In December 1919, Emma Goldman was stripped of her US nationality and expelled
from the United States to Russia. The militant anarchist, in her own words, thencherishes the hope of finding a new country there. The revolution of 1917 was inher eyes "a real miracle" and she therefore defended the work of the Bolsheviks.Two years later, she was forced to flee. His unvarnished account of thedictatorship of the Bolshevik Party is a precious document, it is also theoccasion for a deep reflection on the political use of violence. ---- On December21, 1919, Emma Goldman, Alexandre Berkman and 248 other political prisoners werestripped of their nationality and expelled from the United States[1]. She is aknown and recognized libertarian activist. The US authorities, then in the midstof a war against "anarchist agitation", increased arrests and trials. The entryinto the war in 1917 alongside the Allies only reinforced the fight against themilitants of the socialist camp. Emma Goldman is the enemy to be brought down:"America's most dangerous woman" according to John Edgar Hoover[2]. When shelearned of her expulsion from the territory on December 5, 1919, Emma decided notto challenge this unfair decision. If she says she leaves with regret herAmerican sisters and brothers, it is, she says with a touch of lyricism, to findher liberated Matushka Rossiya , the land of her political masters, Bakunin andKropotkin.Emma welcomed the Revolution of 1917 with enthusiasm. And if she does not convertto Marxism, she takes advantage of her release on bail, from November 1917 toFebruary 1918, to travel the United States and defend the Russian Revolution andthe work of the Bolsheviks. She even wrote a pamphlet, The Truth About theBolsheviks (1918) published before her return to prison. For Emma Goldman,theoretical disagreements with the Bolsheviks should not prevent us fromremaining absolutely united in the defense of the Revolution.Twenty-eight days of crossing the Atlantic in a floating prison and crossingFinland in armored cars do not dampen the enthusiasm of the militant anarchistwho is only waiting to put herself at the service of the Revolution. Here is whatshe wrote of her arrival in Russia: "It was a cold day, the earth covered with awhite film, but spring was in our hearts" . The welcome given to these expelled,political refugees, treated as criminals in the United States and welcomed hereas heroes, reinforces Emma in her good mood towards the new power.But this first impression is almost immediately thwarted by reality. ThePetrograd that she knew in her youth is no more than a shadow of herself, hungerlurks everywhere, the city is depopulated. And yet Emma wants to believe it. Fromthe first days, however, the clues are there, in front of his eyes. His comrades,these heroes of the socialist camp, they are treated as potential spies and areplaced in military custody, an error we explain to him then. A first lesson onBolshevik methods, indeed.Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman convicted of conspiring against a bill andsentenced in the United States to two years in prison and fined $ 10,000 each,July 9, 1917.First lessons in BolshevismSupervised by supporters of the Bolshevik regime, it was only after several weeksthat Emma Goldman could finally come into contact with anarchists. Unpleasantimpression: the speech does not fit with the official narrative that is thenserved to him. But all in her desire to believe in this revolution, Emma Goldmanrefuses to admit the obvious. In front of her, however, workers, sailors fromKronstadt and those condemned to death spoke to her about censorship, repressionand terror. Disappointed in the face of her "unreasonable and impatient" comrades, she recites the official arguments like mantras - violence is inevitable,imposed on the Bolsheviks by the imperialists. His judgment is final: "Howchildish and insignificant it all seemed to me, in the face of the world eventthat was taking place in Russia!"Yet she sees these starving women prostituting themselves to soldiers, RedGuards, heroes of the Revolution, for bread or soap ... And when she attends herfirst meeting of the Petrograd Soviet and witnesses the impossibility made tonon-Bolshevik delegates to express themselves, because "freedom of expression isa bourgeois superstition" , Emma the anarchist cannot subscribe to theseprocedures, but she refrains from judging: after all, she does not is just anewcomer.Her arrival in Moscow puts her in direct contact with the Bolshevik power and itsomnipresent political police: the Cheka. She receives a lot at her hotel,opponents and opponents (anarchists, revolutionary left-wing socialists) andother emigrants who have returned from the United States to "play their role inthe Revolution" . Yet it is always the same story, the same despondency, the sameobservation: the story of an unexpected revolution rich in promises of the futurefor the peasants and proletarians of Russia, raising high the hopes of theworking classes, and the observation of 'a revolution betrayed by a party, onceits power is assured.Bolsheviks carried by "the mad obsession with the dictatorship, which is not eventhe dictatorship of the proletariat, but the dictatorship of a small group overthe proletariat". Intervention and the blockade playing only at the margins,persecutions and shootings, the implacable repression of peasant uprisings andstrikes paint the unvarnished portrait of Bolshevik power. And yet Emma Goldmanwrites: "I was holding on to my faith."Intervention and blockade playing only on the margins, persecutions andshootings, the implacable repression of peasant insurgencies and strikes are thereverse of Bolshevik power. Here, Lenin and Trotsky in 1918.In the Russia of Lenin ... and KropotkinIn March 1920 she went to the libertarian congress in Moscow, where her comradestaught her the role of the anarchists in the overthrow of tsarist power, theirincessant fights on all fronts. But also how they and they were the first victimsof the Bolsheviks. She hears the criticisms about "the lack of unity andcooperation" of the anarchists during the revolutionary period and agrees withBerkman to sign a resolution asking the government for the release of imprisonedanarchists and the legalization of libertarian propaganda. She even brought thisclaim to Lenin, whom she met a few days later. The man is cold, devoid ofnuances, convinced that only his policy is the right one: "but was its policy theRevolution"she wonders? Agreeing to cooperate with the Bolshevik government, butit refuses to put under the control of the III th International.Her meeting with Kropotkin soon after also disappoints her. His story of theRevolution is identical to all the others: from the beginnings to extraordinaryenergy, then the subordination of the interests of the Revolution to those of theParty. But Kropotkin is worn out and does not want to attack the revolution, andcannot speak out against the Bolshevik government. Defeatist, he chose to fallback: "we have always denounced the effects of Marxism in action. Why besurprised now? » Of which act. Emma refuses to give up. She came back to Russiato help make a revolution a success, not to witness the swan song.Emma Goldman is during the following months witness to the real nature of theregime: increased bureaucratization, militarization of society as a whole in thename of the fight against enemies, both external and internal, in defense of aRevolution which appears to her more and more. more like the only defense of theParty. The few sincere Communists she rubbed shoulders with, Zorine, her host inPetrograd, or even Angelica Balabanova had allowed her until then to hope forbetter days. But the accounts of the Cheka's tortures, the direct testimonies ofanarchist militants on the real situation in Ukraine - she had a rather negativeimage of Makhno at the time because of the official lies - make Emma begin todare to criticize certain brutalities of the regime. The answer is: "You shouldbe ashamed of yourself. You, an old revolutionary and yet so sentimental."This is enough, she knows from now on that she cannot put herself at the serviceof this "communist machine". From then on Emma Goldman scrupulously chroniclesthe regime which, in the name of the Revolution, promoted a new privileged classand imposed a servile obedience to the proletariat. [3]In January 1921, in Russia for thirteen months, Emma Goldman was alerted toKropotkin's declining state of health. She cannot see him again before his death.Kropotkin's family and friends did not give in to the government and organizedhis funeral, the last show of force for a dying anarchist movement [4].Then comes the Kronstadt episode to which it is unnecessary to return. Theprotests of Goldman and Berkman to the "Bolshevik comrades" did nothing, Trotskyordered the bombing of Kronstadt two days later, and on March 17 the insurrectionwas crushed, the Party was saved. At the same time at the 10th Congress of theCommunist Party of Russia, Lenin castigates the Workers' Opposition, accusedpell-mell of being counter-revolutionary, too revolutionary andanarcho-syndicalist ... and at the same time promulgating the liberalization ofthe economy . And Emma Goldman concludes that "Kronstadt broke the last threadwhich had held me back from the Bolsheviks".During the uprising in Kronstadt, the protests of Goldman and Berkman to the"Bolshevik comrades" did nothing. on March 17, Kronstadt was crushed, the Partywas saved.Lucidity regained, and flightFleeing Russia, Emma hastily writes an unvarnished testimony of what she has seenand experienced. She draws precious lessons from it on the one hand on the causesof the deviation of the Revolution of 1917 by the Bolsheviks, and on thepolitical use of violence, she who had never ceased to support those of hercomrades who had used it. It also paints a tasty portrait of Lenin, "the mostflexible politician in history".For Goldman, the fact is indisputable, if the Revolution had been made Bakunininstead of Marx, the result would have been totally different. The Bolsheviks, byreplacing the proletariat, "by usurping the revolutionary functions of thepeople", showed "how a revolution should not be made".The Russian socialrevolution generated a creative energy that did not fit into the program of theBolsheviks who domesticated the workers' organizations and cooperatives withwhich Russia was covered. The Bolshevik Party was the vanguard of the proletariatand power had to remain in its hands, even at the cost of crushing this sameproletariat. The forces liberated by the Revolution were for Emma Goldmaneminently libertarian and in this sense diametrically opposed to those of thecentralizing and state party in power. To end a revolution, you have to put anend to the state.On the question of violence, finally, Emma Goldman is uncompromising, the endcannot justify the means: "No revolution can ever succeed as a factor ofliberation, unless the means employed are identical in spirit and tendency withthe goals to be achieved." The revolution is useless if it is not inspired by itsultimate goal. It implies a profound change in social relations, not the simplesubstitution of one domination for another. A Revolution which deprives itself ofits moral values makes the bed of injustice, the October Revolution is the bestproof of this.David (UCL Grand-Paris sud)To validate[1] Emma Goldman, Alexander Berkman, and some 4,000 anarchist activists arevictims of the Immigration Act of 1918, which hardens the Anarchist Exclusion Actof 1903. It specifically targets Russian and Italian anarchists, andrevolutionary trade unionists. IWW.[2] John Edgar Hoover, head of the FBI from 1924 until his death in 1972, beganhis career in 1917 in the Alien Enemy Bureau of the Department of Justice beforeheading the Radical Division ( Radical Division) in 1919. He had made theexpulsion of Berkman and Goldman his main objective.[3] Emma Goldman, The Agony of the Revolution. My two years in Russia (1920-1921), Les Nuits Rouges, 2017. The quotes in quotation marks are taken from this work.[4] "1921: Kropotkin's funeral, Russian libertarian twilight" , Alternativelibertaire , April 2021.https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?1920-1921-Emma-Goldman-temoin-de-la-mascarade-bolchevik_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.caSPREAD THE INFORMATION
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