#WORLD #WORLDWIDE #ARGENTINA #ANARCHISM #News #Journal #Update - (en) Argentina, ANALYSIS OF THE SITUATION - APPROVED III CONGRESS OF THE ANARCHIST FEDERATION OF ROSARIO (ca, de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation]

 INTRODUCTION ---- This analysis of the international, regional and local

situation was approved at the III Congress of the Anarchist Federation of Rosario
- Nora Giavedoni-, held in September 2021. The objective of this document is to
update the collective characterization of different aspects of the social,
political, economic and ideological-cultural context taking into account the
changes that have occurred in recent years. Although we believe that the central
features of the historical period (characterized by neoliberal capitalism) are
maintained, we see that in recent years transformations have taken place that
give rise to thinking about a change of stage, at least with respect to some
aspects of reality. Without going that far, the emergency of the pandemic
global level has marked a before and after; and its impact is still today
difficult to measure. However, we can advance some general considerations
regarding the most important changes (and continuities). The interest of the
organization in studying the situation is based on the constant need for the most
accurate reading possible of the different expressions of reality, in order to
act as militants in the most accurate way, according to our revolutionary
objectives. We especially seek in this Congress a form of analysis that
challenges and is challenged by the daily practice of militancy, both social and
political.
Next, we will point out in a synthetic way the different topics and problems that
are addressed successively in the analysis, also pointing out the way in which it
is organized.
The first part of the text is aimed at balancing the impact of the pandemic
worldwide, calculating the effect and identifying an unequal response according
to the previous situation of each country and region. In addition, it analyzes
how the different imperialist projects have taken advantage of covid 19 to be
able to reinforce their interference in the different regions and try to
establish themselves as the dominant power in a clearly multipolar world. It is
pointed out that the system of domination itself -with its international division
of labor and production, as well as the existing inequalities and the imperialism
deployed for centuries- have been channeling the pandemic so that capitalist
normality is resumed as quickly as possible, generating that Those who will be
most affected in the long term will be the popular sectors of the poorest
countries. A) Yes, In this same section of the text, it is aimed at making
explicit how, in the economic and financial plane, the impact was different for
poor countries and regions than for rich ones. Next, an analysis of the great
protest mobilizations in various countries of Latin America and the world during
the last years allows us to appreciate their particularity, and especially to
focus on understanding their development to measure their importance in the
framework of the construction of a revolutionary project of socialism. and
freedom. Finally, adjusting our gaze to the city of Rosario, we explore how the
interests of imperialism impact at the local level, understanding that the city
is configured as an area of certain importance within the regional and national
framework when it comes to, on the one hand, measure the impact of the pandemic
and the decisions of imperialist projects,
The following section of the text is oriented to study the economic, political
and social context of Argentina. Starting from a balance of the policies promoted
by the macrista government, the performance of the government of the Frente de
Todos that took office at the end of 2019 (Management that was quickly crossed by
the context of the pandemic) is then analyzed. It addresses how the government of
Alberto Fernández and Cristina Kirchner sought to articulate with different
political, economic and social sectors in pursuit of governance, without at any
time aiming to break with the structural relationships imposed by the capitalist
system. Difficult to build alliances, his policies contrasted little with those
of the outgoing government. In this regard, the policy taken on the illegitimate
debt with the International Monetary Fund in a context of extreme social crisis
is deepened. On the other hand, the different actions of struggle promoted in the
country are indicated: struggle for decent housing, mobilizations against
fracking and water pollution, organization and actions of struggle of different
sectors of workers who fight for a decent wage, the defense of jobs and better
conditions, among others. Later, it aims to deepen the characteristics that
extractivism takes on in our country, glimpsing that in recent years there has
been no transformation of the productive model of destruction of nature, looting,
pollution, exploitation, destruction of flora and fauna, etc. . Finally, an
attempt is made to make a characterization of the left in this context, where
large sectors, although they had a presence in different expressions of popular
struggle, have directed most of their energies in the electoral dispute and the
construction of partisan and personal references, with all that this implies.
The penultimate section of the analysis focuses on the ideological-cultural.
Starting from the notion that there is a continuity with some of the
characteristics that we pointed out in previous analyzes around the
ideological-cultural impact of the capitalist system in this neoliberal stage.
These characteristics are enhanced in the current context marked by
precariousness and fragmentation that complicates the subjective ability to
define a class identity. This entails great difficulties in establishing stable
class ties and relations that allow the articulation of a long-term
transformative political program. A sign of this is also that the old organizing
axes of our societies such as employment, education and access to health are not
only put in check by neoliberalism but also by the pandemic. Mention is also made
of the impact of the pandemic on social control, increasing discipline and
repression within the framework of contemporary control society. Likewise, the
section deals with the growth of the right that shows itself taking a place of
rebellion against the system and playing the radical card while large sectors of
the left are increasingly institutionalized, falling into defeatism and possibility.
Finally, a special mention is made of various cross-cutting struggles and demands
that in our country, and in the region, have been showing significant dynamism in
articulating discourses and practices that are antagonistic to the system of
domination, which not only manage to install and win conquests, but also they
have reached important degrees of massiveness and that they go against the
direction of the domination processes. In this section, a characterization of the
feminist struggle, the fight for the defense of the environment and the
self-determination of peoples, and the fight in defense of human rights of
yesterday and today will be carried out. INTERNATIONAL SITUATION

The shock of the pandemic and its effects are still difficult to measure, both in
terms of the economic, social and political impact in these almost two years, as
well as the mark it will leave in the long term on what we could call the
structure of the social system. .
In our country, the pandemic is exacerbating existing social and economic
inequalities, and we can see that the same is happening internationally. Although
through the flows of globalization, covid-19 has reached all corners of the
planet, the response given by each country has been very different. We can see
this, for example, in the registry on the development of the virus, in the
measures of prevention, attention and social-economic assistance in each country.
However, there are points in common regarding the need to adapt health systems to
the new situation, social control measures have increased and economic systems in
each place have suffered.
Now, this differentiated impact according to the capacities and conditions of
each country has not been something neutral or based on a static structure. The
political forces have always proceeded to position themselves in favor of their
interests.
At the international level we see actions at different levels. On the one hand,
the different imperialist projects have taken advantage of the pandemic to
reinforce their interference in the different regions and try to establish
themselves as the dominant power. In our analysis of the 2015 stage, we proposed
a scenario of multipolarity, without a fixed hegemony of any imperialist project
but with the emergence of different poles such as China, the US, the European
Union and Russia, and this has been evident during the months that we have been
in the pandemic . In parallel, there is also the clear advance of imperialism on
a regional scale such as that of Israel and the resurgence of Turkey in its
expansionist projects on peoples such as the Palestinian and the Kurdish
respectively.
In this framework, the competition to achieve world leadership is clearly seen.
For example, initially, competition in the managing the pandemic and specific
technological development, sending materials (tests, masks, etc.) or money, among
other ways. Recently, the US Congress, as an initiative of Biden, has approved
the Entitled American Rescue Plan, a package that is equivalent to approximately
half of the federal budget for a year, and that seeks, from the stimulation of
domestic consumption, to favor production, for example, in our region from trade
agreements and greater extractivism (as can be seen from the increase in the
price of commodities). Mention should also be made of China's growing
interference in the region and its strong commitment to agreements with our
country in terms of mega-mining, energy (electricity and gas pipelines) and the
construction of two nuclear power plants.
On the other hand, this interference has been reflected in the race in relation
to the development of a vaccine as well as its distribution and access. Here the
difference has been abysmal between poor and rich countries (rich countries on
average have 5 vaccines per inhabitant, while the poor have on average 1 vaccine
per 10 inhabitants). At this point, we can differentiate between countries by
their ability to: a) develop their own vaccine, b) produce existing ones, and c)
lobby and money for the acquisition of already manufactured ones.
The big winners also appear here in this context, which are the pharmaceutical
companies, economic monsters that have set the pace of vaccines in many cases,
even putting in check -through the delay in the delivery of vaccines- developed
countries as it was for the case of Spain, Italy and Germany among others that
are in litigation with said companies.
Obviously, the vaccines developed by private companies (the Yankees or the
English) must be differentiated from those carried out by states such as Russia,
China or Cuba. In this sense, the negotiations have been different, in the second
case it was directly used as tool to establish or reinforce dependency ties. In
the first case, this use has been more indirect, establishing donation mechanisms
by those acquired by the State or with export quotas, etc. It seems that now that
there is an abundance of vaccines in the US - partly due to the distrust of the
population in inoculating themselves - the government raises the need to release
their patents; a position that several European countries and the United Nations
would support. This issue cannot be considered outside the change of government
in that country, and it will be addressed later.
In this sense, the political ideology of the different governments has influenced
how the pandemic has been faced, beyond their capacities or influences, thus we
have seen, for example, a pro-market denialism in the US, Brazil, Mexico and
initially in England . It has also happened in countries like Sweden, Finland,
Australia, New Zealand, among others; where, discursively, the defense of the
lifestyle and the individual responsibility of an apparently evolved
"citizenship" with respect to the rest of the world is highlighted.
However, we cannot fail to emphasize that in all countries there have been
control measures by the State that has faced reactions in the street from various
groups influenced by the aforementioned liberalism, as well as a heterogeneity of
anti-vaccine, neo-facist, denial sectors. and even conspiracy theorists. At
another extreme, we have countries like South Korea or China, whose population
control measures have been intense but also in order to protect the entire
production system.
Here more ideological-cultural aspects emerge that have been expressed throughout
this pandemic. The lack of solidarity, empathy, sense of community in many cases
latent in societies due to the permeability of neoliberal ideology and, in
others, deliberately promoted by the mechanisms of State domination. The
delegation towards individual responsibility -not collective- regarding the
increase in cases and deaths by the political class that have been the real
responsible for having abandoned, privatized or inefficient health systems, is in
order of the day
In summary, we can say that Covid-19 is a surprising but expected health
phenomenon due to the conditions of overpopulation, depredation of the
environment and precarious living conditions. This shock factor has meant that in
the globalized world it has initially had an impact on the largest centers of
commercialization and flow of people. However, the very structures of the system
of domination - international division of labor and production, existing
inequalities and imperialism deployed for centuries - have been channeling the
pandemic so that capitalist normality is resumed. In other words, those who will
be most affected in the long term will be the poorest countries.
Regarding the economic impact, a priori some effects of the pandemic can be seen.
In general, we can say that almost all countries entered a recession during 2020,
with the exception of China and South Korea, which managed to overcome the
covid-19 problem earlier. It is to be expected that in the countries of the
so-called first world, the recession is conjunctural and the recovery is imminent
(this is already the case, for example, in the US and part of Europe). Something
very different is estimated for the poorest regions.
Likewise, most governments have increased their public spending as a result of
having gone out to rescue the business class, on the one hand, and trying to
contain the social conflict caused by unemployment (which has also grown in
almost the entire planet), for the other. In Latin America, government "aid" has
been interrupted or reduced so far in 2021, if we also take into account that we
started from contexts of great poverty and inequality, the scenario becomes more
than worrying.
 From another perspective we can analyze who have been the most favored companies
and the most affected economic sectors in the medium and long term. In this
sense, in the first group we have the pharmaceutical companies, the large
technology corporations (Zoom, Amazon, Netflix) and those related to electronic
commerce, as well as the chemical and hygiene and cleaning product industries.
Among the areas most affected we have the hotel, air transport and tourism in
general and gastronomy.
The productive sectors, and in general the Latin American economies that depend
more on the production of raw materials than manufactured ones subject to the
price of commodities (since they are the entry of dollars), which although they
are now on the rise due to the damage that is going leaving covid worldwide, its
sustainability is quite uncertain. In economies like Argentina, with the high
level of inflation and indebtedness, it is very difficult to anticipate a
possible scenario. Some forecast a recovery in construction and auto production,
but not much else. In the country, the extractivist and agro-export productive
economic model not only continues to be strengthened, but also deepens in the
midst of a context of social, economic and health crisis,
On a financial level, it will be increasingly difficult for poor countries to
access credit and pay off those who are already in debt. More at a structural
level, among consultants and large economic organizations there has been talk of
a process of returning to the regionalization of supply chains. This is so since
the vulnerability of the global value chain mechanism has become evident, mainly
due to covid-19, but also due to the climate crisis, economic measures such as
Brexit and the disputes between the two largest trading powers, the United
States. United and China.
Before, the chains were optimized to deliver quickly and with the lowest possible
costs, although this did not adapt quickly to the high changes in demand. This
little flexibility of the chains at a global level was forcing them to migrate
little by little from a globalized model to a regionalized one. It is expected,
then, that logistics centers re-emerge at the regional level, companies will seek
to source, assemble and deliver within the same market to eliminate dependence on
a single supplier and have a more flexible supply chain capable of adapting to
changes Of demand. This may involve closing thousands of jobs on one side and
opening them in other regions.
It should be noted that while the borders were closed and circulation was
restricted, given the dependence on these global supply centers, traffic was
opened for two essential items: health products and food. Which, given the
urgency, and the specter of shortages, was done without establishing serious
protocols, exposing workers in these sectors to the disease.
Another consequence of a structural type, and that connects with previous
processes, is a greater technification, digitization and teleworking modality;
which, as we already know, goes hand in hand with higher unemployment,
flexibility, job insecurity and an attack on social security. Behind this, one of
the main objectives of the dominant sectors is to end unionization and Collective
Bargaining Agreements in those countries that still have them. It is here, where
the pandemic played an accelerator role in the process of labor flexibility that
had been installed for a few years, thus the different experiments in the region
in terms of labor reform or labor "modifications" seek to detach employer
responsibilities regarding rights. acquired so far by the struggle of the workers.
In this way, the figure of entrepreneurship, monotributism and employment
outsourcing was installed, seeking not only the elimination of Collective Labor
Agreements but also to establish a division among workers in order to erase any
attempt to organize in pursuit of better conditions. of work. In this way, in
addition to installing a negative image of the unions, the reality of the needs
of the workers who are registered as "privileged" for retaining greater rights
and social security than the rest.

Apart from the pandemic Previously and parallel to the pandemic, two relevant
phenomena have emerged that we must include in the analysis. The first is related
to the great capacity for popular response through direct action reflected in
large mobilizations in rejection of the increase in misery, the cost of living,
unemployment, extractivist policies and the increase in repression. This has
happened in recent years in Latin America (Colombia, Chile, Peru, Bolivia,
Guatemala, Paraguay, Ecuador, Puerto Rico, Haiti, among others) and in other
parts of the world such as Southeast Asia (Indonesia, Myanmar).

Regarding what is happening in Latin America, we can say in a general way that
there is an exhaustion of the popular sectors with the political classes - whose
self-proclaimed function is focused on solving social problems - as a result of
social and health mismanagement during the pandemic as well as previous
persistent problems.
It is worth highlighting especially the puebladas in Chile and Colombia, as the
result of a reaction to the systematic process of accumulation of adjustment and
repression policies; that burst into the national situation in an explosion. It
is necessary to consider the fundamental role of social organizations that, in
scenarios of apparent spontaneity, give continuity to the struggles over time.
However, it remains to be seen how much of this will be channeled by the
institutions and how much will generate greater organization and strength from
below. For example, in the case of Chile, we can see that it was a process that
emerged from an apparent spontaneity, as an explosion of discontent due to the
living conditions of the popular sectors, managing to maintain the street
mobilization for months, but finding an institutional channel with the
Constituent, and being interrupted by the arrival of the coronavirus (although to
some degree the demonstrations continued in parallel with the advance of the
pandemic in this country). But from now on you can visualize the real limit that
these events put on the advance of those from above.
Different, although important, was what happened in Bolivia after the
civic-police coup, which led to the exile of Evo Morales during 2019. The taking
of the streets of the popular sectors had more to do with a rejection of the coup
plotters than with the political class in general; although in recent years it
has been losing support mainly due to the advance of extractivist policies and
the wear and tear of staying in power.
The second phenomenon has to do with popular mobilizations in great powers such
as those that took place against racism in the US and against the political
system in the case of Russia. As for the first, since the Vietnam War, this type
of mobilization has not occurred, generating political and social instability in
the model country of world "democracy". The "blacklivesmatter" forced to relegate
part of the international agenda -such as interventionism on Venezuela- in order
to address their own problems. These large demonstrations that made Trump tremble
(with the army in the streets and thousands of arrests), were followed by
something unthinkable, such as the attempted coup by reactionary sectors in favor
of the president in the framework of an accusation of electoral fraud against Biden.
In the case of Russia, in recent months there have also been protest actions
against Putin's authoritarian policies, in a context of hundreds of political
prisoners, most of them popular militants. Another clear example of popular
resistance is that of Myanmar, where people came out to demonstrate against the
coup for weeks on end.
These manifestations, although dissimilar, express the situation of oppression
towards the interior of the great powers (in the case of Russia and the US) that
we generally see operating on other countries. And furthermore, the little margin
of action of the popular sectors that must face immediate repression and
imprisonment is exposed.
We could infer in the case of the US that a change of power towards the
Democratic party, from the assumption of Biden - even showing himself victorious
in the face of the attempted coup -, seeks to show a friendly and strengthened
face of the country before the rest of the world. As we said above, the actions
around the coronavirus are also going in this direction, as well as the return of
the environmental agenda.
What his foreign policy will be in terms of interventionism is still in suspense,
which in principle is seen as different from Trump's. East The latter was less
diplomatic, his main political tool was Twitter, and he spearheaded major
protectionist policies. Thus, we generally have to their credit a withdrawal in
terms of interference in different parts of the world (including Latin America
with the exception of Venezuela, Cuba and Nicaragua), a greater confrontation
with China -even using military deployments- and assassinations of leaders in the
Middle East (without a context that gives them coherence within US parameters).
We could say that his concern was focused more on "defending" his voting public
through two fundamental axes: economic protectionism and the fight against
immigration (remember the billions of dollars allocated to the construction of
the wall on the border with Mexico and the detention camps for illegal immigrants).
In contrast, Biden has articulated a more progressive discourse regarding
immigrants, even promising to grant citizenship to hundreds of migrants living in
the United States and the suspension of asylum cooperation agreements. He has
also returned to the rhetoric - albeit vague - linked to US leadership, support
for allies and criticism of "human rights abuses" abroad. Many of his campaign
advisers on this issue are known for their interventionist positions (even more
closely related to Bill Clinton than to Obama); so everything suggests that we
are in a return to typical pre-trump US politics, albeit with some tweaks. On the
one hand, the president has announced his participation in the next NATO meeting
to be held in June where he will "reaffirm the United States' commitment to NATO,
transatlantic security and collective defense"; at the same time that he
announced the withdrawal from Afghanistan after two decades of occupation.
For Latin America we see that political issues regarding Colombia, Honduras,
Guatemala, El Salvador and a review of the sanctions against Venezuela have been
incorporated into its agenda with the aim of facing a new strategy with that
country (supposedly in search of a "solution negotiated"). Another point to keep
in mind is that what happens in the US in terms of popular resistance, as was the
case in the fight against racism, generates a favorable impact on other parts of
the planet. The resonance of this struggle in Europe, as well as in Latin
America, especially in Brazil, has been notorious.

Rosario and its role within the imperialist scheme
The interests of imperialism continue to be reflected at the local level in the
control of an efficient output of raw materials (extracted in different areas of
the country such as minerals and cereals) through the port of Rosario and the
Paraná waterway . It is a point in the gear that was set in motion at the
beginning of the 21st century within the framework of the IIRSA plan, which
involved works that devastated protected areas and communities throughout South
America.
Our city is also a commercial hub within the Pampas region, a food producer par
excellence in our country, and the epicenter of Argentina's production model
designated as one of the "granaries of the world" for North American, Chinese and
European Union interests.
Accordingly, several planting pools, oil companies and agricultural technology
companies such as Bioceres, Monsanto and the former Nidera have offices; the
first of these stood out this year for being listed on the US stock market with
the support of the government through Conicet (a body that has maintained its
policy of supporting this research sector regardless of the signs of different
governments).
Another fundamental aspect is that it is one of the most important cities within
the region's freshwater and lung reservoir, which is represented by the wetlands
of the islands that extend from the northeast of the country to the Federal Capital.
The productive chain of the Gran Rosario area is built on these three axes, with
its main manufacturing industry being food, followed by the automotive and
chemical industries. However, it is much lower than what is produced at an
industrial level in the AMBA or Greater Córdoba. All this configures an area of
some importance within the regional and national framework when it comes to, on
the one hand, measuring the impact of the pandemic and the decisions of
imperialist projects, and on the other, to think about strategic sectors of trade
union, environmental struggle and politics.

POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC SITUATION: DEPENDENCE AND CONTINUITY OF THE NEOLIBERAL MODEL

The context of economic and political turbulence, and the high levels of
inequality worldwide, further aggravated by the pandemic and the possibilities of
each State to respond, depending on the position they occupy within the relations
of capitalist domination, have their direct correlation in the current economic,
political and social situation in Argentina. After four years of the Cambiemos
government, framed in a neoliberal period, with nuances between political
liberalism, center-right welfare discourse and a strong repressive apparatus that
sought to maintain "social order", the role of the State since 2020 has been
centralized in political welfare and focused that sought to appease social unrest
due to the extremely high levels of inequality, the defunding of essential
sectors such as science, health, technology, education; prioritizing financial
speculation and the empowerment of business sectors, with repressive responses to
impose policies of hunger, adjustment,
indebtedness and criminalization of protest.
The expectations and hopes of an important part of the popular sectors that
electorally supported a very heterogeneous political set-up, a discursive
rhetoric in favor of the distribution of wealth and popular empowerment, and
considering social inequality as the only antagonistic model and the policies of
hunger and indebtedness that Macrismo meant, ended up bringing the Frente de
Todos to power.
The resistance, struggle and organization against the adjustment policies that
were reflected in several strikes, mobilizations, university seizures and
forceful measures among student sectors, unions, teachers, social movements,
human rights organizations, etc., until In 2018, they had a large decrease during
the electoral year and the expectant position of many spaces deepened during the
first year of the incoming government.
The discourses of governability, institutional democracy and the ghost installed
throughout the official arc of the "return of Macrismo" in the The "Argentina
Reconstruction" campaign, added to the arrival of an exceptional situation and
the subsequent health crisis that the Covid-19 pandemic brought with it, gave the
government of Alberto Fernández, who sought conciliation, a time of truce on a
political and social level. with the different political, economic and social
actors to achieve the expected governability, without breaking with the
structural relationships imposed by the capitalist system.
It was quickly possible to identify alliances and conciliation efforts with the
financial and business sectors, the unconditional support and complicity of
numerous union bureaucrats, the rapprochement with the large agricultural
producers and landowners of the liaison table, a current of favorable opinion in
the media hegemonic forces and the constitution of the ruling coalition based on
summations and alliances
-in many volatile cases- with unpresentable characters from recent history, such
as Eduardo Duhalde, Felipe Solá, the late Carlos Menem and Omar Perotti or Gildo
Insfrán and those recently incorporated into the government Anibal Fernández and
ultramontane Catholic Juan Manzur, among others.
It could be said that from the first year of Alberto and Cristina's government
there is perhaps a feeling of lack of planning based on those weak political
alliances, unlike previous Peronist governments. This was promptly evidenced by
the public breakup - soap opera involved - between Cristina and Alberto after
PASO 2021, where after the resounding electoral defeat, different actors from the
PJ and Kirchnerism positioned themselves critically or as support for the figure
of Albert. On the one hand, those political spaces from the former Citizen Unit,
publicly lined up behind La Cámpora and a "critical approach" towards the
Government's economic measures, the same one that Cristina outlined and that was
applauded as a masterful move by the militancy. of traditional forces. On the
other hand, At Alberto's side, several governors, the leadership of the CGT, and
social organizations allied to the Evita Movement remained. Although we cannot
speak of a total rupture of the government coalition, nuances are beginning to
emerge on the way of relating and the payment plans for the debt to the IMF, as
well as the possible "renewal" projects for 2023, whose exponents are figures
such as Massa, Máximo or Kicillof, among others.
Finally, it becomes evident how the reactionary opposition led by Larreta - not
without insiders inside and outside the Cambiemos coalition - already shows the
teeth of a project that intends to govern again in 2023 with the same recipes as
always.
At the economic level, as we had indicated back in May 2019 in the situational
position "Fernández x2", it was more than clear that the national government was
not coming to modify the country's productive matrix. At most, and after the
macrista scrapping, the return to an economic reactivation was expected from a
stimulation of internal consumption with monetary emission. But the plans in
agreement with the IMF, and the fulfillment of the demands, were not at all under
discussion. The main political gesture that the Government wanted to give was the
beginning of an apparently "tense" negotiating relationship, which later gave way
to giving in and propping up the model with the unrealistic expectation of
meeting deadlines, to finally give rise to the payment of interest. of a
completely illegitimate debt,
But one of the most serious points of the matter has to do, not only with the
general absence of measures to reject an important part of the popular and trade
union organizations, but even worse, with the consent of the leadership of the
CGT -after a meeting they held with the IMF envoys - arguing that in reality "the
Fund comes to help Argentina".
To date, all the campaign promises fell on deaf ears, with a national debt that
already exceeds 46 billion, more than 3.8 jobs lost and a wage loss of at least
40%. In another order , the false dichotomy raised both from the business sectors
and from the government, on prioritizing the economy or health respectively, in a
context of social and health crisis, which affects the popular sectors and the
wealthy classes in completely different magnitudes, was quickly dismissed by the
social reality that those of us below live in all this time.
Contrary to its protectionist, distributive and reconstruction discourse of the
productive apparatus, the national government intervened with welfare policies,
giving continuity to the same model of "social aid" of recent decades. Public
spending is concentrated on providing some minimal and poorly distributed aid to
some sectors punished by hunger and unemployment, and that do not transform any
economic and social reality. Which is marked by the dramatic loss of jobs, an
inflation rate of more than 50% year-on-year -which makes it impossible to
guarantee food for a household day after day-, a housing crisis -in a context
where the only possibility of access to a housing is through rent and that it is
becoming more and more difficult to sustain- and levels of poverty, indigence and
structural unemployment that grow more and more,
The economy-health discussion is also handled with a very brazen cynicism,
knowing the systematic defunding of the public health system in recent years, it
was decided to give priority to the interests of the business sectors and private
capital. The foundations of a production model supported by extractivism,
mega-mining and retentions on agro-exports, with a "distribution of wealth" among
those above, were not questioned or structurally modified. For the political
class as a whole, it is a priority to sustain the profits of the richest, "of
those who invest", of the business community, with the hope that at some point it
will reach those below. While those at the top seek to reduce employer spending,
cut more and more labor rights,
The positive thing is that the institutional political actors are not the only
ones that take a significant role in the current situation. Even in a context of
demotivation and defeatism, the organized resistance of the public health union
sector to respond to the pandemic could be seen, in sharp contrast to the private
union sector, which was conspicuous by its absence. Despite the attempts of some
sectors that seek to maintain the fragmentation and individualization of society
to guarantee neoliberal relations, there were many gestures of solidarity,
organization and struggle from below, which sought to question the different
forms of oppression and claim the dignity of the popular sectors.

Popular direct action at this time
 From the organization and struggle of hundreds of homeless families who
confronted the repression of the State, in defense of the right to housing in
Guernica, La Matanza and other parts of the country, where the disastrous figure
of the repressor Sergio Berni and the political will of the State to defend the
private property of the wealthy classes and maintain a model of repression and
"iron hand" against the popular sectors. In Catamarca, Mendoza and Chubut, there
were huge mobilizations against fracking and water contamination, in Chubut they
particularly suffered a strong clash with the Ávila oil tanker union gang with
the support of the government of the Renovating Front headed by Arcioni. The
organization and the actions of struggle of different sectors of workers who
fight for a living wage,
In addition, in the field of resistance and popular organization that calls into
question the institutional reformist discourses and the relations of domination
and capitalist oppression, a repudiation and direct action against the
destruction and looting of common goods, the mega-mining, extractivism, fracking
and the use of agrochemicals. It was also possible to feel a total repudiation of
the government's measures that went against the pockets of the monotributistas,
which forced them to reverse those adjustments. Extractivism a constant intrinsic
to capitalism

The government of the Frente de Todos took office in 2019 with a speech defending
sovereignty and an environmental project, with a ministry that called itself
"green." Despite this, different political gestures could quickly be revealed
that did not envision a transformation of the national productive and economic
model based on extractivism and agricultural exports, but quite the opposite. The
truth is that it would be a surprise to envision a model of the capitalist State
with a disruptive perspective with natural exploitation, since in itself, the
capitalist model is sustained and reproduced with the exploitation and looting of
common goods, water pollution, land appropriation and exploitation of bodies and
their workforce. No type of capitalist democracy, throughout Argentine history,
It could not and did not show interest in breaking with the imperialist
dependency relations, which were simply alternating in dominant hegemony between
one State and another, from Yankee imperialism, to the current strengthening of
"bilateral relations" with China and Russia. The Frente de Todos is no exception,
despite its discursive camouflage attempts.
This art of pretending was also seen when the sanction of the inefficient and
invisible "extraordinary tax on large fortunes" was debated, which appeared to be
an example of redistribution and empowerment towards the popular sectors against
the obscene accumulation of wealth of minorities. , and that simply meant a timid
request for a minimum contribution, for the only time. The proceeds were used to
pay the interest on the debt with the IMF and the financing of the exploitation
of hydrocarbons through YPF, in a historical dispute over economic interests in
Vaca Muerta between concentrated groups and the State. It becomes clear that the
priority is to sustain the economic model over environmental care and the health
of the people.
In 1996, at the hands of the then Minister of Agriculture Felipe Solá, Argentina
authorized the use of GMOs and pesticides in the countryside, betting on a model
of carcinogenic food production and fumigation with agrochemicals, contaminating
and exposing the health of thousands from rural families. Currently, despite
hundreds of international reports that demonstrate the consequences of Monsanto's
cutting-edge production model, the national government continues to bet on
strengthening and economically benefiting the planting pools and the private
business sector that negotiates with the spread of cancer. and the destruction of
the earth. In the year 2020, Felipe Solá, after only half a year of management
and in full quarantine, authorized the import of 32 million liters/kilos of
inputs for the production of immunosuppressive agrochemicals, with the sole
objective of benefiting agribusiness corporations and ensuring them the sales of
commercial formulations to continue during mandatory social isolation during
fumigations, which in turn were declared an essential activity.
The destruction of the flora and fauna in the Paraná delta region, as a result of
the huge fires in the Islas area in Rosario, Entre Ríos, and which was replicated
in most of the Argentine provinces, had devastating consequences at the national
level. environment for our country, with more than 300,000 hectares destroyed by
fire and surely by the greed of the landowner business community and the real
estate business. For specialists it is still difficult to calculate the enormous
environmental damage and its consequences as a result of the destruction of the
flora and fauna of the wetlands. The damage to biodiversity, with hundreds of
animal species on the verge of extinction and flora transformed into a charred
desert, represent how harmful, destructive and unconscious the capitalist model
is, which continues with greed,
Popular organization and solidarity came immediately; It was the fight of the
groups of neighbors, neighbors, organizations and volunteer firefighters, who
fought the fire and repudiated the complicity and lack of action of the State,
which did not provide a budget, without looking for those responsible materially.
and politicians, giving free rein to business to continue with the environmental
devastation. Assemblies, roadblocks, Rosario-Victoria bridge closure, festivals,
fundraising, many expressions of organization, such as Unions for the Environment
in 2020, were conceived in defense of the care of wetlands and land and in
repudiation of the enormous damage generated by the real estate business and the
agro-export model.

The waterway and imperialism. And what does our anarchism say about it?
Another of the disputes of significant relevance for the future of the Argentine
productive model and in particular for our province, is the end of the concession
and the proposal for the nationalization of Hidrovía SA. On April 30, 2021, the
concession for the dredging and signaling services of the so-called
Paraná-Paraguay Waterway, which brings together the Paraguay, Paraná and Río de
la Plata rivers, and where the largest flow of agro-export trade is centralized,
expired. Through the waterway sail the largest number of boats and ships that
transport the export of the country and Paraguay, Brazil, Uruguay and Bolivia
(4500 ships per year). It is a means of circulation and transportation of
merchandise and national trade of vital importance in the Argentine economy,
where everything from products and raw materials from the countryside is
transported, to natural gas,
The maintenance, dredging and signaling of the waterway became private in 1995,
during the Menem government, until this year being in the hands of Hidrovía SA,
having the power to collect a toll per circulated ton and generating a profit. of
300 million dollars a year for private capital, sustaining private control of the
ports and control of the country's foreign trade. In other words, despite an
economic model based on the production and export of agribusiness products, all
circulation and trade are regulated by private companies that accumulate wealth
of millions of dollars a month, while families are not guaranteed food for every
day. And due to the lack of regulation and controls by the State, a great deal of
the production that is exported,
Another of the consequences of the waterway is its social and environmental
impact, due to the adaptation of the rivers, the constant dredging to allow the
circulation of ships and increasingly larger vessels with a greater number of
tons of products for export, whose consequences are derived from the constant
flooding of port cities, directly affecting the dynamic balance of the wetlands
that regulate the peaks of river flooding and drought, where the descents of the
rivers are very pronounced, the wetlands maintain the balance of the ecosystems .
In other words, the constant exploitation of the Paraná-Paraguay waterway for the
export business has benefited only a few private companies, such as Cargill,
Benneton, Vicentin, etc., and only leaves an irreparable impact and environmental
destruction on our country and growing social and economic inequality. The
interference of foreign capitals that continue with the accumulation of wealth
through the looting of resources and raw materials and economic dependence.
The official and progressive discourse makes use of these issues to denounce the
accumulation and looting of private capital resources, appealing to a rhetoric of
national sovereignty, interventionism and strengthening of the State, but never
questioning the model of production, extractivism and inequality, neither
questioning the environmental impact and the alternatives to the enormous damage
generated by the current production model. We wonder how significant the change
to state regulation would be. For our part, from organized anarchism we propose
an alternative from below: a public management (not State) with direct
participation of popular organizations (environmentalists, unions, neighborhood)
that decide not only the economic issue but also with a view to the
socio-environmental.

The left in this context
The opposition leftist party, framed in the different factions of Trotskyism,
bases its militancy on a constantly denouncing attitude and always running behind
the agenda of the Kirchnerist ruling party. While the spaces of the much more
reactionary and disastrous new right-wing expressions have been occupying the
streets with marches, co-opting many social spaces with pro-boss speeches and in
defense of "freedom", which mixes liberalism with nationalism and conspiracy
issues, most of the leftist parties play their own game in the electoral dispute,
trying to add a positive image through their constant denunciations and criticism
of the ruling party, but not accumulating or betting on horizontal collective
organization, without much incidence or participation in base instances, in the
factories or in the neighborhoods, but rather by going after the different
conflicts that are taking place at the moment, seeking to hegemonize and
accumulate their militancy, until the conflict is exhausted.
Although it is true that we cannot deny the participation of the different
factions of Trotskyism in the struggles, such as the PTS, the PO, etc., in
different mobilizations at the national level against the easy trigger, for the
disappearance of Facundo Castro, in the multisectoral one for the wetlands, in
the evictions in Guernica, against mega-mining in Chubut, etc., it seems that all
their participations are a search for political-partisan accumulation, channeling
conflicts towards personalism and a direct dispute with Kirchnerism and not with
a perspective of popular empowerment, of accompanying the processes of struggle
and organization.
We are in a moment of great passivity and inactivity of the combative spaces, the
self-convened subject or citizen with a superficial or null political projection
is promoted a lot. In this sense, we see with alarm the loss of interest that on
many occasions the Trotskyist left showed in strengthening the unions. As we have
already pointed out, the focus of their attention turned to the electoral
strategy, and in terms of mobilizations and organizations, this leads to a
commitment to build self-convened spaces, especially in the case of the
precarious (replacement teachers, state contractors, etc.) playing a dangerous
maneuver with the sole purpose of strengthening party references but sowing
disorganization and contributing to anti-union speeches. In this sense, for
important sectors of the left, today it seems that all power disputes take place
from institutional and electoral spaces, leaving direct action and the streets in
the background. Although the context of the pandemic does not help, there are
many reasons to continue betting on grassroots militancy, on horizontal
organization, on popular empowerment and direct action, outside partisan and
electoral logics. IDEOLOGICAL/CULTURAL SITUATION: A PANDEMIC TAILORED TO
NEOLIBERALISM

For the analysis of the situation crossed by the pandemic with respect to this
sphere, our effort is focused on reviewing the context in which this phenomenon
appears and establishing possible trends or orientations in which its effects may
occur in cultural/ideological terms.
A first hypothesis, which is shared at a general level by society, is that
covid-19 has further reinforced inequalities. However, we have to focus on being
able to understand how this process occurs in order to adapt our political
practice based on it.

More fragmentation and precariousness
In our first congress we characterized this stage of the capitalist system as
neoliberal. This stage has configured new ways of life marked by precariousness
as the norm that governs and shapes people's lives. Precariousness is not limited
to a portion of the population but is a general characteristic in neoliberalism
and implies a form of government of the population, it is governed over
uncertainty and its consequent insecurity.
However, precariousness is not the same for everyone, but instead there is a
distribution of insecurity according to the relations of inequality, that is, it
is a class issue. The system of domination ensures the protection of only a few
against the precarious existential condition. In other words, there is a
differential distribution of precariousness through different mechanisms
(targeted government policies, labor flexibility, discriminatory legal and
security systems, etc.). In this way, the process of normalization of
precariousness does not mean equality in insecurity, quite the contrary,
inequalities are reinforced.
It should be noted that while security in the face of this general or existential
precariousness used to come hand in hand with social, community, and family
relations, today it has been moving towards the idea that each one must
self-manage their own security.
The different forms of precariousness -not only that which comes from the
flexibilization of work- are having differentiated effects on different segments
of the population and give rise to "the emergence of a fragmentary class structure".
So precariousness and fragmentation are combined subjectively hindering the
ability to define an identity -although always understood as contingent- both at
the individual and collective level, that is to say, of class. This entails great
difficulties in establishing stable class ties and relations that allow the
articulation of a long-term transformative political program.
The pandemic operates on both counts. Thus, precariousness escalates to another
level, death becomes closer and the health system is viewed as incapable. The
means of subsistence are also in danger: the lack of employment, the
impossibility of going out to do odd jobs, labor flexibility has accelerated
without the need for governments and businessmen to resort to major reforms that
pass through Congress and that must face resistance in the streets. The levels of
school desertion are also an indicator of the risk of distortion of institutions
that were still maintained as firm spaces, and that in the face of unequal access
to material resources, technological education and extremely poor working
conditions of teachers, have led to the expulsion of thousands of young people
and children of the same.
Fragmentation has also been reinforced by the government's speeches, since at the
peak of contagion the meeting is presented as a danger, circulation has been
restricted, contributing even more to territorial segregation. The limit placed
on the development of the organic life of social organizations, the restrictions
on their mobilization are undermining and dismantling collective defenses against
these forms of social control. Indirectly promoting the emergence of more or less
spontaneous protests, which are articulated based on "citizen identity" or
"indignation" but leave little in organizational capital, even contributing more
to reactionary sectors than to popular interests.
Likewise, the differentiated impact that covid 19 can have according to age has
widened the generation gap, which tends to condemn youth as irresponsibly
dangerous and aimless, even when this is much more complex and not really
verifiable in terms of sources of contagion. This contributes to the inability to
imagine a better future, which will be addressed below.

Disciplining and repression
Foucault carried out studies on diseases and epidemics for the development of
part of his theory, especially regarding the so-called biopolitics. In this
sense, diseases have provided an opportunity for the "creation" and
implementation of mechanisms of administration and population domination on a
large scale.
His studies regarding leprosy, the black plague and smallpox give an account of
devices that we can see today in the framework of covid management. Thus we see
that certain mechanisms such as quarantine, repression, forced isolation of
patients, centralized statistical measurement and counting, which are typical of
the so-called disciplinary and repressive societies, are "returned", but which at
this stage are linked to the devices most sophisticated of contemporary control
society.
R. Farrán, D. Singer and S. Vignale state that "producing and managing the health
of the population can, like any policy, be articulated in the most varied ways.
In some cases, it can lead to genocide; in others, it can become a network of
public health and socio-environmental care that deepens equity in the entire
population". It is difficult to believe that in this system of domination a
phenomenon like covid will lead to situations of greater equality, in any case it
will be the resistance of popular organizations that can put some brake on the
orientation of its effects.
The government of the Frente de Todos has been pendulum in terms of its health
policy (especially if we move province by province), without However, we can
affirm that its main purpose has been to preserve some of the institutionality in
the face of a crisis like the current one. That persistent lack of definition and
more susceptible to pressure from business and the upcoming elections, has made
its health policy a resounding failure.
The fragmentation that we talked about above is such that there was no unified
response from the popular organizations regarding the measures adopted by the
government. The use of the famous partisan crack to justify positions has been
rearmed around dichotomies such as restrictions vs. freedom, health vs. economy
(whose?), face-to-face vs. virtuality, sputnik vs. astrazeneca/pfizer, etc.
It is noteworthy that the discourse of freedom has become extremely ambivalent in
this context, where restrictions on movement are necessary. The authors mentioned
above pose the challenge of "how to address our freedoms, no longer with the
legal and formal corset of individual freedoms, but in the effective exercise of
practices of freedom, which intervene in processes of desubjectivation of the
determinations of the experience history of which we are part, and constitute new
plots and processes of subjectivation"; that is to say, displacing the concept of
freedom that neoliberalism has successfully promoted for a collective,
responsible and supportive freedom, typical of our political current.

Right, left and future
To address this issue it would be interesting to return to some of Pablo
Stefanoni's reflections in his book "La rebeldía turned right?", on the left and
the emergence of new right-wing groups. Among his criticisms he states that "in
In recent decades, to the extent that it has become defensive and entrenched
itself in the normativity of what is politically correct, the left, especially in
its "progressive" version, has been dislocated to a great extent from the
historical image of rebellion, the disobedience and the transgression it
expressed. Part of the ground lost in its ability to capitalize on social
indignation was gained by the right, which is shown increasingly effective in
challenging the "system" (beyond, as we shall see, what this means). In other
words, we are dealing with right-wing parties that compete with the left for the
ability to be outraged at reality and to propose ways to transform it."
In this sense, he maintains that "the "anti-systemic" lefts embraced
representative democracy and the welfare state or else they were transformed into
small groups and without effective influence; meanwhile, it is the so-called
"alternative right" that has been playing the radical card and proposing to "kick
the board" with speeches against the elites, the political establishment and the
system", making use of a speech that refers directly to the one used by the old
and well-known fascism.
We could say then that the majority of organized political forces have been
institutionalized around certain neoliberal capitalist premises that make up the
political field that usually has access to government positions, at least in our
country. In this sense, there are more points in common between the Front of All
and Together for Change than the differences. In any case, it is characteristic
of governments such as the Frente de Todos (as well as the governments of
Socialism of the 21st century or Podemos in Spain) that they have more
progressive speeches and gestures but that, appealing to an unfavorable
correlation of forces, always end up favoring the dominant sectors.
In this way, the center left and the institutionalized left are in charge of
presenting themselves as incapable of generating transformations, and refer to
the politics of the possible. Thus, there is a clear erosion of the once champion
"progressivism." This wear and tear is evident in a growing defeatism and
inclination to satisfy potential voters with measures that bring him ever closer
to the right-wing sectors. This is how far we are from speeches that propose
transformations or ruptures of capitalism, with absolute attention to the
electoral game.

Labyrinth or dead end
In the margins there remains that left without much real influence -or at least
not massive- and a right (not necessarily new) that emerges as indicated above
(whose national characters are made up of Milei, Laje, among others ). The
coronavirus helped strengthen the latter, expressed for example in the marches
against lockdowns and social isolation measures, and even against vaccines;
fueled by various types of conspiracy theories around the globe.
In this framework, and adding to what we argued about fragmentation and
precariousness, Stefanoni inquires about the absence of proposals on a future by
the left. In this sense, he maintains that it "was left without images of the
future to offer, in part because the future itself is in crisis, except when it
is thought of as dystopia."
Thus, this researcher takes up the "Spanish philosopher Marina Garcés who speaks
of a 'paralysis of the imagination' that causes 'every present to be experienced
as a precarious order and every idea of the future to be conjugated in the past'.
He argues that today 'retrotopias, on the one hand, and catastrophism, on the
other', are imposed. For this reason, the present has become "a lifeline,
available to fewer and fewer people" and the future is perceived more and more
"as a threat." "The 'scientific' capacity to imagine the end of the world far
exceeds the 'political' capacity to imagine an alternative system." Garcés says,
"our time is the time of everything is running out. We saw the end of modernity,
history, ideologies and revolutions".
In correlation with this, large sectors of the left advocate a friendlier
capitalism and a transformation of capitalism, completely leaving aside a
perspective that is oriented towards revolutionary rupture, understanding it as
something impossible and unimaginable. This orientation, which romanticizes the
system, leaves no room for the construction of any alternative to capitalism.
The author also speaks of the other side of this political pessimism: "we observe
an extensive debate on the "death of democracy" and on the fact that it is
precisely right-wing populist parties that often attract abstentionists in
contexts of strong declines in voter turnout, especially in countries where
voting is not compulsory. Often the center left and center right ended up
building consensus that drowns out a real debate on the alternatives at stake" as
happens with Kirchnerism and together for change, which produces a tendency
towards bipartisanship.
In this context where the future appears as a threat, the safest and most
sensible thing seems to be to defend what exists, but in this line of thought
there is a very close risk of falling into conservatism and giving up disputing
the meaning of the world that comes. Thus, "political realism and the need to
resist were cornering the left and the popular movements in forms of mobilization
and organization that were essentially defensive, local and incapable of going
further than the mere reproduction of the already precarious living conditions of
the groups. mobilized".
Therefore, we must rethink the role of our political proposal within the
framework of these ideological/cultural problems. How can we:
- not be trapped in a mere defense of old popular conquests, but advance in
articulating the daily struggle against different expressions of the system of
domination with the projection and construction of a new organization of society
as a long-term alternative in pursuit of a future revolutionary rupture.
- That our proposal gains influence and that it does not remain on the margins of
politics. Not only from the critique of the system but also around those values
antagonistic to neoliberalism.
- combat the current context marked by fragmentation and precariousness.
Identifying as the most promising path the support of stable organizations over
time, with long-term programs and consistent readings of reality.
In this sense, it becomes urgent to make advanced programmatic proposals and
projection above mere denunciation. As we have pointed out throughout the text,
capitalism generated the impoverishment of the vast majority of the world's
population, the political class is shown to be ineffective and incapable of
solving structural problems and without any interest in exits outside of
capitalism, making it clear that they are the popular sectors who have to lead an
alternative from below and collective to the crisis. Understanding thus that it
is necessary to work in the perspective of the construction of a front of
oppressed classes, which incorporates by class belonging to a complex and broad
set of sectors, which are in the field of oppressed and exploited social
relations. The Front of Oppressed Classes marks a path of greater articulation of
the struggles and of a growing incidence and possibility of agency of the
oppressed classes organized in different contexts. TODAY'S FIGHTS

Despite the state of the situation described above, not only the union,
neighborhood and student sectors have managed to articulate some initiatives of
resistance against the context of advanced neoliberalism. Also, other
cross-cutting struggles and demands in our country have been showing that it is
possible to articulate discourses and practices that are antagonistic to the
system of domination, which not only manage to install and win conquests, but
have also reached significant degrees of massiveness and go against the grain.
the processes of domination mentioned above.
This is the case of feminism, the struggle for human rights and some
environmental struggles and indigenous peoples. In the first case, we have
already developed this theme quite a bit (including critically addressing the
institutionalization of an important part of the movement), but it is worth
emphasizing here some aspects around the question of the notion of the future,
its transgressive nature and its massive nature. .

The feminist struggle, germ of rebellion
Feminism has managed to accumulate decades (or centuries) of ideological struggle
against the system of domination in its patriarchal character. It has always been
linked to expressions of rebellion, either from the irruption of women in the
public and political scene as well as from tactics loaded with disobedience to
the prevailing social mandate, systematically pointing out where it is difficult
to recognize domination. Even being massive and taking root, feminism still has
that rebellious sign that makes many women who agree with its premises do not
recognize themselves as feminists since it is a symbol of "extremism" or
"radicality". In addition, it has always been a thoughtful and broad movement
that has known how to shelter and promote sectors such as lgbtqia +, extending
its own critical borders.
It is also important to note that, along with winning claims such as legal
abortion in the midst of a pandemic, it marks a horizon of positive and possible
change. There are many people who believe that the next generations will be
educated in a framework of greater gender equality, this is not minor in terms of
social imaginary.
In this regard, sectors of feminism have gone further, establishing proposals for
more democratic and responsible organizational forms. Thus, I propose around the
sustainability of life, which covers not only productive and reproductive issues
in a classic sense but also in relation to environmentalism in a radical way (and
in connection with native peoples). Although there are aspects that do not take
into account the question of class and the State as mechanisms of domination, it
is also true that they are in tension within the movement and that not everything
is said in terms of dispute.

Self-determination of peoples and the defense of the environment.
Another clear example of struggles and vindictive axes that articulate discourses
and practices that question the system of capitalist domination and its forms of
productive and social relations that have been growing exponentially in recent
times is that of environmental struggles. Enormous mobilizations at the national,
regional and even in different parts of the world have been putting on the agenda
the discussion and questioning of the harmfulness of the capitalist production
model and the need to rethink the impact of our actions on the world in which we
live. From the contamination of the most important resource, and lately
increasingly scarce, such as water; movements against mega-mining, fracking and
hydrocarbon extraction; rejection of the use of toxic agrochemicals and
pesticides, indiscriminate fishing, deforestation and sale of land at the hands
of private businessmen. The fires and the destruction of the wetlands of the
Paraná Delta and their direct impacts on the harmony of the ecosystems and their
flora and fauna. A huge list of protest axes and struggles that have been brewing
in recent times, but with a long history of repudiation of the different forms of
exploitation of the system of domination.
The struggle and the discourses of the environmental phenomenon can generate in
the peoples an identity and a feeling of collective belonging, of collective
conscience that seeks to question the current productive relations. Despite the
attempt at rhetorical and propagandistic camouflage by right-wing sectors and the
State itself, reality lays bare the constant failures and little interest of the
sectors of power in prioritizing care for the environment over private profit.
Although we understand that the environmentalist movement is multi-class, that it
cannot be pigeonholed into a certain social sector, since it is a very
heterogeneous movement, its main characteristic is that it is a mass phenomenon,
of mobilization of broad social sectors, which So far, it has had mixed results,
in some cases managing to put a brake on specific extractivist undertakings and
in others, winning protectionist legislation and more institutionalized processes
that, in some cases, end up being extinguished over time, such as the wetlands
law. that continues to be boxed in and bureaucratized by the State.
In Catamarca, Mendoza, Chubut, La Rioja, among other important points, the
mobilizations left a precedent that is very difficult to ignore. Although they
are struggles articulated around specific projects of exploitation or
privatization of territories, they have been capable of organizing entire peoples
and opposing large transnational monsters through direct action. Here it should
be noted that they have escaped from the paralyzing logic of centralism, and have
known how to sustain their demands in the long term on the basis of mutual
support. Thus, it can be pointed out that the environmentalist resistance in
Argentina has been directly confronting the country's economic-productive matrix,
such as extractivist capital.
In the case of Rosario, the situation deserves special reflection. The
mobilization for the defense of the wetlands of the Paraná delta gained strength
during 2020, managing to carry out important direct action measures such as cuts
to the Rosario-Victoria bridge and camps in the Plaza 25 de Mayo. However, it has
not managed to build a multisectoral anchor to sustain this struggle, not being
able to coordinate with local combative sectors, beyond the expressions of
solidarity of some specific unions. Another limitation was reflected in the
commitment of various sectors to the opinions of state institutions (such as the
Council and the Ministry of the Environment) which have been marking their
rhythms to the mobilizations.
The struggle for self-determination, cultural respect, recognition of identity,
the struggle for territory and against the racism of the original peoples also
plays an important role within these articulating struggles, since to a large
extent it calls into question the way of life of Western capitalism, claiming
other forms of social organization. Here the transgressive aspect resides
fundamentally in the questioning of the State as a legitimate government
authority, a State that was structured on the genocide of these peoples, on the
basis of a Eurocentric and agro-export structural model, and that strips it bare
as a mechanism of oppression, subsuming the fight for the indigenous question to
a double oppression, that of being oppressed by social class and for belonging to
a sector invisible for centuries,
The tactics of direct action and confrontation with the public or private
security forces vary according to the historicity of each town and place them as
fronts of resistance, both urban and rural. However, a sector of the indigenous
organizations have chosen institutionalization as a means of visibility, which
leaves resistance aside, falling into the logic of assistance by the State, which
exposes the enormous structural, housing and persecution problems. that cannot be
solved with programs of minimal economic assistance and geographic relocation,
resorting to overcrowding. It is clear that only through collective organization
and struggle is the way to achieve conquests, against the greed and denial of the
capitalist state.

Human rights and pandemic, the same repressive response to the claims of those
from below The fight for human rights in Argentina is an essential chapter in our
recent history. Since the time of the last military dictatorship, different
organizations have emerged to denounce and combat state terrorism and the crimes
committed during this period. In these four decades, much has been achieved in
terms of sentencing and judging genocide perpetrators and accomplices of State
terrorism. Everything has been thanks to the struggle in the street and the
constant response to attempts at impunity, as was the recent case of 2x1 for the
detained genocides, or the hasty requests for house arrest in the context of the
pandemic.

But the trials of the crimes of the dictatorship do not exhaust the agenda of the
fight for human rights. Today there is a clear continuity of the "iron fist"
doctrine, violence and repression that has not changed, despite 40 years of the
return of democracy. Beyond the social repudiation and mobilization of the
popular sectors, who suffer violence and police persecution every day, the
discourses of the national government are aligned with that of the opposition
right, where "security" is confused with repression and militarization of
neighborhoods, and does not respond to the enormous economic, structural and
social inequalities, it is no coincidence that the prisons are all full of poor
people, while those who steal, evade, exploit and plunder from their places of
privilege enjoy the protection of the State.
According to a Correpi report from August 2020, from the moment the DNU of
mandatory preventive isolation began throughout the Argentine territory, 92
murders had occurred in the hands of the repressive forces. Among them we find
emblematic cases that caused repudiation and popular mobilizations at the
national level, such as the forced disappearance of Facundo Castro Astudillo and
the clear complicity of the Kicillof and Berni police. The violent evictions in
Guernica, La Matanza and other parts of the country. The forced disappearance of
Luis Espinoza in Tucumán. The continuity of a model of criminalization and
repression against protest and popular mobilizations. And the countless cases of
easy triggering that come hand in hand with a political-judicial framework that
guarantees the impunity of the repressive forces of the State, as in the
emblematic cases of Santiago Maldonado, Pichon Escobar, Franco Casco, Luciano
Arruga or closer in time with Carlos Bocacha Orellano, Franco Cardozo, among many
others.
Thus, the persecution of social organization and protest continues to be an
important issue to consider. To point out just one example, we can mention the
criminalization of the 27 students from the University of Córdoba who are being
brought to trial. In a totally disproportionate measure after the seizure of the
faculty, within the framework of mobilizations for the defense of the Public
University. Seeking thereby to set an example that deters future conflicts that
face the agenda of adjustment and cuts in education.
The situation in the rest of the Americas is more complex in terms of human
rights, because the political, social, and economic particularities of each
country led to different mass popular mobilizations and protests that led to
repressive responses and State terrorism, both in Chile, as in Colombia and
Ecuador. Images of direct repression and the use of military forces to illegally
detain, repress and even kill protesters traveled the world and generated
repudiation; the strength of the popular organization achieved the reversal of
some economic and political measures. Leaving a chilling balance of murdered,
mutilated and imprisoned (in Chile today there are still thousands of political
prisoners for the protests).
Another analysis deserves the situations in Cuba, Bolivia and Venezuela, where
the political disputes and the interference and interventionism of North American
imperialism leave the people in the middle, denouncing and repudiating to one
side or the other, human rights violations, illegal detentions, repression , etc.
The truth is that, despite liberal progressive discourses, the doctrine of
repression continues to be the main mechanism of social control in capitalist
democracies, where the priority of public spending is located in the budget for
technification, militarization and salaries for repression. Where the main
campaign slogans in an election year focus on the request for federal forces and
the Bolsonarist motto of "peace and order." Where the political leaders of forced
disappearances and murders of militants, workers, students, occupy political
positions and the genocides and repressors enjoy house arrest and reduced sentences.
Faced with this, it is our responsibility to keep the memory of each comrade
alive, to keep alive the spirit of rebellion and popular organization, to
maintain the struggle for the dignity and freedom of those below, to confront
every attempt to repressive and reactionary advanced, with popular organization,
keeping in mind that we are not going to eradicate the problems caused by
capitalism with the police, but through the construction of another society.

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