Today's Topics:
1. cab anarquista: [FARPA-AL]Our rights at the business
counter: Arthur Lira's way of operating and the "Centrão" (ca,
de, it, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
counter: Arthur Lira's way of operating and the "Centrão" (ca,
de, it, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, UCL AL #312 - Special file Paris 1871, Lyon,
Marseille ... failed attempts (ca, de, it, fr, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
Marseille ... failed attempts (ca, de, it, fr, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Canada, Collectif Emma Goldman - [Covid-19] All the problems
of the system resurface through vaccination (ca, de, it, fr,
pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
of the system resurface through vaccination (ca, de, it, fr,
pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. France, UCL AL #312 - Special file Paris 1871, For the
anarchist Jean Grave, "The Commune legislated,
anarchist Jean Grave, "The Commune legislated,
but acted little"
(ca, de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
(ca, de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Le monde libertaire #1825: SIXTY TEENAGERS
ANNOUNCE THEIR
REFUSAL TO SERVE IN THE ISRAELI ARMY BY OREN ZIV
REFUSAL TO SERVE IN THE ISRAELI ARMY BY OREN ZIV
(ca, de, it, fr,
pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. Czech, AFED: Let's confront the eared tractor driver!
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. icl-cit: [Bangladesh] Release all political prisoners and
arrested activists! (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
The attention in Brasilia turns to Centrão, in the face of movements as typical
as illustrative of the way in which they operate, their physiologist objective
that does not even make an effort to disguise the desire to accumulate using the
rights of the population. It was not so long ago that its current leader, also
president of the Federal Chamber, Arthur Lira (PP), tried unsuccessfully to get
the vote on the Proposed Amendment to the Constitution that guarantees greater
parliamentary immunity, making it difficult to arrest deputies and senators in a
series of situations. As if it weren't enough to be an aberration, the PEC of
Impunity is an alien agenda descending on a country that today counts its more
than 260 thousand killed by the covid-19, has one of the worst performances in
the world in fighting the pandemic, and cannot even comply his ridiculous and
confused goal of vaccination.
Arthur Lira is not alone and he is not the only one whose mode of operation is
restricted to negotiating public resources, people's rights and shielding
accomplices in ties for the accumulation of wealth and power. A ruralist and
businessman, the Alagoan began his career in 1993 as a politician, as a councilor
in Maceió. Since then, he has taken root in his parliamentary career, passing
through the Legislative Assembly of Alagoas, but planting his feet in the Federal
Chamber, occupied from 2011 until today. With shorter passages in the PFL, PTB
and PSDB, it was in the PP - today Progressives - that Lira found more fertile
ground to carry out the plans.
Here we situate Brasília as the cabinet for an extension and accumulation of
power that needs to have a root for propagation. The possibilities are great in
the face of a continental territory, although the slices, almost all, are already
predisposed under the domination of some surnames. Arthur Lira knows this and
seeks to secure his roots in Alagoas, having his party ahead of 29 cities. With
47% of its population living in poverty (IBGE, 2020), the greatest income
inequality in the country (FGV, 2019) is ideal for operationalization in
municipalities that - with no possibility of support - are positioned with
intense dependence on federal funds. The give-and-go goes from pavements and
tractors to the construction of public buildings, through parliamentary funds, in
exchange for support, exchanges and support for the post in Brasilia.
Power relations throughout Alagoas history have also not been disconnected from
the domination of oligarchies. Arthur Lira is aware of this dynamic, as his
father Benedito de Lira, currently mayor of Barra de São Miguel. Both had their
names published due to corruption in Operation Lava-Jato. Lira also responds to
at least five cases in the STF, and is also identified for passive corruption.
The rapprochement with Bolsonaro is what has yielded the most evidence this past
year. The spotlight places Arthur Lira as the president's savior, whose image was
weakened by disastrous performances, dismantling and executive incompetence, and
obviously lack of zeal with his former allies on the right. The Centrão turned
his support foot to be able to finish the term with some influence in the
Congress and to try to shield the accusations of his participation with the militia.
If Lira's partner and antagonist, Rodrigo Maia, declares that the "Center" is not
what lies between the right and the left "but something else", here we say with
certainty what this is about: it is the place on the right that removes the meat
of the people in the guise of "agreements".
Thus, the extreme right to which Bolsonaro emerged is not supported only by his
scathing ideological performances, or by the most wide-open cut and extermination
of the most basic conditions of the people. It also finds support in that other
right, which saves the energy of the most outrageous ideological speeches by
placing it in other types of scandalous practices: the negotiation of rights. It
has been like this with the approval of reforms, such as the labor reform, the
pension reform, and now - in the fun of the crazy race - advancing with the
administrative reform.
Our fight for rights does not fit in parliament
Although placing himself in the place where the "adults play", Centrão is an even
more open sample of how the perpetuation of power relations in this regime occurs
in the absence of the people. It is the place that gives us more evidence that
the elections, like several other movements in the representative dispute, are
about business. It is revolting to realize how clever the political artifices of
the vultures in suits seem to be, which take away the chances of a dignified life.
Let us transform this political fatigue into a tight fist under the certainty
that we, as a people, are still more lively in the daily construction of so many
technologies of resistance. In this sense, we know that resisting is not enough.
Nor is it enough to confront this or another macabre example that comes out of
our lands to accumulate power, splurging on the collective wealth we produce,
drowning ourselves in ills. We aim and defend more than that: it is about ending
the capitalist economic system and the representative political regime that works
especially to allow the creation of these figures.
As especifista anarchists, we propose the construction of a new society that is
structured on the impossibility of operating agreements and businesses on our
rights. For us, this purpose can only begin with the construction of popular
power, mediated by direct democracy. Or, as we mentioned in another period:
"Building a strong people in Alagoas is also to affirm a popular identity and a
new way of perceiving and feeling belonging to a history and culture, not that
created by the elites, of Alagoas condemned to resignation and suffering. But
another: an identity and a story that must make today's fighters heirs of
yesterday's fighters. From the palmarine quilombo and the other quilombos
affirming their freedom and political capacity, from the struggle of the native,
indigenous, caetés peoples, affirming their sovereignty, from the huts affirming
their boldness. From these to the fields, to the peripheries, to the organization
of work, to society in the perspective of building Popular Power " (Alagoas and
the building of Popular Power)
Anarchist Federation of Palmares
Alagoas, March 2021
http://cabanarquista.org/2021/03/05/farpa-al-arthur-lira-e-o-centrao/
------------------------------
Message: 2
The communalist movement did not touch only Paris. The fall of the Empire caused
two revolutionary waves: in the fall of 1870, Lyon and Marseille were ahead of
the capital, in the spring of 1871, it was the opposite. But Narbonne or
Saint-Étienne also proclaimed the Commune. Ephemeral uprisings, which did not
help Paris against Versailles. ---- From the news of the first military defeats
against the Prussians, the opposition to Napoleon III was agitated. On August 8,
1870, in Marseilles, the crowd took hold of the town hall for a while ; on August
13 in Lyon, a riot at Croix-Rousse left one dead and two injured. On September 4,
the two cities proclaimed the Republic a few hours before Paris, and formed
committees of public safety. In the Rhône valley and in Provence, the movement is
spreading.
The committees send emissaries to neighboring towns, coordinate and eventually
federate on September 18: 48 delegates from 13 departments, meeting in Marseille,
create the Ligue du Midi to organize the defense against the Germans.
Communalism: towards going beyond the state
In Lyon as in Marseille, the sections of the International Association of Workers
(AIT), close to Bakunin, consider that the insurrection is on the agenda. A first
attempt was made in Lyon on September 28, it came to an end[1]. On 1 stNovember
it was the turn of Marseille, where the crowd seized the town hall. The
revolutionaries proclaim the Revolutionary Commune of Marseilles. But the
National Guard is divided and, the next day, clashes kill three people. The
leaders, frightened by the prospect of a civil war, put an end to the
insurrection. On November 3, the army loyal to the government regained control of
the situation.
The communalist movement then ebbed, and the Ligue du Midi disappeared from the
political landscape. The conditions are not ripe for the installation of popular
powers even in large urban centers. The priority is the defense of the country,
as well as the unity of the Republicans in the face of the threat of monarchist
domination over the National Assembly. However, this first revolutionary wave
leaves traces. By making the association of cities the foundation of political
life, the communalist movement foreshadows an overtaking of the state, an idea
that will resurface at the end of winter.
When the news of the March 18 uprising arrived in Paris, several towns rose up.
The Commune is proclaimed in Lyon and Marseille on March 23, on 24 in Nîmes,
Narbonne and Le Creusot, on 25 in Toulouse and Saint Étienne, on April 4 in
Limoges. But it's a flash in the pan. These insurgencies only last a few hours, a
few days at best. Unlike the fall attempts, they fail to expand or coordinate.
Isolated, they were unable to resist the Versailles army. The examples of Lyon,
Narbonne and Marseille illustrate the sad fate of this second revolutionary wave.
On the evening of March 22, companies of the National Guard seized the town hall
of Lyon ; a provisional commission is constituted, and the following day the
Commune is proclaimed by way of posters. The new power, weak, undermined by
divisions, is unable to handle the situation. Noting that the majority of the
National Guard does not move, while the Versailles troops are concentrating
troops at the gates of the city, the revolutionary power abdicates on the evening
of the 24th. The next day, the army parades in Lyon, the Commune died without a
fight. .
Narbonne besieged
In Narbonne, the revolutionary agitation, which began on March 20, bore fruit on
the 24th. The armed people seized the town hall, from the balcony of which they
proclaimed the "Central municipality of the district of Narbonne". The next day,
the soldiers fraternize with the insurgents, and the Communards are masters of
the city. They are actively working on contagion to neighboring towns, but
Carcassonne, Béziers and Sète do not follow ; the attempts at uprising in
Perpignan and Coursan were failures. During this time, the Versailles people
raised troops in the region, which besieged Narbonne on the 31st. After clashes
which left two dead, the Communards, judging the balance of power too unequal,
surrendered.
Émile Digeon (1822-1894)
Leader of the Municipality of Narbonne, then a refugee in Spain, at the beginning
of the 1880s he participated in the nascent anarchist movement in France, and was
the mentor of a famous libertarian, thinking head of the CGT: Émile Pouget.
Of all the provincial municipalities, Marseille has gone the furthest. Between
the capture of the prefecture on March 23 and the crushing of the revolt on April
4, the Communards had time to outline a political program, but not enough to
implement it. Revolutionary power, exercised by a departmental commission, is
made up of various local progressive forces: moderate republicans (who hold the
municipal council), radicals (including the young lawyer Gaston Crémieux) and
members of the AIT. From the outset, tensions were high between these factions.
At the head of the movement, Crémieux is undecided. The arrival of three
delegates from the Paris Commune, on March 27, consolidates the most determined
revolutionaries, and leads to a break with the moderates.
The demands of the manifesto of March 31 show continuity with the communalist
movement of the autumn: there is a demand for a Constituent Assembly, municipal
autonomy and the abolition of prefectures. At the social level, the only decision
that the Municipality has time to take is to lower rents with retroactive effect.
A battalion of sailors deployed at Notre-Dame-de-la-Garde against the Communards
entrenched in the prefecture of Bouches-du-Rhône.
cc The Illustrated World, July 8, 1871
Early in the morning of April 4, the Versailles troops entered the city, and the
artillery bombarded the points of resistance. The fiercest fighting takes place
around the prefecture. In the evening, the badly armed, badly organized
revolutionaries are defeated. The death toll is 150 on the Communard side, 30 on
the Versailles side. Marseille submissive, the Paris Commune loses its ultimate
hope of breaking the isolation.
Hervé (UCL Marseille)
Illustration: Michel Bakounine, by Nadar.
Validate
[1] "1870: Waging war and revolution with Bakunin in Lyon" , Alternative
libertaire , September 2020.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Lyon-Marseille-tentatives-avortees
------------------------------
Message: 3
Immediately, vaccination is crucial to halt the spread of Covid-19 and its
variants. If this observation is now practically the subject of a consensus, we
can observe that many are the obstacles that stand in front of an optimal or even
effective vaccination effort ... to the point that we can even fear a failure of
the vaccination. countryside. It is no surprise that among these obstacles, we
find the same problems of a parasitic social system. ---- First, although the WHO
has warned the world that an unevenly distributed vaccination effort around the
world is doomed, the international space division has not been reinvented in the
response to the virus. The same inequalities remain when we are witnessing an
outbidding between the rich countries to pay for vaccines. Canada has gone so far
as to take advantage of the Covax program, a WHO program that initially aimed to
distribute vaccines to the poorest countries, to make up for delays in the
arrival of vaccines. What is to be feared with this "vaccine nationalism" is
already happening with the appearance of "variants", some of which are proving to
be more resistant to existing vaccines.
Vaccination also exposes a system where the few accumulate profits at the expense
of the masses. Largely subsidized from state coffers in the scientific war effort
that led to the development of "their" vaccines, a few large pharmaceutical
companies currently hold incredible power against governments. It is they who are
benefiting from the current escalation in the vaccine race. Or rather, it's them
and their patents. For 40 years, with neoliberalism, we have witnessed an all-out
patenting race, see a real war against the forms of collective autonomy that
could endure in one form or another. States have largely subsidized
multinationals, including pharmaceuticals, which have increased their control
over our food, water, the land and the environment. Patents on vaccines are a
continuation of this dispossession of the world. Faced with "their world" of
heteronomy, the scientific culture of collaboration between researchers has
become subject to the point of forgetting the pooling of knowledge, technologies
and know-how for the common good. Here is another illustration of our alienation:
faced with the health emergency and the failures that await us, why does it
always seem unthinkable to abolish patents on vaccines and requisition them to
benefit the planetary population for free? Have not the pharmaceutical companies
already taken sufficient advantage of our alienation and our state of dependence
on them? The question seems utopian in the dominant vision of politics,
completely frozen in its bourgeois institutions and deeply rooted in the social
relations of domination. It nonetheless remains within the realm of possibilities
when the dominated masses collectively regain power over their lives and confront
the logic of death of the dominant classes.
Locally, within our communities, borders are being erected in access to the
vaccine and in health measures. Between the branches, we can hear that privileges
are exercised and that the entire families (children and adults under 40) of
privileged have already managed to get vaccinated while vaccines are still
waiting in the resources intermediaries hard hit! While we gradually hear about
the form that the more massive vaccination will take, we see above all the
government boasting of the collaboration of large companies who see it as a
possibility of limiting the losses in the working time of their employees. . It
is to be feared that the most marginalized groups of the population will, as
always, be the big ones forgotten by vaccination. Moreover,
In terms of government health measures, the managerial approach of the population
(like a herd) by the government for adherence to its measures has very different
consequences depending on the groups and social classes, despite all the denial.
Rather than health measures developed for and by the population, the government
seeks to pass into oblivion all the damage caused by its austerity policies and
its refusal to reinvest massively in public services and prevention by inflicting
a tightening on us. police control and fear of tickets. The effects on physical
and mental health of this coping are totally neglected as repression is set up as
a norm in the reason of state.
As we can see, all the problems of the system reappear through the vaccination
effort. For life, let's revolt against "their world".
Keven T.
Posted 19 hours ago by Collectif Emma Goldman
http://ucl-saguenay.blogspot.com/2021/03/covid-19-tous-les-problemes-du-systeme.html
------------------------------
Message: 4
What I think of the parliamentary, financial, military and administrative
organization of the Municipality can be summed up in very few words. It has been
too parliamentary, financial, military, administrative and not revolutionary
enough. To begin with, while, every day, the battalions of federates met at their
meeting places, awaiting orders to march on Versailles,[...]the central
committee[...]only thought of organizing the elections[...]. The elected Commune
took care of making laws, decrees, which, for the most part, remained
unfulfilled, because those they were targeting saw that the Commune legislated a
lot, but acted little.
Revolutionaries !... Yet they believed they were, but in words and parade,
only[...]. They were short of money, while hundreds of millions were sleeping at
the Bank, and it would have been enough for them to launch against it two or
three battalions of National Guards[...].
Jean Grave (1854-1939) was one of the most prominent militants of French
anarchism between 1880 and 1914. Too young to play a role in 1870-1871, on the
other hand he frequented the former Communards who had become anarchists in
France. exile, like Louis Pindy or Élisée Reclus. The final judgments that he
allows himself in this text published by {La Revue blanche} in March 1897 can
therefore be considered as representative of the opinion that the anarchist
movement had of the Commune a quarter of a century later: a failure certainly
heroic, but above all a failure, from which the revolutionary movement was to
draw lessons.
They voted for the law on hostages and never dared to execute it, while
Versailles continued to massacre the federates who fell into its hands. I'm not
saying that she should have shot the few gendarmes or obscure priests she had in
her hands. Versailles cared very little about it[...]; but it had the cadastre,
the mortgage office, the notary's offices, everything that regulates bourgeois
property ; if, instead of threatening, the Commune had burned down all the
paperwork and seized the Bank, the same bourgeois who insulted the federated
prisoners would have forced Thiers to come and apologize to them.
This is because, in a revolution, legality is not only a joke but a
hindrance[...]. It is not speeches, paperwork or laws that are needed in
revolutionary times, but actions. Instead of voting for the downfall of the
fleeing employers, it was necessary to immediately put their workshops in the
possession of the workers who would have made them march. And so in everything:
instead of a law, a decree, which remained in the state of a dead letter: a
fact![...]
They wanted to play the soldier, parade, in the uniforms of Jacobin officers, as
if the revolutionaries were to wage a disciplined war.[...]No, even cornered in
Paris, they still wanted to practice strategy: they erected enormous barricades
which, pointed to face a designated point, were turned by the enemy.[...]It
was[yet]so easy to crenellate the houses, to make each of them a fortress[...].
The Municipality respected property ! Versailles, its less scrupulous defender,
did not hesitate to open up houses when it was necessary to turn a barricade.
Now, it must be said, the men of the Commune are not responsible for what has not
been done. They were of their time, and in their time, if there was a vague sense
of socialism, leaders, as soldiers, no one had any clear-cut ideas, so it was
fatal that everyone floundered in uncertainty.
Triumphant, the Commune would have become a government like all the others ; it
would have taken a new revolution to put it to the ground. Defeated, it
synthesized all proletarian aspirations, and gave impetus to the movement of
ideas of which we are all the product today.
Illustration: Jean Grave, by Steinlen, 1907.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Pour-l-anarchiste-Jean-Grave-La-Commune-legiferait-mais-agissait-peu
------------------------------
Message: 5
Where it is not a question of the SNU but of what young Israelis must go through.
Hats off to the determination of these teens. (The Libertarian World) ---- Sixty
Israeli teenagers on Tuesday (January 5th) published an open letter to senior
Israeli officials declaring their refusal to serve in the military in protest
against its policies of occupation and apartheid. ---- The so-called Shministim
Letter (an initiative bearing the Hebrew nickname given to high school students)
denounces Israeli military control over Palestinians in the occupied territories,
calling the regime in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem a system of "
apartheid "involving" two different legal systems; one for Palestinians and
another for Jews ".
"It is our duty to oppose this destructive reality by uniting our struggles and
refusing to serve these violent systems - including the military in chief ",
reads the letter, which was addressed to Minister of Defense Benny Gantz,
Education Minister Yoav Galant and IDF Chief of Staff[note]Aviv Kochavi.
" Our refusal to join the military is not an act of turning our backs on Israeli
society, " the letter continued. "On the contrary, our refusal is an act of
taking responsibility for our actions and their repercussions. Enlistment, no
less than refusal, is a political act. How does it make sense that in order to
protest systemic violence and racism, we must first be part of the very system of
oppression we criticize? "
Refuzniks' public letter is the first of its kind to go beyond the occupation and
refer to the expulsion of Palestinians during the 1948 war:"We have been ordered
to put on the bloodstained military uniform and preserve the legacy of the Nakba
and the occupation. Israeli society was built on these rotten roots, and it shows
in all facets of life: in racism, hate political speech, police brutality, and
more ".
The letter further emphasizes the link between Israel's neoliberal and military
policies: "While the citizens of the Occupied Palestinian Territories are
impoverished, the wealthy elites are getting richer at their expense. Palestinian
workers are systematically exploited, and the arms industry uses the Occupied
Palestinian Territories as a testing ground and a showcase to support its sales.
When the government chooses to maintain the occupation, it acts against our
interests as citizens - much of the taxpayer's money funds the industry for
"security" and settlement development instead of welfare, education and health ".
Some of the signatories are expected to appear before the IDF conscientious
objectors committee and be sent to a military prison, while others have found
ways to avoid military service. Among the signatories is Hallel Rabin, who was
released from prison in November 2020 after spending 56 days behind bars.
Hallel Rabin in front of a military prison. The young Israeli, imprisoned four
times for refusing to do her military service, has just been released.
A number of signatories also signed an open letter last June, demanding that
Israel end its annexation of the West Bank.
Who are we really protecting?
The Israelis have issued a number of rejection letters since Israel took control
of the occupied territories in 1967. While for decades the letters mainly
referred to opposition to service in the occupied territories, the last two
Shministim letters , published in 2001 and 2005 respectively, included
signatories who refused to serve in the military.
"The reality is that the military commits war crimes on a daily basis - it is a
reality that I cannot stand, and I feel that I have to cry out as loud as I can,
that the occupation is never justified, "says Neve Shabtai Levin, 16, from Hod
Hasharon. Levin, now in grade 11[note], plans to refuse military service after
graduating, even if that means going to jail.
" The desire not to join the IDF has been something I've been thinking about
since I was eight ," Levin continues. "I didn't know there was an opt-out option
until last year, when I talked to people about not wanting to commit, and they
asked me if I had the intention to refuse. I started to do research, and that's
how I came to the letter ".
Levin adds that he signed the letter " because I believe it can do good and
hopefully reach teenagers who, like me, don't want to commit but don't know the
option, or raise questions for them ".
Shahar Peretz, 18, from Kfar Yona, plans to decline this summer.
Conscientious objector Shahar Peretz during a protest against annexation in the
city of Rosh Ha'ayin in June 2020.
" For me, the letter is addressed to teenagers, to those who will be enlisting in
a year or so. to those who have already signed up, "she said. "It is about
reaching out to those now in uniform who are on the ground occupying a civilian
population, and providing them with a mirror that will allow them to ask
questions such as "who am I in?" serving? What is the outcome of the decision to
enlist? What interests am I serving? Who are we really protecting when we wear
uniforms, carry weapons, and detain Palestinians at checkpoints, invade homes, or
arrest children? "
Shahar Peretz, who signed a letter of 400 Israeli teenagers calling on Prime
Minister Netanyahu not to annex the West Bank. "I was surprised by the lack of
knowledge of those who will serve in the territories next year ".
Peretz recalls his own experiences which changed his thinking about enlistment:
"[My]meeting with the Palestinians in the summer camps was the first time that I
was personally and humanely exposed to occupation. After meeting them, I realized
that the military is a big part of this equation, in its influence on the lives
of Palestinians under Israeli rule. This made me realize that I am not ready to
take a direct or indirect part in the occupation of millions of people ".
Yael Amber, 19, of Hod Hasharon, is aware of the difficulties that her peers can
face in such a decision. " This letter is not a personal criticism of the
18-year-old boys and girls who enlist. Refusing to enlist is very complicated,
and in many ways it is a privilege. The letter is a call to action for young
people before enlistment, but above all it is a request that[young people]take a
critical look at a system that forces us to take part in immoral acts towards
another. people ".
Amber, who was medically released from the military, now lives in Jerusalem and
volunteers in the public service. "I have quite a few friends who oppose the
occupation, define themselves as leftist, and still serve in the military. This
is not a criticism of people, but of a system which puts 18-year-olds in such a
position, which does not leave them too much choice ".
While conscientious objection has historically been understood as a decision to
go to jail, the signatories point out that there are different methods that one
can refuse, and that finding ways to avoid military service can itself to be
considered a form of refusal. " We understand that going to jail is a price that
not everyone is privileged to pay, whether it's material, time, or criticism from
those around them, " says Amber.
Part of the legacy of the Nakba
Signatories note that they hope that the political atmosphere created in recent
months by the nationwide anti-Netanyahu protests - known as the "Balfour
protests" for the residence's street speech of the Prime Minister in Jerusalem -
will allow them to talk about the occupation.
" It's the best swing, " says Amber. " We have the infrastructure of Balfour, the
start of change, and this generation is proving its political potential. We
thought about it a lot in the letter - there is a group that is very interested
in politics, but how do you get them to think about the occupation? "
Levin also believes that it is possible to appeal to young Israelis, especially
those who go to anti-Bibi protests[note]. " With all the talk about corruption
and the country's social structure, we must not forget that the foundations here
are rotten. Many say that the military is an important process[for the Israelis],
that it will make you feel like you are part of the country and contributing to
it. But this is not really the case. The army forces 18-year-olds to commit war
crimes. The army makes people see the Palestinians as enemies, as a target to be
hurt "
As the students point out in the letter, the act of refusal is aimed at asserting
their responsibility to their fellow Israelis rather than disengaging from them.
" It's much more convenient not to think about the occupation and the
Palestinians ," Amber says. "[But]writing the letter and making that kind of
speech accessible is a service to my company. If I wanted to be different or
didn't care, I wouldn't choose to put myself in a public position that gets a lot
of criticism. We all pay a certain price because we care ".
" It's an activism that comes from a place of solidarityEchoes Daniel Paldi, 18,
who plans to appear before the Committee of Conscientious Objectors. " Although
the letter is primarily an act of protest against occupation, racism and
militarism, it is accessible. We want to make the refusal less your boo ". Paldi
notes that if the Committee denies his request, he is ready to go to jail.
"We tried not to demonize either side, including the soldiers, who in all its
absurdity are our friends or people our age, " he notes. " We believe that the
first step in any process is the recognition of the issues that are not discussed
in Israeli society ."
The signatories of the last letterShministim differ from previous versions in
that they address one of the most sensitive subjects in Israeli history: the
expulsion and flight of Palestinians during the Nakba in 1948. " The message of
the letter is to take responsibility ab
HTTPS://MONDE-LIBERTAIRE.NET/INDEX.PHP?ARTICLEN=5486
https://monde-libertaire.fr/?article=Soixante_adolescentes_annoncent_leur_refus_de_servir_dans_larmee_israelienne
------------------------------
Message: 6
The nobility collects signatures so that for a change we can rule the
pheasants... ---- Some physicists in the Czech Republic have absolutely no
justice. When I, as the head of the ÚOOZ, shit what I can , and the Minister of
the Interior himself compares my work to the political trials with Omladina, I
would hang up my famous tractor-ears and would rather shut up. ---- However, this
should not be Robert Šlachta, who, after an unsuccessful engagement on the
highest echelons of the repressive apparatus, tries his luck in politics and
founds the obscure Prísaha movement (which, incidentally, is generously sponsored
by the "sworn anti-corruption fighter" businessman Kubiska, currently accused of
corruption ). But here the Nobility gets on thin ice and the anarchist movement
has a great opportunity to strike back. When the Nobility was a jerk, he could
act like a beast and bully whomever he wanted - his function did not depend on
public opinion. Now, however, he is running for political power, so on the
contrary, he must convince the electorate that he is the only one and the fairest
candidate.
How to resist such false propaganda? We can start by destroying his posters and
billboards. It may also happen that Robert Šlachta will visit your city as part
of a drive-in signing event . Although it was stopped due to the ban on travel
between districts, there are still countless signatures of the Nobility
supporters, who probably have no idea what creatures useful idiots do. Or do you
think that someone judicial could choose a person whose subordinates harassed
pregnant women and threatenedbreaking up families? We think that after a few
petition stands without a single signature collected, Šlacht will have a slight
comb. We can provide passers-by at the Šlacht stand with information from a
number of authentic sources, whether from Tomáš Zelený's blog or the Antifenix
website, or we can give people the February issue of the A3 wall newspaper ,
where we focus on Šlacht in more detail.
The nobility may continue to destroy the lives of innocent people by lying , but
it will no longer be for the money of our taxes.
https://www.afed.cz/text/7314/konfrontujme-usateho-traktoristu
------------------------------
Message: 7
Letter from comrades in Bangladesh; Release all political prisoners and arrested
activists! Repeal the Digital Security Act! Justice for Mustaq Ahmed! ---- Dear
Comrades, ---- RelatedPosts ---- Destroying the planet one parcel at a time! ----
General strike in Myanmar against the coup ---- Coup in Myanmar: the army takes
over the country. ---- The recent custodial death of writer Mustaq Ahmed on 25th
February, 2021 has once again proved the autocratic nature of the Awami League in
Bangladesh. The 53 years-old writer had been incarcerated under the draconian
Digital Security Act (DSA) for more than 9 months without any charges. The DSA
has been condemned by human rights and political activists for curbing freedom of
speech as the law has been used to arrest and detain journalists, cartoonists,
writers, and activists en masse since it was inacted in 2018.
Thus, the culpability for the recent death of Mustaq Ahmed can only be placed at
the door of the Sheikh Hasina government. As student protests erupted across
Bangladesh against his death, the government instead of ensuring the right to
freedom of assembly has further cracked down on protestors. A protest on 26th
February was brutally attacked by police with more than 30 activists critically
injured. Additionally, seven protestors of the Bangladesh Students' Union and
other organizations were arrested and remain detained on false charges.
We are appealing to comrades across the world to speak out against the detention
of political prisoners in Bangladesh and call for the immediate release of the
seven arrested protestors. We call for you to send statements of solidarity,
written or video, to speak against this state of terror prevailing in Bangladesh.
Also, the image and solidarity message below can be sent to gwtucint@gmail.com.
In solidarity,
International Affairs Department
Garments Workers Trade Union Center (GWTUC)
News Links:
1.www.thedailystar.net/city/news/mushtaqs-death-custody-leftist-student-organisations-demonstrate-dhakas-shahbagh-2051977
2.
www.thedailystar.net/city/news/mushtaqs-death-custody-police-sue-7-picked-during-shahbagh-protest-2051917
3. www.thedailystar.net/frontpage/news/unaccep-table-2051657
https://www.icl-cit.org/bangladesh-release-all-political-prisoners-and-arrested-activists/
------------------------------
arrested activists! (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
The attention in Brasilia turns to Centrão, in the face of movements as typical
as illustrative of the way in which they operate, their physiologist objective
that does not even make an effort to disguise the desire to accumulate using the
rights of the population. It was not so long ago that its current leader, also
president of the Federal Chamber, Arthur Lira (PP), tried unsuccessfully to get
the vote on the Proposed Amendment to the Constitution that guarantees greater
parliamentary immunity, making it difficult to arrest deputies and senators in a
series of situations. As if it weren't enough to be an aberration, the PEC of
Impunity is an alien agenda descending on a country that today counts its more
than 260 thousand killed by the covid-19, has one of the worst performances in
the world in fighting the pandemic, and cannot even comply his ridiculous and
confused goal of vaccination.
Arthur Lira is not alone and he is not the only one whose mode of operation is
restricted to negotiating public resources, people's rights and shielding
accomplices in ties for the accumulation of wealth and power. A ruralist and
businessman, the Alagoan began his career in 1993 as a politician, as a councilor
in Maceió. Since then, he has taken root in his parliamentary career, passing
through the Legislative Assembly of Alagoas, but planting his feet in the Federal
Chamber, occupied from 2011 until today. With shorter passages in the PFL, PTB
and PSDB, it was in the PP - today Progressives - that Lira found more fertile
ground to carry out the plans.
Here we situate Brasília as the cabinet for an extension and accumulation of
power that needs to have a root for propagation. The possibilities are great in
the face of a continental territory, although the slices, almost all, are already
predisposed under the domination of some surnames. Arthur Lira knows this and
seeks to secure his roots in Alagoas, having his party ahead of 29 cities. With
47% of its population living in poverty (IBGE, 2020), the greatest income
inequality in the country (FGV, 2019) is ideal for operationalization in
municipalities that - with no possibility of support - are positioned with
intense dependence on federal funds. The give-and-go goes from pavements and
tractors to the construction of public buildings, through parliamentary funds, in
exchange for support, exchanges and support for the post in Brasilia.
Power relations throughout Alagoas history have also not been disconnected from
the domination of oligarchies. Arthur Lira is aware of this dynamic, as his
father Benedito de Lira, currently mayor of Barra de São Miguel. Both had their
names published due to corruption in Operation Lava-Jato. Lira also responds to
at least five cases in the STF, and is also identified for passive corruption.
The rapprochement with Bolsonaro is what has yielded the most evidence this past
year. The spotlight places Arthur Lira as the president's savior, whose image was
weakened by disastrous performances, dismantling and executive incompetence, and
obviously lack of zeal with his former allies on the right. The Centrão turned
his support foot to be able to finish the term with some influence in the
Congress and to try to shield the accusations of his participation with the militia.
If Lira's partner and antagonist, Rodrigo Maia, declares that the "Center" is not
what lies between the right and the left "but something else", here we say with
certainty what this is about: it is the place on the right that removes the meat
of the people in the guise of "agreements".
Thus, the extreme right to which Bolsonaro emerged is not supported only by his
scathing ideological performances, or by the most wide-open cut and extermination
of the most basic conditions of the people. It also finds support in that other
right, which saves the energy of the most outrageous ideological speeches by
placing it in other types of scandalous practices: the negotiation of rights. It
has been like this with the approval of reforms, such as the labor reform, the
pension reform, and now - in the fun of the crazy race - advancing with the
administrative reform.
Our fight for rights does not fit in parliament
Although placing himself in the place where the "adults play", Centrão is an even
more open sample of how the perpetuation of power relations in this regime occurs
in the absence of the people. It is the place that gives us more evidence that
the elections, like several other movements in the representative dispute, are
about business. It is revolting to realize how clever the political artifices of
the vultures in suits seem to be, which take away the chances of a dignified life.
Let us transform this political fatigue into a tight fist under the certainty
that we, as a people, are still more lively in the daily construction of so many
technologies of resistance. In this sense, we know that resisting is not enough.
Nor is it enough to confront this or another macabre example that comes out of
our lands to accumulate power, splurging on the collective wealth we produce,
drowning ourselves in ills. We aim and defend more than that: it is about ending
the capitalist economic system and the representative political regime that works
especially to allow the creation of these figures.
As especifista anarchists, we propose the construction of a new society that is
structured on the impossibility of operating agreements and businesses on our
rights. For us, this purpose can only begin with the construction of popular
power, mediated by direct democracy. Or, as we mentioned in another period:
"Building a strong people in Alagoas is also to affirm a popular identity and a
new way of perceiving and feeling belonging to a history and culture, not that
created by the elites, of Alagoas condemned to resignation and suffering. But
another: an identity and a story that must make today's fighters heirs of
yesterday's fighters. From the palmarine quilombo and the other quilombos
affirming their freedom and political capacity, from the struggle of the native,
indigenous, caetés peoples, affirming their sovereignty, from the huts affirming
their boldness. From these to the fields, to the peripheries, to the organization
of work, to society in the perspective of building Popular Power " (Alagoas and
the building of Popular Power)
Anarchist Federation of Palmares
Alagoas, March 2021
http://cabanarquista.org/2021/03/05/farpa-al-arthur-lira-e-o-centrao/
------------------------------
Message: 2
The communalist movement did not touch only Paris. The fall of the Empire caused
two revolutionary waves: in the fall of 1870, Lyon and Marseille were ahead of
the capital, in the spring of 1871, it was the opposite. But Narbonne or
Saint-Étienne also proclaimed the Commune. Ephemeral uprisings, which did not
help Paris against Versailles. ---- From the news of the first military defeats
against the Prussians, the opposition to Napoleon III was agitated. On August 8,
1870, in Marseilles, the crowd took hold of the town hall for a while ; on August
13 in Lyon, a riot at Croix-Rousse left one dead and two injured. On September 4,
the two cities proclaimed the Republic a few hours before Paris, and formed
committees of public safety. In the Rhône valley and in Provence, the movement is
spreading.
The committees send emissaries to neighboring towns, coordinate and eventually
federate on September 18: 48 delegates from 13 departments, meeting in Marseille,
create the Ligue du Midi to organize the defense against the Germans.
Communalism: towards going beyond the state
In Lyon as in Marseille, the sections of the International Association of Workers
(AIT), close to Bakunin, consider that the insurrection is on the agenda. A first
attempt was made in Lyon on September 28, it came to an end[1]. On 1 stNovember
it was the turn of Marseille, where the crowd seized the town hall. The
revolutionaries proclaim the Revolutionary Commune of Marseilles. But the
National Guard is divided and, the next day, clashes kill three people. The
leaders, frightened by the prospect of a civil war, put an end to the
insurrection. On November 3, the army loyal to the government regained control of
the situation.
The communalist movement then ebbed, and the Ligue du Midi disappeared from the
political landscape. The conditions are not ripe for the installation of popular
powers even in large urban centers. The priority is the defense of the country,
as well as the unity of the Republicans in the face of the threat of monarchist
domination over the National Assembly. However, this first revolutionary wave
leaves traces. By making the association of cities the foundation of political
life, the communalist movement foreshadows an overtaking of the state, an idea
that will resurface at the end of winter.
When the news of the March 18 uprising arrived in Paris, several towns rose up.
The Commune is proclaimed in Lyon and Marseille on March 23, on 24 in Nîmes,
Narbonne and Le Creusot, on 25 in Toulouse and Saint Étienne, on April 4 in
Limoges. But it's a flash in the pan. These insurgencies only last a few hours, a
few days at best. Unlike the fall attempts, they fail to expand or coordinate.
Isolated, they were unable to resist the Versailles army. The examples of Lyon,
Narbonne and Marseille illustrate the sad fate of this second revolutionary wave.
On the evening of March 22, companies of the National Guard seized the town hall
of Lyon ; a provisional commission is constituted, and the following day the
Commune is proclaimed by way of posters. The new power, weak, undermined by
divisions, is unable to handle the situation. Noting that the majority of the
National Guard does not move, while the Versailles troops are concentrating
troops at the gates of the city, the revolutionary power abdicates on the evening
of the 24th. The next day, the army parades in Lyon, the Commune died without a
fight. .
Narbonne besieged
In Narbonne, the revolutionary agitation, which began on March 20, bore fruit on
the 24th. The armed people seized the town hall, from the balcony of which they
proclaimed the "Central municipality of the district of Narbonne". The next day,
the soldiers fraternize with the insurgents, and the Communards are masters of
the city. They are actively working on contagion to neighboring towns, but
Carcassonne, Béziers and Sète do not follow ; the attempts at uprising in
Perpignan and Coursan were failures. During this time, the Versailles people
raised troops in the region, which besieged Narbonne on the 31st. After clashes
which left two dead, the Communards, judging the balance of power too unequal,
surrendered.
Émile Digeon (1822-1894)
Leader of the Municipality of Narbonne, then a refugee in Spain, at the beginning
of the 1880s he participated in the nascent anarchist movement in France, and was
the mentor of a famous libertarian, thinking head of the CGT: Émile Pouget.
Of all the provincial municipalities, Marseille has gone the furthest. Between
the capture of the prefecture on March 23 and the crushing of the revolt on April
4, the Communards had time to outline a political program, but not enough to
implement it. Revolutionary power, exercised by a departmental commission, is
made up of various local progressive forces: moderate republicans (who hold the
municipal council), radicals (including the young lawyer Gaston Crémieux) and
members of the AIT. From the outset, tensions were high between these factions.
At the head of the movement, Crémieux is undecided. The arrival of three
delegates from the Paris Commune, on March 27, consolidates the most determined
revolutionaries, and leads to a break with the moderates.
The demands of the manifesto of March 31 show continuity with the communalist
movement of the autumn: there is a demand for a Constituent Assembly, municipal
autonomy and the abolition of prefectures. At the social level, the only decision
that the Municipality has time to take is to lower rents with retroactive effect.
A battalion of sailors deployed at Notre-Dame-de-la-Garde against the Communards
entrenched in the prefecture of Bouches-du-Rhône.
cc The Illustrated World, July 8, 1871
Early in the morning of April 4, the Versailles troops entered the city, and the
artillery bombarded the points of resistance. The fiercest fighting takes place
around the prefecture. In the evening, the badly armed, badly organized
revolutionaries are defeated. The death toll is 150 on the Communard side, 30 on
the Versailles side. Marseille submissive, the Paris Commune loses its ultimate
hope of breaking the isolation.
Hervé (UCL Marseille)
Illustration: Michel Bakounine, by Nadar.
Validate
[1] "1870: Waging war and revolution with Bakunin in Lyon" , Alternative
libertaire , September 2020.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Lyon-Marseille-tentatives-avortees
------------------------------
Message: 3
Immediately, vaccination is crucial to halt the spread of Covid-19 and its
variants. If this observation is now practically the subject of a consensus, we
can observe that many are the obstacles that stand in front of an optimal or even
effective vaccination effort ... to the point that we can even fear a failure of
the vaccination. countryside. It is no surprise that among these obstacles, we
find the same problems of a parasitic social system. ---- First, although the WHO
has warned the world that an unevenly distributed vaccination effort around the
world is doomed, the international space division has not been reinvented in the
response to the virus. The same inequalities remain when we are witnessing an
outbidding between the rich countries to pay for vaccines. Canada has gone so far
as to take advantage of the Covax program, a WHO program that initially aimed to
distribute vaccines to the poorest countries, to make up for delays in the
arrival of vaccines. What is to be feared with this "vaccine nationalism" is
already happening with the appearance of "variants", some of which are proving to
be more resistant to existing vaccines.
Vaccination also exposes a system where the few accumulate profits at the expense
of the masses. Largely subsidized from state coffers in the scientific war effort
that led to the development of "their" vaccines, a few large pharmaceutical
companies currently hold incredible power against governments. It is they who are
benefiting from the current escalation in the vaccine race. Or rather, it's them
and their patents. For 40 years, with neoliberalism, we have witnessed an all-out
patenting race, see a real war against the forms of collective autonomy that
could endure in one form or another. States have largely subsidized
multinationals, including pharmaceuticals, which have increased their control
over our food, water, the land and the environment. Patents on vaccines are a
continuation of this dispossession of the world. Faced with "their world" of
heteronomy, the scientific culture of collaboration between researchers has
become subject to the point of forgetting the pooling of knowledge, technologies
and know-how for the common good. Here is another illustration of our alienation:
faced with the health emergency and the failures that await us, why does it
always seem unthinkable to abolish patents on vaccines and requisition them to
benefit the planetary population for free? Have not the pharmaceutical companies
already taken sufficient advantage of our alienation and our state of dependence
on them? The question seems utopian in the dominant vision of politics,
completely frozen in its bourgeois institutions and deeply rooted in the social
relations of domination. It nonetheless remains within the realm of possibilities
when the dominated masses collectively regain power over their lives and confront
the logic of death of the dominant classes.
Locally, within our communities, borders are being erected in access to the
vaccine and in health measures. Between the branches, we can hear that privileges
are exercised and that the entire families (children and adults under 40) of
privileged have already managed to get vaccinated while vaccines are still
waiting in the resources intermediaries hard hit! While we gradually hear about
the form that the more massive vaccination will take, we see above all the
government boasting of the collaboration of large companies who see it as a
possibility of limiting the losses in the working time of their employees. . It
is to be feared that the most marginalized groups of the population will, as
always, be the big ones forgotten by vaccination. Moreover,
In terms of government health measures, the managerial approach of the population
(like a herd) by the government for adherence to its measures has very different
consequences depending on the groups and social classes, despite all the denial.
Rather than health measures developed for and by the population, the government
seeks to pass into oblivion all the damage caused by its austerity policies and
its refusal to reinvest massively in public services and prevention by inflicting
a tightening on us. police control and fear of tickets. The effects on physical
and mental health of this coping are totally neglected as repression is set up as
a norm in the reason of state.
As we can see, all the problems of the system reappear through the vaccination
effort. For life, let's revolt against "their world".
Keven T.
Posted 19 hours ago by Collectif Emma Goldman
http://ucl-saguenay.blogspot.com/2021/03/covid-19-tous-les-problemes-du-systeme.html
------------------------------
Message: 4
What I think of the parliamentary, financial, military and administrative
organization of the Municipality can be summed up in very few words. It has been
too parliamentary, financial, military, administrative and not revolutionary
enough. To begin with, while, every day, the battalions of federates met at their
meeting places, awaiting orders to march on Versailles,[...]the central
committee[...]only thought of organizing the elections[...]. The elected Commune
took care of making laws, decrees, which, for the most part, remained
unfulfilled, because those they were targeting saw that the Commune legislated a
lot, but acted little.
Revolutionaries !... Yet they believed they were, but in words and parade,
only[...]. They were short of money, while hundreds of millions were sleeping at
the Bank, and it would have been enough for them to launch against it two or
three battalions of National Guards[...].
Jean Grave (1854-1939) was one of the most prominent militants of French
anarchism between 1880 and 1914. Too young to play a role in 1870-1871, on the
other hand he frequented the former Communards who had become anarchists in
France. exile, like Louis Pindy or Élisée Reclus. The final judgments that he
allows himself in this text published by {La Revue blanche} in March 1897 can
therefore be considered as representative of the opinion that the anarchist
movement had of the Commune a quarter of a century later: a failure certainly
heroic, but above all a failure, from which the revolutionary movement was to
draw lessons.
They voted for the law on hostages and never dared to execute it, while
Versailles continued to massacre the federates who fell into its hands. I'm not
saying that she should have shot the few gendarmes or obscure priests she had in
her hands. Versailles cared very little about it[...]; but it had the cadastre,
the mortgage office, the notary's offices, everything that regulates bourgeois
property ; if, instead of threatening, the Commune had burned down all the
paperwork and seized the Bank, the same bourgeois who insulted the federated
prisoners would have forced Thiers to come and apologize to them.
This is because, in a revolution, legality is not only a joke but a
hindrance[...]. It is not speeches, paperwork or laws that are needed in
revolutionary times, but actions. Instead of voting for the downfall of the
fleeing employers, it was necessary to immediately put their workshops in the
possession of the workers who would have made them march. And so in everything:
instead of a law, a decree, which remained in the state of a dead letter: a
fact![...]
They wanted to play the soldier, parade, in the uniforms of Jacobin officers, as
if the revolutionaries were to wage a disciplined war.[...]No, even cornered in
Paris, they still wanted to practice strategy: they erected enormous barricades
which, pointed to face a designated point, were turned by the enemy.[...]It
was[yet]so easy to crenellate the houses, to make each of them a fortress[...].
The Municipality respected property ! Versailles, its less scrupulous defender,
did not hesitate to open up houses when it was necessary to turn a barricade.
Now, it must be said, the men of the Commune are not responsible for what has not
been done. They were of their time, and in their time, if there was a vague sense
of socialism, leaders, as soldiers, no one had any clear-cut ideas, so it was
fatal that everyone floundered in uncertainty.
Triumphant, the Commune would have become a government like all the others ; it
would have taken a new revolution to put it to the ground. Defeated, it
synthesized all proletarian aspirations, and gave impetus to the movement of
ideas of which we are all the product today.
Illustration: Jean Grave, by Steinlen, 1907.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Pour-l-anarchiste-Jean-Grave-La-Commune-legiferait-mais-agissait-peu
------------------------------
Message: 5
Where it is not a question of the SNU but of what young Israelis must go through.
Hats off to the determination of these teens. (The Libertarian World) ---- Sixty
Israeli teenagers on Tuesday (January 5th) published an open letter to senior
Israeli officials declaring their refusal to serve in the military in protest
against its policies of occupation and apartheid. ---- The so-called Shministim
Letter (an initiative bearing the Hebrew nickname given to high school students)
denounces Israeli military control over Palestinians in the occupied territories,
calling the regime in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem a system of "
apartheid "involving" two different legal systems; one for Palestinians and
another for Jews ".
"It is our duty to oppose this destructive reality by uniting our struggles and
refusing to serve these violent systems - including the military in chief ",
reads the letter, which was addressed to Minister of Defense Benny Gantz,
Education Minister Yoav Galant and IDF Chief of Staff[note]Aviv Kochavi.
" Our refusal to join the military is not an act of turning our backs on Israeli
society, " the letter continued. "On the contrary, our refusal is an act of
taking responsibility for our actions and their repercussions. Enlistment, no
less than refusal, is a political act. How does it make sense that in order to
protest systemic violence and racism, we must first be part of the very system of
oppression we criticize? "
Refuzniks' public letter is the first of its kind to go beyond the occupation and
refer to the expulsion of Palestinians during the 1948 war:"We have been ordered
to put on the bloodstained military uniform and preserve the legacy of the Nakba
and the occupation. Israeli society was built on these rotten roots, and it shows
in all facets of life: in racism, hate political speech, police brutality, and
more ".
The letter further emphasizes the link between Israel's neoliberal and military
policies: "While the citizens of the Occupied Palestinian Territories are
impoverished, the wealthy elites are getting richer at their expense. Palestinian
workers are systematically exploited, and the arms industry uses the Occupied
Palestinian Territories as a testing ground and a showcase to support its sales.
When the government chooses to maintain the occupation, it acts against our
interests as citizens - much of the taxpayer's money funds the industry for
"security" and settlement development instead of welfare, education and health ".
Some of the signatories are expected to appear before the IDF conscientious
objectors committee and be sent to a military prison, while others have found
ways to avoid military service. Among the signatories is Hallel Rabin, who was
released from prison in November 2020 after spending 56 days behind bars.
Hallel Rabin in front of a military prison. The young Israeli, imprisoned four
times for refusing to do her military service, has just been released.
A number of signatories also signed an open letter last June, demanding that
Israel end its annexation of the West Bank.
Who are we really protecting?
The Israelis have issued a number of rejection letters since Israel took control
of the occupied territories in 1967. While for decades the letters mainly
referred to opposition to service in the occupied territories, the last two
Shministim letters , published in 2001 and 2005 respectively, included
signatories who refused to serve in the military.
"The reality is that the military commits war crimes on a daily basis - it is a
reality that I cannot stand, and I feel that I have to cry out as loud as I can,
that the occupation is never justified, "says Neve Shabtai Levin, 16, from Hod
Hasharon. Levin, now in grade 11[note], plans to refuse military service after
graduating, even if that means going to jail.
" The desire not to join the IDF has been something I've been thinking about
since I was eight ," Levin continues. "I didn't know there was an opt-out option
until last year, when I talked to people about not wanting to commit, and they
asked me if I had the intention to refuse. I started to do research, and that's
how I came to the letter ".
Levin adds that he signed the letter " because I believe it can do good and
hopefully reach teenagers who, like me, don't want to commit but don't know the
option, or raise questions for them ".
Shahar Peretz, 18, from Kfar Yona, plans to decline this summer.
Conscientious objector Shahar Peretz during a protest against annexation in the
city of Rosh Ha'ayin in June 2020.
" For me, the letter is addressed to teenagers, to those who will be enlisting in
a year or so. to those who have already signed up, "she said. "It is about
reaching out to those now in uniform who are on the ground occupying a civilian
population, and providing them with a mirror that will allow them to ask
questions such as "who am I in?" serving? What is the outcome of the decision to
enlist? What interests am I serving? Who are we really protecting when we wear
uniforms, carry weapons, and detain Palestinians at checkpoints, invade homes, or
arrest children? "
Shahar Peretz, who signed a letter of 400 Israeli teenagers calling on Prime
Minister Netanyahu not to annex the West Bank. "I was surprised by the lack of
knowledge of those who will serve in the territories next year ".
Peretz recalls his own experiences which changed his thinking about enlistment:
"[My]meeting with the Palestinians in the summer camps was the first time that I
was personally and humanely exposed to occupation. After meeting them, I realized
that the military is a big part of this equation, in its influence on the lives
of Palestinians under Israeli rule. This made me realize that I am not ready to
take a direct or indirect part in the occupation of millions of people ".
Yael Amber, 19, of Hod Hasharon, is aware of the difficulties that her peers can
face in such a decision. " This letter is not a personal criticism of the
18-year-old boys and girls who enlist. Refusing to enlist is very complicated,
and in many ways it is a privilege. The letter is a call to action for young
people before enlistment, but above all it is a request that[young people]take a
critical look at a system that forces us to take part in immoral acts towards
another. people ".
Amber, who was medically released from the military, now lives in Jerusalem and
volunteers in the public service. "I have quite a few friends who oppose the
occupation, define themselves as leftist, and still serve in the military. This
is not a criticism of people, but of a system which puts 18-year-olds in such a
position, which does not leave them too much choice ".
While conscientious objection has historically been understood as a decision to
go to jail, the signatories point out that there are different methods that one
can refuse, and that finding ways to avoid military service can itself to be
considered a form of refusal. " We understand that going to jail is a price that
not everyone is privileged to pay, whether it's material, time, or criticism from
those around them, " says Amber.
Part of the legacy of the Nakba
Signatories note that they hope that the political atmosphere created in recent
months by the nationwide anti-Netanyahu protests - known as the "Balfour
protests" for the residence's street speech of the Prime Minister in Jerusalem -
will allow them to talk about the occupation.
" It's the best swing, " says Amber. " We have the infrastructure of Balfour, the
start of change, and this generation is proving its political potential. We
thought about it a lot in the letter - there is a group that is very interested
in politics, but how do you get them to think about the occupation? "
Levin also believes that it is possible to appeal to young Israelis, especially
those who go to anti-Bibi protests[note]. " With all the talk about corruption
and the country's social structure, we must not forget that the foundations here
are rotten. Many say that the military is an important process[for the Israelis],
that it will make you feel like you are part of the country and contributing to
it. But this is not really the case. The army forces 18-year-olds to commit war
crimes. The army makes people see the Palestinians as enemies, as a target to be
hurt "
As the students point out in the letter, the act of refusal is aimed at asserting
their responsibility to their fellow Israelis rather than disengaging from them.
" It's much more convenient not to think about the occupation and the
Palestinians ," Amber says. "[But]writing the letter and making that kind of
speech accessible is a service to my company. If I wanted to be different or
didn't care, I wouldn't choose to put myself in a public position that gets a lot
of criticism. We all pay a certain price because we care ".
" It's an activism that comes from a place of solidarityEchoes Daniel Paldi, 18,
who plans to appear before the Committee of Conscientious Objectors. " Although
the letter is primarily an act of protest against occupation, racism and
militarism, it is accessible. We want to make the refusal less your boo ". Paldi
notes that if the Committee denies his request, he is ready to go to jail.
"We tried not to demonize either side, including the soldiers, who in all its
absurdity are our friends or people our age, " he notes. " We believe that the
first step in any process is the recognition of the issues that are not discussed
in Israeli society ."
The signatories of the last letterShministim differ from previous versions in
that they address one of the most sensitive subjects in Israeli history: the
expulsion and flight of Palestinians during the Nakba in 1948. " The message of
the letter is to take responsibility ab
HTTPS://MONDE-LIBERTAIRE.NET/INDEX.PHP?ARTICLEN=5486
https://monde-libertaire.fr/?article=Soixante_adolescentes_annoncent_leur_refus_de_servir_dans_larmee_israelienne
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Message: 6
The nobility collects signatures so that for a change we can rule the
pheasants... ---- Some physicists in the Czech Republic have absolutely no
justice. When I, as the head of the ÚOOZ, shit what I can , and the Minister of
the Interior himself compares my work to the political trials with Omladina, I
would hang up my famous tractor-ears and would rather shut up. ---- However, this
should not be Robert Šlachta, who, after an unsuccessful engagement on the
highest echelons of the repressive apparatus, tries his luck in politics and
founds the obscure Prísaha movement (which, incidentally, is generously sponsored
by the "sworn anti-corruption fighter" businessman Kubiska, currently accused of
corruption ). But here the Nobility gets on thin ice and the anarchist movement
has a great opportunity to strike back. When the Nobility was a jerk, he could
act like a beast and bully whomever he wanted - his function did not depend on
public opinion. Now, however, he is running for political power, so on the
contrary, he must convince the electorate that he is the only one and the fairest
candidate.
How to resist such false propaganda? We can start by destroying his posters and
billboards. It may also happen that Robert Šlachta will visit your city as part
of a drive-in signing event . Although it was stopped due to the ban on travel
between districts, there are still countless signatures of the Nobility
supporters, who probably have no idea what creatures useful idiots do. Or do you
think that someone judicial could choose a person whose subordinates harassed
pregnant women and threatenedbreaking up families? We think that after a few
petition stands without a single signature collected, Šlacht will have a slight
comb. We can provide passers-by at the Šlacht stand with information from a
number of authentic sources, whether from Tomáš Zelený's blog or the Antifenix
website, or we can give people the February issue of the A3 wall newspaper ,
where we focus on Šlacht in more detail.
The nobility may continue to destroy the lives of innocent people by lying , but
it will no longer be for the money of our taxes.
https://www.afed.cz/text/7314/konfrontujme-usateho-traktoristu
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Message: 7
Letter from comrades in Bangladesh; Release all political prisoners and arrested
activists! Repeal the Digital Security Act! Justice for Mustaq Ahmed! ---- Dear
Comrades, ---- RelatedPosts ---- Destroying the planet one parcel at a time! ----
General strike in Myanmar against the coup ---- Coup in Myanmar: the army takes
over the country. ---- The recent custodial death of writer Mustaq Ahmed on 25th
February, 2021 has once again proved the autocratic nature of the Awami League in
Bangladesh. The 53 years-old writer had been incarcerated under the draconian
Digital Security Act (DSA) for more than 9 months without any charges. The DSA
has been condemned by human rights and political activists for curbing freedom of
speech as the law has been used to arrest and detain journalists, cartoonists,
writers, and activists en masse since it was inacted in 2018.
Thus, the culpability for the recent death of Mustaq Ahmed can only be placed at
the door of the Sheikh Hasina government. As student protests erupted across
Bangladesh against his death, the government instead of ensuring the right to
freedom of assembly has further cracked down on protestors. A protest on 26th
February was brutally attacked by police with more than 30 activists critically
injured. Additionally, seven protestors of the Bangladesh Students' Union and
other organizations were arrested and remain detained on false charges.
We are appealing to comrades across the world to speak out against the detention
of political prisoners in Bangladesh and call for the immediate release of the
seven arrested protestors. We call for you to send statements of solidarity,
written or video, to speak against this state of terror prevailing in Bangladesh.
Also, the image and solidarity message below can be sent to gwtucint@gmail.com.
In solidarity,
International Affairs Department
Garments Workers Trade Union Center (GWTUC)
News Links:
1.www.thedailystar.net/city/news/mushtaqs-death-custody-leftist-student-organisations-demonstrate-dhakas-shahbagh-2051977
2.
www.thedailystar.net/city/news/mushtaqs-death-custody-police-sue-7-picked-during-shahbagh-protest-2051917
3. www.thedailystar.net/frontpage/news/unaccep-table-2051657
https://www.icl-cit.org/bangladesh-release-all-political-prisoners-and-arrested-activists/
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