps.
Everything is dreaming.
***
 From the mountains of southeastern Mexico

SupGaleano

Mexico, October 2020.

https://ipposd.wordpress.com/2020/12/03

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Message: 2



Last March, the section declared a conflict with the multinational, owned by the
Black Rock vulture fund, over breaches of agreements. The actions begin on July
3, to the violation of agreements is added violation of the ERTE. ---- Banners,
flags, stickers, leaflets, megaphone with the siren at full volume, and some
explanatory speech for more than an hour. Sometimes we are 6, and other times 16.
It's cold or hot. Entrance to the center, explanation of the situation and the
determination of CNT when defending the interests of the working class. ----
Meetings, preparation of actions, visibility of the conflict on social networks.
Press releases and articles in own and related media. We present the Manga Case,
also what happened at IFEMA. Complaints to the Labor Inspectorate (won), union
visits to workplaces. Claim tables, formal communications with contractors and
various Eurest / Compass Group positions. Call for strike. Meanwhile, Eurest's
predatory policy is generating conflict in Girona and a couple of centers in the
Basque Country by colleagues from other unions.

Sanctions with falsified reasons, more sanctions, up to 5 to 4 workers of the
section. Delegate, secretary of organization, general secretary and treasurer.
3-day strike in the cafeterias of the funeral homes owned by Memora, Sancho
d'Ávila and Les Corts in Barcelona. They denounce us. Attempt to negotiate. They
want us to stop claiming our rights, in return they offer to withdraw complaint
and lower sanctions. The CNT section refuses, the company exerts union repression
on another worker in response. We carry out coordinated action with the members
of the Girona committee, who have also been facing it for years.

The most cohesive and self-confident section ever. More participatory and
motivated than we have been in these more than 6 years of experience. There are
50, and there will be many more, as many as are necessary to make EUREST
understand that CNT will not give up in defending our class interests. For the
defense of jobs, union agreements and against union repression.

No releases, no subsidies, with COMMITMENT.

Do you work at Eurest, Vitarest, Escolarest, Vilaplana, Medirest, or any other
company in the Compass Group?

Contact the Trade Union Section CNT - Eurest / Compass Group:
seccio.eurest@barcelona.cnt.es

CNT Barcelona: sov@barcelona.cnt.es

https://www.cntbarcelona.org/piquets-i-6-jornades-de-vaga-en-180-dies-la-batalla-de-la-seccio-de-cnt-en-eurest/

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Message: 3



In October 1880, in Switzerland, the last congress of the Jura Federation served
as a springboard for the launch of a new revolutionary current. What
distinguishes it, then, from other socialist schools ? Its insurrectionist
strategy and its social project: libertarian communism. ---- Anarchist communism
? Is that our name now ? Of course, we've been hearing about it for some time,
but can we get a summary from one of the delegates who discussed it yesterday ?
---- By popular demand, Carlo Cafiero [1]got up. In the audience, everyone knows
this downgraded 34-year-old intellectual, who has just suffered sixteen months in
prison in Italy for an armed propaganda operation in the Matese mountains. In
front of him, about 240 workers [2]dressed in their Sunday best from all over
French-speaking Switzerland in La Chaux-de-Fonds, a city of 20,000 souls, a
hotspot for the watchmaking industry, and one of the centers of workers' action
in the country.

We October 10, 1880, at 2 thday of the Congress of the Jura Federation of the
International Workers Association (TIA), remained remembered as "the First
International" [3]. Cafiero's presentation to the congressmen, subsequently
edited and republished under the title Anarchy and Communism , will remain for at
least twenty years a reference in the libertarian current.

Do they suspect, moreover, that this congress will be the last of the Jura
Federation ? This, already weakened by the rise in unemployment due to the
watchmaking crisis, is losing its most dynamic activists: the ex-Communards in
exile, just granted amnesties by the French government, are packing their bags [4].

When they and they had landed, eight or nine years earlier, their conceptions
were still vague and generous: workers' solidarity, internationalism, a
"workshop" socialism à la Proudhon. Since then, the trends have asserted
themselves. Imprecise words - collectivist, communist, anarchist... - have seen
their meaning become fixed. They will mark political life for decades. How did we
get there ?

Saint-Imier, promise of workers' unity

James Guillaume (1844-1916)
of the Jura Federation, wants to preserve an international trade unionist type:
pluralist and made up of workers' societies.
The AIT was strongly established in the Swiss mountains in the 1860s, and the
anti-statist tendency, carried by the friends of Michel Bakounine, prevailed
there. So much so that when Karl Marx attempted a putsch to oust him from the
AIT, it was the small Jura Federation which took the lead in the opposition [5].
In Saint-Imier, in 1872, it convened a congress to re-found the AIT on federalist
and anti-authoritarian bases [6]. But not "anarchists". On the one hand, because
if the word was already circulating, its meaning was more than vague. On the
other hand, because adopting an exclusive label would have hampered workers'
unity within this re-founded AIT.

This pluralist conception, defended by the Jurassians, had made it possible to
bring together the majority of federations within the anti-authoritarian AIT, to
the detriment of the short-lived small "centralist" AIT of Marx. But not long. As
early as 1874, the centrifugal forces were already doing their work: the
reformist British and American federations abandoned the International, while the
Latin federations were going to become radicalized to the point of giving birth
to the "anarchist party" [7]that Saint- Imier had dismissed.

The delimitation of this "party" was to be fixed by a combination of political
choices which would prevail for the whole of the following decade: anarchism ;
communism ; insurrectionism.

First, Assume the label "anarchist"

Carlo Cafiero (1846-1892)
and his comrades in the Italian Federation, on the contrary, plead for a
radicalization which will give birth to the anarchist communist "party".
While like Proudhon, Bakunin rarely used the word "anarchist", it was adopted in
1871 by the Spanish federation of the AIT, which set itself the goal of
"collective property, anarchy and economic federation" [8] The Italian Federation
imitated it from its founding congress in August 1872 [9]. The words anarchy and
anarchists circulate in the Jurassic Federation, but annoy James Guillaume and
other officials who, in 1876 again, push them back "because[...]they lend
themselves to unfortunate ambiguities. No "anarchic program" has ever been
formulated, to our knowledge[...]. But there is a collectivist theory, formulated
in the congresses of the International" [10].

However, the term progresses. In June 1877, in exile, a French federation, thin
but virulent, was set up on the program "collectivism ; anarchy ; free
federation" [11]. Two months later, a similar sensitivity was expressed at the
congress of the Jura Federation [12].

The final change took place a year later. The anti-authoritarian AIT is then at
the end of the roll ; the Jura Federation, very weak ; its Bulletin ceased to
appear in March 1878. And the relay was taken by ... L'Avant-garde, newspaper of
the French Federation which openly aspires to become "a kind of central organ of
the anarchist, collectivist, revolutionary party. of French language" [13].
Exceeded, James Guillaume packed up and set off to rebuild his life in Paris. He
left, nothing is now opposed to the Jura Federation endorsing the label
"anarchist" at its congress in Friborg in August 1878 [14].

Second, reinventing the term "communism"

Russian Pierre Kropotkine (1842-1921)
arrived in Switzerland at the end of 1876, binds himself to the French proscribed
and publishes with them L'Avant-garde, then Le Révolté, which will defend the
communist anarchist option within the International.
In 1872, the word communism was not in the odor of sanctity within the
anti-authoritarian AIT, which associated it with the Marx faction. It is usually
evoked the "State communism," "authoritarian" or "German" . To distinguish itself
from it, the AIT called itself "collectivist". The use had however evolved. After
1874, people often protested that one was a "federalist communist" or
"non-authoritarian communist, that is to say collectivist" [15].

Then we started to doubt the word collectivism itself. The milieu of French and
Italian proscribed in Switzerland was the epicenter of a questioning of the
doctrine of the AIT, which postulated that the collectivization of the means of
production, by suppressing the employers, would guarantee workers the full fruit
of their work, under the principle "to each according to his works." However,
objected these militants, it was impossible to quantify "the works" of each one
without generating a bloated bureaucracy, the embryo of a new statism. The
communist formula "From each according to his means, to each according to his
needs Solved the problem. But since it was associated with old social reformers
from whom we wanted to distinguish ourselves, such as Louis Blanc or Étienne
Cabet, we spoke of "anarchist communism".

The formula was printed for the very first time in a thin brochure of February
1876, signed by a worker from Lyon who had taken refuge in Geneva, François
Dumartheray, extolling a "revolution which must bring us to the promised land,
that is to say to anarchist communism" [16]. The following month, an ex-Communard
called to become famous, Élisée Reclus, had promoted it in a meeting which had
marked the spirits [17]. In October, in Florence, the congress of the Italian
federation had rallied to the idea.

Always circumspect, James Guillaume, had curbed enthusiasm: for him, communism
would be possible only when the "progress of industrial and agricultural science"
would have allowed abundance [18]. It is this middle position which was adopted
by the Jura congress of October 1879: "anarchist communism as a goal, with
collectivism as a transitory form of property" [19].

During the congress of 1880 in La Chaux-de-Fonds, the last step: we finally
repudiate the word collectivism, too much of "misunderstanding" according to
Kropotkin, now that the Socialists have seized it [20].

By an astonishing semantic crossover, in an interval of eight years, collectivism
has therefore become the attribute of State Socialists, and Communism, that of
anarchists ! This will be the case until the Russian Revolution.

The hatred of the bourgeoisie which massacred the Communards played an important
role in the birth of anarchism.
Penny Illustrated Paper
Third, choose the insurrectionist path
The congress of Saint-Imier, in 1872, had given the Spanish federation as a
model, and qualified the strikes as "precious means" to "strengthen the
organization of the workers" and prepare the "great revolutionary and definitive
struggle" [21]. We can say, in retrospect, that Saint-Imier had paved the way for
what revolutionary unionism would be thirty years later.

However, as early as 1874, it appeared that the Spanish model had been little
imitated... On the right, the British and the United States had moved towards
reformism and abandoned the International. On the left, the Italians had, on the
contrary, become radicalized, detecting a pre-insurrectional situation in the
Peninsula. To the point of abandoning all efforts of workers' organization to
switch to armed struggle. The attempted uprisings in August 1874 had failed, as
well as a maquis in the Matese in April 1877. Regardless, the thinking heads of
the Italian AIT, Malatesta and Cafiero had explained in advance: in himself, the
"Insurrectional fact[...]is the most effective means of propaganda" [22]. It was
the first theorization of "propaganda by fact". She was soon to be emulated,
first among the French refugees in Switzerland, eager to avenge the Paris Commune.

As for the Jura Federation, it had followed the "syndicalist" path traced at
Saint-Imier, but with difficulty, due to the watchmaking crisis. Its
working-class base had crumbled, gradually reducing itself to radicalized nuclei,
dominated by impatient French outlaws. The "propaganda by the fact" could only
seduce them, even if it took, in Switzerland, a not very violent turn: a
confrontation with the police on March 18, 1877, in Bern, to defend the red flag
waved in memory of the Commune. from Paris. Created shortly after, the small
French federation was obviously enthusiastic about "propaganda by fact".

At La Chaux-de-Fonds in 1880, the subject was not mentioned, but it is in
everyone's mind. The following year, he will be at the center of an international
anarchist congress in London.

Could this insurrectionist path coexist with the "unionist" path traced at
Saint-Imier ? Malatesta and the Italians thought that it was impossible, that it
was necessary to choose [23]. Under these circumstances, insurrectionism helped
to shape a distinct political identity - even though, after fifteen years, the
great majority of the libertarian movement had to distance itself from
"propaganda by the deed" to return to the mainstream. trade unionist.

A distinct current
The La Chaux-de-Fonds congress is both a culmination and a starting point. Its
repercussions will be felt first in France where, after the amnesty of the
Communards, the workers' movement flourished again.

Initially, anarchists and socialists are mixed in the same groupings. In November
1880, the Socialist Congress of Le Havre and vote (4 thresolution) that
collectivization of the means of production would be "a transitional phase
towards libertarian communism" [24]. This is the first occurrence of this
formula. Rebelote in October 1881 at the Socialist Congress in Reims.

After which, disagreements over the ends and the means will shatter French
socialism into several currents. Anarchism, communist, insurrectionist then
unionist, will be the most moving.

Guillaume Davranche (UCL Montreuil)

AN INCUBATOR: ANTI-AUTHORITY AIT (1872-1877)
An extension of the International Association of Workers (known as the "First
International"), the anti-authoritarian AIT, launched in Saint-Imier in 1872,
mainly brought together the "Latin" federations acquired by Bakunin's ideas, but
with very different realities and practices.

Established in June 1870, the Federation of the Spanish Region (FRE) is the most
powerful of the AIT. From 1871 it claimed to be "anarchy" and adopted a structure
that would later be called "union", with territorial unions and trade
federations, and 30,000 members, two-thirds of them in Catalonia. It suffered
harsh repression from 1874. Although it is often given as an example in the AIT,
it only plays a secondary role in international debates, if we compare with the
ideological bubbling of the Franco triangle. -italo-swiss.

The Jurassic Federation was formed in November 1871 by the Swiss supporters of
Bakunin, and at its peak brought together 700 members in about twenty sections.
It mainly carries out a protest activity, workers' mutual aid and mutual aid.
Despite its modest size, its main animators - James Guillaume and Adhémar
Schwitzguébel - play a pivotal role in the anti-authoritarian AIT, equidistant
from the insurrectional sections and the more moderate ones.

Unlike its Spanish and Jura counterparts, the Italian Federation , founded in
August 1872 in Rimini, is less a class organization than an insurrectionary
organization, well in the Italian culture of Carbonarism and Mazzinism. Claiming
to be "anarchy", led by a brilliant team of revolutionaries committed to life and
death - Andrea Costa, Carlo Cafiero and Errico Malatesta - it will reach, in
1874, nearly 30,000 members. Isolated after her unsuccessful attempts at an armed
uprising, hit by repression, she declined from 1879.

On the left flank of the Jurassic Federation, a small French Federation was
re-founded in Switzerland in June 1877 around the newspaper L'Avant-garde. It is
mainly made up of ex-Communards and other outlaws, such as Paul Brousse, Élisée
Reclus, François Dumartheray and Jean-Louis Pindy. Admiring the Italian
"propaganda by deed", they were the first to proclaim themselves "anarchist
communists" .

Within the Belgian Federation, founded in 1865, various tendencies coexist,
globally attached to workers' unity. She was the first to propose the general
strike as a revolutionary strategy at the AIT congress of 1873, before seeing the
birth of an openly libertarian sensibility within it. Its main animator, César de
Paepe, who seeks a synthesis between anarchism and statism, finally evolves, in
1877, towards state socialism.

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References

[1] Account of the congress in Le Révolté, October 17, 1880.

[2] Droz Report, Arch PPo BA / 438.

[3] The location is unknown. Perhaps the Gibraltar restaurant, rue de la Combe,
which hosted the Jura congress of 1879, its large room that can hold up to 600
people standing.

[4] Droz Report, Arch PPo BA / 438.

[5] Mathieu Léonard, The Emancipation of Workers. A history of the Première
Internationale La Fabrique, 2011.

[6] Marianne Enckell, "1872: Saint-Imier, cradle of anarchism" , Alternative
libertaire, September 2012.

[7] "Party" in the sense of a group of supporters of an idea.

[8] Mathieu Léonard, The Emancipation of the Workers. A history of the Première
Internationale, La Fabrique, 2011.

[9] Bulletin of the Jurassic Federation, September 13, 1874.

[10] Bulletin of the Jurassic Federation, May 7, 1876.

[11] L'Avant-garde, June 2, 1877.

[12] Marianne Enckell, La Fédération jurassienne, La Cité, 1971.

[13] L'Avant-garde , April 8, 1878.

[14] The Avant-garde , September 9, 1878.

[15] Notably after a controversy with the Blanquists, in the Bulletin de la
Fédération jurassienne, July 12, 1874.

[16] Dumartheray, Aux workers partisans de action politique, 16 pages, 1876.

[17] Max Nettlau, History of Anarchy, The Leaf Head, 1971.

[18] James Guillaume, Ideas on social organization, La Librairie du travail,
1876, 48 pages.

[19] Le Révolté , October 18, 1879.

[20] Jules Guesde's Marxist newspaper, L'Égalité, had in fact adopted the word
from 1877, also to distinguish itself... from "old utopian and sentimental
communism" ! Cited in the Grand Dictionnaire socialiste by Compère-Morel, 1924.

[21] Bulletin of the Jurassic Federation , September 15, 1872.

[22] Bulletin of the Jurassic Federation , December 3, 1876.

[23] Gaetano Manfredonia, Anarchism and Social Change, ACL, 2007, pages 315-316.

[24]Seilhac, The Workers' Congresses in France (1876-1897) , 1899.

https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?1880-le-parti-communiste-anarchiste-affirme-son-existence

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Message: 4



On November 19 and 21, there were two days of mobilization and national protest
that we consider important to review and analyze. In the first place, on
Thursday, November 19, in which the National Unemployment Committee sought to
focus its forces, marches were called in at least 22 cities in the country. That
day in Bogotá a classic union mobilization was presented from the national park
to the Plaza de Bolívar, from the morning hours, with some 7,000 attendees. The
participation of the CUT is noteworthy, with health workers with ANTHOC,
Sintraiss and the unemployed health union coordinator in this sector, Ade's
teachers and a small Adec column, USO oil companies, UNEB bank employees o
Anebre, university workers like Sintraupn,
In addition, a vehicular caravan of union activists joined the mobilization, as
well as residents of popular neighborhoods and associations of recycling workers,
while a small concentration for the freedom of political detainees was presented
in the city center . In the day we participated with a small red-black and purple
and black delegation activists from the Grupo Libertario Vía Libre in conjunction
with colleagues from the Coordinator of Popular Education Processes (CPEP) En Lucha.

With demands focused on the demand for social measures against the current
socio-health crisis and its economic impact, and compliance with the diffuse
national list of demands, once again the only sector that carried out a partial
and diminished strike was that of teachers state, and although it is possible
that there have been low levels of labor abnormality in some state institutions
and the judicial system, there was no real stoppage of general economic activity.

Two days later, on Saturday the 21st of the same month, at least 15 mobilization
activities mainly concentrated in Bogotá were called by a more disjointed group
of social and political organizations, most of which were not carried out or were
presented in very limited dimensions.

On that day in the capital, where the government's strategy that combined
militarization with the presence of soldiers and military police in the city
center and discount days with the consumer fever of the third day without VAT was
shown, a greatly diminished cultural act was presented in the Plaza de Bolívar
that was supposed to pick up the attendees to 4 more activities and a concert in
the Hippies Park, with strong disconnection from the rest of the day.

Likewise, there were small marches with dozens of attendees at the National
University that resulted in clashes with the Police, as well as the Plaza de la
Hoja in the center and the Los Héroes sector in the north. Later in the afternoon
a few hundred people mobilized from the National Park to Calle 19 in front of the
memorial plaque for Dilan Cruz. In the late evening, a more interesting
neighborhood march was presented in Ciudad Bolívar and Bosa at night that ended
with a cultural event.

Balance elements

The activities of November 19 and 21, 2020, one year before the great day of
national protest in 2019, show a considerable ebb and represent a relative
political defeat of the popular movement. What is supposed to be the second
general strike of the year and the seventh movement of this type during the
government of Iván Duque after the meager call in 2018 and the fluctuating 4 days
called in 2019, showed scarce results, and even more limited than those of the
calls prior to the month of November last year.

Although the second semester of the current year showed a reactivation of the
levels of mobilization, it is clear that due to various factors that we must
investigate in depth and may go through physical and political exhaustion, the
pandemic and the economic crisis, the repression against certain sectors
Politicians, or the effects of the revolt of September 9 and 10, there was no
continuity with the movement of last year and the sectors of popular youth that
emerged in the last two months of 2019 have fragmented and retreated.
Twenty-oneism, this is the ritual call for mobilization every 21st of the month
in the hope of keeping alive the November-December 2019 movement, which began its
ritual dynamics in January of this year and was installed since August, I
concluded as was evident from early on, with a clear failure.

The mobilizations of November 19 and 21 of this year, the second in a much more
dramatic way than the first, were clearly smaller than the day of the protest a
month ago, carried out on October 21, which achieved the assistance from more
diverse social sectors and a greater concurrence of union bases. On this day,
several of the supposedly convening organizations such as the ACRES student
bureaucracy or the pension confederations had less than symbolic attendance. On
the other hand, there is simply no framework for comparison with the massive
union and popular mobilization in the center of the capital that took place in
the framework of the national strike on November 21, 2019.

Although it is not a new phenomenon, the trade union movement showed its
interconnected problems of bureaucratization and fragmentation, in which, on the
one hand, a majority of small unions fail to convene their board of directors
with union permission to march, and on the other, medium-sized organizations They
incorporated a large number of young people paid to carry flags and banners,
whose presence sometimes exceeds the number of affiliates, and where the artists
hired to energize are central, despite their few protest elements.

Partly due to the severe impact of the pandemic and the social distancing
measures, the grassroots social work that we had identified as vital to rebuild
the movement that emerged from the 2019 national days of protest, weakened or
paralyzed. Addressing this task continues to be urgent from the libertarian
socialist perspective, although it will clearly be necessary to face it under the
new circumstances of relative withdrawal of the movement.

Up those who fight!

Libertarian Group Via Libre

https://grupovialibre.org/2020/12/01/balance-de-las-movilizaciones-del-19-y-el-21-de-noviembre-de-2020/

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Message: 5



Dear ones, we inform you about the forced postponement of the Santa Claus Against
festival to a later date. We will try to organize the festival during 2021 in
Helsinki, Finland. Take care of yourself and increase the autonomy of
self-organized infrastructures! ---- Here, on a politically neutral territory, we
together (organizers / participants / guests) create a temporary autonomous zone
free from hierarchical forms of interaction and discrimination. We come together
for co-creation, forging new project connections, producing situational and
knowledge, and for sharing experiences between activists, artists and
transdisciplinary researchers from different regions and countries. ---- Santa
Claus against is the territory of political imagination, creation and support of
alternative policies of coexistence - as a way to think, speak and act in
opposition to outdated cultural codes. a space of solidary strategies and
tactics, synthesizing theoretical and practical approaches aimed at researching
and transforming socio-political and cultural processes locally, keeping the
attention of global contexts. Also, the festival holidays in Helsinki are a
pleasant occasion for us to meet. Performances, great music, discussions and
chill in pleasant company and in a safe context.

Festival objectives
Search for new contacts and support for "invisible" project groups and
initiatives, acquaintance and networking on current projects. Strategic planning.
Joint project activities. Invention and distribution of alternative
infrastructures and algorithms for interaction within self-organized communities
and nomadic project associations. Time spent with pleasure.

The festival is organized by local activists, as well as participants from
various horizontal initiatives, libertarian, left-oriented and anarchist
communities in Russia and the post-Soviet space. Active participants: activists,
artists, representatives of trans / queer / lgbt communities, feminist
initiatives / intersectional / cyber / xeno / left femmes, decolonial trends,
independent media, representatives of human rights organizations and NGOs. Also -
ecologists, philosophers, sociologists, political scientists, practitioners and
theorists of contemporary art, critical theory, whose contour of interests, in
participatory (involving) projects and alliances.

The festival program offers various forms of participation: open discussions /
reports / discussions, workshops, presentations, video projects, performances,
networking and gentle reflection.

The end of the festival will be a crypto-rave with the participation of the
modern electronic scene, experimental music and political techno-live.

Information about all festival events will be publicly available.

Lunch and dinner for foreign guests are free. We can only offer a vegan menu to
make our cuisine accessible to all participants.

Accommodation will be provided only to the first 40-50 participants who register
for the festival ( application form ). The rest will have to book hotels on their
own. Presentations during the festival in Russian or English. If necessary, they
will be translated into Finnish, English, and Russian.

Anyone wishing to participate in the festival, please fill out the form. The
questionnaire is required only for those who need help with accommodation.

https://avtonom.org/news/mezhdunarodnyy-zimniy-festival-ded-moroz-protiv-2021

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Message: 6



Why? It's very simple. After all, for them a revolution is when "the bourgeoisie
are slaughtered" and "the workers take over the factories." If "the bourgeoisie
are not being slaughtered," then this is "not our revolution." ---- What will
people do during the revolution, for whom the revolution is "cutting the
bourgeoisie"? Create tips? Organize resistance? Organizing a new life? No. They
will rob supermarkets. For them, the "revolution" is this. Under their base
instincts, such people are trying to bring an ideological base. Here they will
intertwine both Marx (whose works they have never seriously studied) and
Kropotkin, who in 1917 criticized the understanding of anarchism as
permissiveness. ---- This kind of anti-capitalism is a typical prejudice, which
is nothing different from "if there is no water in the tap ..."

Now about the workers. "Only workers have the right to rule society," declare
such radical anarchists. In Belarus, they say, there are no slogans about the
seizure of factories by workers, so this is not our revolution.

Okay, not yours. Why do you admire Makhno then? The Makhnovshchina was a peasant
movement in which there were few industrial workers. Why do you single out only
industrial workers, and not other types of employees?

"Because everyone else has a petty-bourgeois consciousness, and the workers are a
truly revolutionary class" answer us with a learned phrase. But we will add only
one word after this phrase: "was". Was - "a truly revolutionary class", but today
it has ceased to be.

Finally, some dogmatists do not support the uprising in Belarus because the
people of Belarus should be not for Belarus, but for the "power of the working
people". Any weak patriotism is perceived by dogmatists as an absolute evil.

Here for dogmatists one big secret will have to be revealed. Any revolutionary
movement always contains patriotic elements. The people who participate in it act
first in the interests of the whole country, and only then in the interests of
the class. Moreover, history knows examples when the anarchist movement not only
appeared and developed within the framework of the national liberation movement,
but was its actual initiator. The most typical example of this is the national
liberation movement in the second half of the 19th century in Bulgaria (see the
book by Georgi Khadzhiev ).

We find double standards among anarchists. Supporting the Kurdish national
liberation movement today is stylish, fashionable, youthful. But when the same
national themes are raised in Belarus, a number of leftists shout that this is
"nationalism" ...

A friend of mine of radical left lives in the USA. He has a small bookstore.
"Anarchists" come to him and say: "you, bastard, you get profit, you are not a
communist".

And he replies: "That is, I take your newspapers, your books, sell them with a
minimal mark-up - just to recapture the rent and pay the seller a salary, and I'm
still to blame?"
"Yes, it's my fault. And you are a capitalist. "

We don't need such an idiotic version of anti-capitalism. Everything is free, no
one is responsible for anything, everyone enjoys life and draws pictures. People
who do not want to understand the complexity of the world, for whom the world is
simple and understandable as a vegan cutlet, will never be able to build a new
movement . Such people are doomed to vegetate in subcultural hangouts ...

Author: K.M.

https://avtonom.org/news/pochemu-dogmatiki-ne-podderzhivayut-narodnoe-vosstanie-v-belarusi

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Message: 7


 From the specific anarchism it seems appropriate to carry out an analysis of the
phenomena that have been unleashed in this last stretch of 2020, seeking to face
the deepening of the neoliberal adjustment, building a people strong in
resistance. ---- As a first point we can point out that at the regional level the
oscillation between de facto governments (parliamentary dictatorships) and
center-right democratic governments - or "reformulated progressives" - show that
the lack of guarantees that some present and the labyrinthine institutional trap
that others represent , which continues to demonstrate the need for an authentic
organization and struggle from below, regardless of class and outside the state
institutional apparatus.
In Argentina, the commitment of the Frente de Todos (FdT) to reinforce the
institutionality pivots between putting "warm cloths" and carrying out repressive
measures, to a social situation that overflows and is generating uncertainty and
growing instability. With the attempt to calm the situation, entering the
institutional labyrinth and wanting to make the dominant sectors happy (including
the IMF entourage), but above all seeking certain "agreements" or deploying
measures that seek a fictitious social consensus to demobilize the / as below.
Let us remember that the demobilization plan for this political sector headed by
Alberto and Cristina, emerges from the forcefulness of the actions against
Macri's pension reform, back in late 2017, when direct action in the street was
evident as the only alternative to face the neoliberal adjustment. In fact, and
as a result of this demobilization, the FdT was able to implement adjustment
measures on retirees on two occasions, who have nothing to envy to the macrista
policies.

The increasing precariousness of work, the wages down due to poor or non-existent
joint arrangements, with the discourse of the political class that "the wage
earner is privileged", the land occupations product of the lack of income to
ensure a place to live , and the general deterioration of living conditions, are
only a sample towards where the true adjustment variable has been pointing. In
this line, the issue of access to housing is central, since in recent times
repressions, evictions and threats to land occupations have deepened, either due
to the historic claim of native peoples who have claimed their ancestral right
for years. (pre-existing to the bloody establishment of the National State), as
well as those urban shots that make visible the most essential basic need such as
having a roof. All this, without a doubt, has put those who defend private
property and the concentration of land in Argentina on alert.

The examples are varied. The already analyzed fierce eviction and repression of
Guernica, promoted by Kicillof and the fascist Berni, are joined by the
aftershocks in several provinces. The most notorious have been those of Río
Negro, with FiskeMenuco's taking "La esperanza" based on occupations of entire
neighborhoods; or those of Villa Mascardi by the Mapuche communities. Throughout
the entire country, occupations are growing day by day as a result of the lack of
housing and genuine work for the popular sectors. Starting with the violent
repression in Guernica, a brutal outpost by the State was deepened to evict and
repress land seizures in defense of the interests of real estate speculators,
which deepens the problem of concentrated ownership of land in the hands of a few
in the country. Far from presenting an immediate structural solution to the
housing crisis of thousands of families around the country, the State resorted to
repression and charitable measures, seeking agreements for insignificant sums and
with promises of infrastructure and housing plans that never materialized. The
defense and apology for private property and the search for the criminalization
of poverty led to a most reactionary campaign against families fighting for a
roof to live in.

A separate paragraph deserves the mismanagement of the pandemic by the
government. And we are not referring to the general numbers of infected and dead
based on early isolation, since that would be talking to the newspaper on Monday.
The pandemic, on the other hand, reveals an alarming structural inequality and an
underfunded and ultra-centralized health system in CABA and the Province of
Buenos Aires, leaving the provinces of Patagonia, the NOA and NEA, among other
regions, to their fate. The lack of infrastructure, supplies and the extreme
precariousness in which health workers are immersed highlights the political
direction of a national government and provincial governments, which in the face
of a health crisis Unprecedented social and economic conditions have been used to
strengthen the repressive apparatus and deepen the mechanisms of social control.
It is necessary to emphasize here about the "salvation" that vaccines represent
in this health crisis. Although they are necessary and urgent, they hide the
drive of transnational pharmaceutical companies to continue profiting from the
health of peoples around the world. In our country they have the approval of the
national state to protect their interests, in the face of legal claims that the
secondary effects of them manifest in the future (the new Law 27.573, of the
Tucumán deputy of the FdT Pablo Yedlin, allows it). This advance by
pharmaceutical companies opens the door for such legal protection to expand to
all new medications under the pretext of developing new treatments and vaccines
in a "pandemic context". In other words, this type of legislation is intended to
ensure profits in the present moment of crisis and in the future, something the
national government approved, confirming its defense of capital against the
interests of the people.

Another paradigmatic fact in the direction of the FdT was the increase in
co-participation to pay a salary increase to the Buenos Aires police, the
assassin of Facundo Castro and so many other young people, in the face of the
reactionary tightening of this force, added to the increase in funds in the 2021
budget for the financing of the armed forces, which contrasts with the
underfunding of a public education that has become completely exclusive with the
virtualization of the activity. This is also one of the areas of adjustment,
where the repression is strengthened, by supporting the interests of the
concentrated economic groups and the payment to bondholders. The move to
virtuality has left out millions of students who cannot access connectivity,
while education workers have found themselves in extreme precariousness and labor
flexibility,

With discussions of leaderships, more or less veiled, and with the anticipated
objective of rebuilding his electoral base for 2021, the executive on the final
stretch of the year seeks to generate some consensus with certain sectors that
seemed to be letting go of his hand, this went to through the presentation of
bills on "promised" issues such as "tax on large fortunes" and the "Abortion Law."

With the discourse of the "pawned word", while the inflation and unemployment
rates continue to climb without a glimpse of a cap, as well as the sexist
violence, it only shows that here the only thing committed is our future.

Among the proposals that follow this institutional course is the new bill of
voluntary interruption of pregnancy presented by President Fernández himself and
whose content differs from that presented previously in basic points of
comprehensive health care for pregnant people. This attempt by the government to
flag an initiative built over decades of struggle and organization from the
feminist movement, clearly shows that it is trying to keep the "symbolic trophy"
of a battle, not only that it never fought, but precisely It was not promoted
from the institutional spheres but from the heart of the people's struggle. From
the politically organized anarchism we propose the need to continue in the
streets giving the fight,

Along the same lines, the counterpoint of the "Thousand Days Project", which
tries to protect pregnant people and children in cases of family or sexual
violence, has more flavor to want to take care of the vulnerability of the
national government in the face of criticism of the Vatican - an integral part of
the FdT - before the simultaneous presentation of the Abortion project. In this
way he will try, as they say vulgarly, "to look good with God and with the
Devil." However, despite much project presented, cases of femicides and family
violence, school dropouts and child abandonment continue to increase day by day
they only show the recrudescence of machismo that hits the most vulnerable
sectors: women, lesbians, transvestites, transsexuals and children of the
oppressed classes.

Another example of distributive rhetoric, turned into lukewarm actions or
patches, is the much heralded "tax on large fortunes" that led to a ridiculous
one-time contribution to billionaires, a variation that was better received by
the dominant sectors and that is far from being alleviated. the economic
situation of the impoverished sector, nor solve the structural problem that those
of us at the bottom suffer. This extraordinary contribution to the great wealth
implies a miserable alms that is asked from a few billionaire families for the
only time, to end up financing those same sectors with the permission for the
exploitation of hydrocarbons, extractivism and mega-mining. The deepening of the
extractivist matrix promoted by Kirchnerism has been a State policy, while the
popular organization resists against these emporiums of contamination in Mendoza
and Chubut; and against the fumigation of rural schools in Santa Fe and the use
of pesticides thanks to Minister Felipe Solá, who once again reinforced this
position for the benefit of Bayer (formerly Monsanto).

The increase in inflation and unemployment, together with the obscene endorsement
by certain union leaders of job insecurity, are deteriorating material living
conditions and further fragmenting the complex social fabric, reinforcing the
mechanisms of a system of domination that only it will be fought with a real
rupture that comes from the construction and advancement of a strong town.

This institutional channeling of the great struggles only has the purpose of
guaranteeing the governability to regulate the gradual and even adjustment that
transcends governments but follows the line of impoverishment and oppression
towards those below. This is why we emphasize the need for class independence in
our struggles, avoiding any follow-up towards sectors of the political class that
claim to represent the people. History indicates that this exit never ended well,
and that an emancipatory project can never be based on the interests of some /
some sectors of the ruling class, no matter how charismatic a leader may be. In
this sense, it is still essential to question popular sectors that still
accompany the Government's political project, and to point out that the way
forward must be in unity of the popular sectors but with independence of class
and autonomy of the people above all else. We must also continue to challenge
other sectors of the left, who insist on being trapped in the "parliamentary
game", with presentations of a pile of "inopportune" projects for a bourgeois
democratic system.

  "(...) the possibilities of socialist construction are fortified in proportion
to popular participation and are weakened if the events of rebellion are
conceived exclusively from a point of view that tends to dominate changes within
the same structure of domination" (" The strategy of specificism "JP Mechoso)

Make no mistake, the capitalist system is in good health and is only strengthened
by the open panorama of the pandemic, which serves as a justifying motive for a
planned adjustment for these times. The neoliberal model penetrates and advances
with the discipline and repression of the mobilized sectors and the consensus
with the most institutionalized sectors of "citizen" discourse in pursuit of
"governability", while deepening economic plans for adjustment and precariousness
of the quality of the sectors popular. But popular resistance stands firm with no
intention of backing down.

Faced with this scenario, the militancy of specific anarchism continues to aim to
strengthen the action of the people and their organizations. We call on all
comrades who seek to combat the structural oppressions of the system, to join our
political project. We must actively and constantly build, contribute and specify
a statement of demand in each sector of struggle according to the moment, in each
union, neighborhood and student organization. It is necessary to promote and
deepen the prominence of those from below in the popular struggles from the
streets, to face demobilization and isolation, with a horizon always in view of
socialism and freedom.

Health and stamina for the times to come!

For the construction of Popular Power!

Live anarchy!!

Put up and fighting!!

Organización Anarquista de Tucumán - OAT

Organización Anarquista de Córdoba - OAC

Federación Anarquista de Rosario - FAR

http://federacionanarquistaderosario.blogspot.com/2020/12/ante-la-desmovilizacion-impulsada-desde.html

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