The following text was made public in October 2020 a few days before the
announcement of the decision in the trial of X..A. ---- Why we will notparticipate in the October 7 demonstrations ---- Starting our position regardingthe trial of Golden Dawn, we first consider it important to clarify that theresult and the final verdict do not constitute, in our opinion, sufficientconditions to block the social rise of nationalism and far-right political forcesin the event of mass convictions. It is ahistorical, and at least unproven, toinvest in the weakening of nationalism by bourgeois democracy, its twin sister.Historically, nationalism and bourgeois democracy emerged side-by-side, emergedfrom a common ideological matrix, consolidated after the bourgeois-democraticrevolutions that established the bourgeois state and the capitalist mode ofproduction as the dominant mode of production, and followed a common path eversince. Either as unresolved currents, or as opposing tendencies, they do notexist outside the political context of the nation/state and the economicdominance of capital. Therefore, the death of fascism presupposes the death ofbourgeois democracy.The imprisonment of the leaders of Golden Dawn and the rest of the splintergroups of the extreme right will not be a "victory of the movement againstfascism", nor their acquittal a "reason to take to the streets" to denounce theregime's washing of fascism. For our part, we refuse to write a text dedicated tothe criminal activity of the fascists and to analyze the Golden Dawn phenomenonon the occasion of this particular trial, since whatever the outcome, this trialwas and is a cathartic washing machine of the bourgeois system . The detentions,the construction of the indictment and the announcement of the sentences neitherweakens nor strengthens fascism. On the contrary, the whole process and its finaloutcome, acquittal or conviction for the fascists, it strengthens the bourgeoisdemocratic political system in a very obscene way. It asserts its omnipotence. Hedefiantly asserts his aspirations and states emphatically that: "we are incommand". Parliamentary institutions, the state, civil justice, the worn-out copswho staff the state's assault squads.So are they the ones who will condemn fascism? The state that ordered thepersecution of Chrysaugits? The "independent justice" that issued the warrants?The police officers who arrested their ideological brothers? Are these the GoldenDawn executioners? To whom is the request "Nazis in prison" addressed? Onceagain, the "anti-fascist" adhesive comes to bridge abysmal contrasts.Ideological, political, class. The recent front page of EfSyn with the statementsof former and current political leaders that provoked various kinds of criticalcomments is indicative of what is at stake and on whose behalf. In this context,it would be interesting to learn whether various "cinematic" recruits wouldaccept the invitation to fill in their faces on the side of the "antifastatesmen"! Currently, the former pro-government and always regime leaflet doesnot spend a single page on the noisy "militant anti-fascism" of the "movement"!He gives change and spends time and money to highlight the "militantanti-fascism" of bourgeois democracy (from Samaras and Tsipras, to Koutsoubas andYannis). And so that some people don't have time to answer us that thenon-prominence of the cinematic "militant anti-fascism" by the establishmentleaflet confirms its alleged rupture at all levels with "institutionalanti-fascism", we will say: "patience". The moment will not be long when leafletslike EfSyn will remember the "militant anti-fascism" of the movement and willturn against the "evil (extreme) right-wing government that acquits thefascists". In the event that the sentences do not include imprisonment for theleaders of the Nazi organization,We also know very well, the various movement voices that would answer us to theargument presented so far, with objections of the type "we are not allied withthe state, we are exerting pressure from below, it is the movement that willcondemn fascism and send the Nazis to prison". First of all, let us note that theshots of our criticism are aimed especially at the organized political forces,small and large. We do not question the pure intentions of thousands ofunaffiliated anti-fascists, the sincere moods and the social anti-fascistreflexes of many comrades/equals, friends, young people, workers who will beoutside the appeals court on October 7th. To these people whom we consider closeto us, we expect to expand fields of thought, to feed ideas in a way that is opento responses and dialogue. Therefore, we do not automatically place opposite usthose who do not understand or disagree with the reasons that will not meet useither as a group or as individuals on the 7th of the month. On the contrary, wedo not care about opportunists. With that as a given and hopefully an honestexplanation, we can proceed.It is not wrong to expect that social pressure can influence political andjudicial decisions. These issues tend to be determined by power relations. But bydemanding that the tyrants of the working class punish the Nazis, with the samelaws that condemn activists what exactly are we achieving? First, we recognizestate primacy in the administration of justice. A justice that establishes andguards in clearly class terms the "justice" of the powerful. Second, westrengthen urban institutions by waiting for them to pull the snake out of thehole. In this way, we opportunistically and self-interestedly move away from ourprinciples, allegedly, for "tactical reasons". Third, we highlight the fascistsas the main enemies of society, thus disorienting large parts of it thatpositively evaluate anarchism, from its real enemies. They, who are also the realgenerators of fascism. In front of the states and the bourgeois classes, thecriminal activity of the fascists pales. If we consider the state murders ofimmigrants at the borders, at the seas, in the modern Dachau of the republic, inthe police stations, etc. then we will dialectically arrive at a self-evidentadmission: all the governments of recent years have more immigrant blood on theirhands. Of course, we will not present graphs and statistics to reveal who is amore dangerous killer, nor will we put the blood of our fellow human beings onpolitical scales. These amoral vulgarities are made by the praisers of thecapitalist mode of production in extreme theorems. We are not looking for the"low best". We detest in practice all versions of capitalism and the statewithout value deviations in our political action and positioning.In addition, a particularly murky trend seems to be emerging around the AXAtrial. A considerable part of the collectives that make it up, invoke in theirtexts completely pretentiously, as it seems, the opposition to urban institutionsand at the same time call to the appeals court with proposals like "neithertrials, nor prisons" etc. With positions similar to ours, with common reasoning,they produce completely different - even competing - conclusions about what therole of anarchists should be on October 7. Conclusions that in the end, in ouropinion, contradict not only anarchism, but also common sense. How is it that, onthe one hand, certain comrades/equals react strongly to the illusions about theuprooting of fascism by bourgeois justice (by extension, from the system thatgives birth to it and nurtures it) and at the same time participate withorganized calls in the demonstrations outside the appeals court? Will theydemonstrate against both bourgeois justice and fascists? Will the syrizaexecutives who will be among them crack or will some passing grandfather with aGreek flag on a key ring pay for it? And jokes aside, we wonder: do they reallythink they can divert the characteristics of the demonstration? Do they have theillusion that they are not assimilated into the bourgeois-democratic whining? Dothey think that a number of "blocs" who will gather in Alexandra and carry aflag, will constitute a "separate demonstration within the demonstration"? Dothey really appreciate that they are not, once again, turning the a/c space intoa tail of the left? Or are they not interested in all these questions?There is, of course, the possibility to perceive the motivational fuel of thosewho proceed with public calls, at the moment when they claim that they do notexpect the civil trials to give the fascists a gratuitous shot. It is the cursedfury of "we can't miss" every time we vainly blind ourselves to the fact that adate, an event, a mass gathering, a single moment of the social/class war, willdecide the future of the struggle (!). We do not dispute that there are indeedcritical moments, historical culminations of the class struggle, moments ofenormous importance where the stakes are high. "It is impossible not to act" hasbeen said on various occasions by every real fighter from his own experience. Theburning question is with which races, ideological and strategic criteria weevaluate agendas and priorities that motivate us to action. When priorities areset by social trends/internet bubbles and bourgeois democratic calls that are notconducive to advancing the anarchist struggle, instead incorporating it into theagendas of others, this means that one or more of the above three criteria isdisconnected from the rest. We will repeat it as long as necessary: the end doesnot justify the means. They are inseparable. If in order to achieve the goal (thealleged uprooting of fascism) the anarchists have to fight with the "letter ofthe law", let it never be uprooted. We have no doubt that these laws throughwhich some are anxious for convictions, are equally dangerous to humanity. Andrespectively,Another motive, inseparable from the "fury" we have described and which pushescollectives to public appeals who claim that they do not "want prisons, butintensive ones" is the very dynamic that has gathered around the trial. We do notdispute that the demonstration will be large. The number of protesters will be inthe five figures and we are not pretending to be prophets. After all, they arecalling from the KKE and the former government, to the Onassis Foundation (!). Weunderstand the need many partners feel to step in, and we do not say this withany irony. On the other hand, as attractive as massive demonstrations may seem,we must underline that guarded authorities are the ones that prevent opportunismand that guarantee not to be dragged behind the agendas of others, howeverattractive the "floods" may be. In addition, the opportunities and massdemonstrations in which there will be real fertile ground for intervention areahead of us. The demonstration on October 7th will be a big platform in thestadium of bourgeois democracy. From the facts and regardless of intentions,those who attend will either be on the side of the fascists or on the side ofbourgeois justice. Everything else is political pretexts. In this sense, thepolitical slogans that speak "for prisons" and not "for intensive care", areperhaps even more honest. Finally, those who will go down to the demonstration inthe hope that they will break out if the Nazis are acquitted, should not forgetthat they will throw stones against justice "that did not do its job well". Suchmotives testify to political desperation. Let us save our stones and ammunitionfor the anti-state uprisings of the future. They are not late.Undoubtedly, then, an important anti-fascist social trend has developed andawaits the result, with false expectations that this will decide the future offascism in the country. This tendency neither shares common ideologicalprinciples, nor is it identified by values, nor does it have common campaigninggoals. This trend was fueled mainly by left-wing parties, anti-fascist networks,formations like O.R.M.A., A.K., Favela, etc. who in the past also functioned asSYRIZA's Trojan horses within the "movements", lawyers, politicians and othersupporters. With the help of social media and the wishes of the Fyssa family,which we respect, but have no obligation to identify with, they seduced a largeportion of the world with anti-fascist sensibilities into politically harmlessslogans, they dragged her into entrusting bourgeois institutions with dealingwith fascism, they pushed her to believe that bourgeois democracy was a potentialally. The anticipation of the decisions of civil justice and the recognition ofthe convictions as a partial victory of the "movement" is a fenaki that obscuresthe ancestral root of fascism and beautifies the system that gives birth to it,no matter how it is expressed, no matter how it is launched. The contents of therequest to the state "Nazis in prison", with those of the slogan "neither trialsnor prisons, only intensive for nationalists", when they intersect indemonstrations outside the appeals court awaiting convictions, do not differ.Talking about mass burials, funerals, bullets, gallows and deaths does not drawimpenetrable borders between "institutional anti-fascism" and cinematic "militantanti-fascism".At this point, let us emphasize that the timeless saying of the anarchistrevolutionary Buenaventura Durruti "we do not fight fascism together with thegovernment, but in defiance of the government" can rightly be reproduced anduttered only by the part of the fighters that remains steadfast to libertarianprinciples and anarchist values, which fights without tactical pirouettes and isnot corrupted by immoral alliances. It is not possible in their digressions andopportunism, that some people expect that Durruti will save them from the grave.They should leave him alone, even if they don't tarnish him. Let them continue toglorify and reverently worship their idols: the red Velouchites of the nationalliberation fronts. It is not possible, on the one hand, to make anti-fascists'customer "bazas" with slogans of "eam-elas-meligalas" and on the other hand toinvoke Durruti! We don't do hagiographies and we don't glorify them, but a littlerespect for history doesn't hurt!Throughout history, the black-and-red banners of the anarchist movement, wheneverlined up alongside Bolshevik hammer-sickles, Gebarian stars and other communistsymbols, suffocate, distort, sicken. And in the end, they end up withflags-beacons of defeat. Memory is not garbage. Revolutionary history does notfade into postmodern oblivion. Anarchism will not be given meaning by meta-isms,it will not be battered by revisionist "redefinitions". Let's go back to historyand give an example. At all times when anarchists lost their principles in thename of "efficiency" they were swept away by dramatic defeats. Whenever theyjoined "anti-fascist" or other fronts with communist parties and leftorganizations they won nothing. Only executions. A temporary defeat ispreferable, a temporary retreat that amounts to a "buying of time" to prepare forvictory, rather than a painful defeat with a simultaneous departure fromlibertarian values. Let's remember the words of Malatesta: "if today we aredefeated without compromise, we can be sure of tomorrow's victory"Especially the younger comrades should not fall into the trap of indifferencetowards the history of anarchism, its thinkers, its worldview. Indifference leadswith mathematical precision to the embrace of revisionist currents that areanti-anarchist at their core. The anti-fascist kangaroo is not a guarantee ofcombativeness. The prospect of some controlled conflict outside the court ofappeal does not amount to the production of anti-state facts. Adrenaline is not apolitical motivation for action. We can cause uncontrolled situations in thestate apparatus with our own characteristics, with our own political agenda, withour own principles, with our own social/class messages, with our own strategicgoals. We do not need the backs of any left who is part of the state and hopes tobecome its leader again. A leftist who bled protesters and today wants to bewashed away through...Chrysochoidis. If we want to be the continuation ofanarchist history, if we want to build a modern anarchist revolutionary movement,if we want our ideas and proposals to be implemented, we should not ignore ourorigin, our historicity, our identity. A movement without memory is a movementwithout perspective. we should not ignore our origin, our historicity, ouridentity. A movement without memory is a movement without perspective. we shouldnot ignore our origin, our historicity, our identity. A movement without memoryis a movement without perspective.In conclusion, nationalism and its various versions (extreme right, left,national socialist, fascist, etc.) will not be defeated by bourgeois democracy,capitalism and the state. It will not be defeated by the abominable Article 187law. The only acceptable anti-fascist struggle is that which is part of thestruggle against capitalism and the state. This struggle perceives the fascistsas an obstacle to the organization of the working class and the youth, as anurban bulwark in the development of the anarchist political struggle. He crushesthem for the benefit of the Social Revolution, not for the strengthening ofbourgeois democracy. The acceptable tactics in this struggle are the tacticsproduced by the struggle itself, in the strategic direction of the revolution.Fascism will die in the wreckage of parliaments, banks, big capital. It will becrushed by the armed Social Revolution that will build a new free world ofbeauty, solidarity and cooperation. In the struggle for revolution it is our dutyto confront every systemic reserve that attempts to split our order, to targetthe weak, to weaponize the hatred of one for the other.NO FASCISM - NO DEMOCRACY - DOWN WITH THE STATE - I WANT ANARCHYhttps://anarchism.espivblogs.net/2022/10/10/giati-den-tha-symmetechoyme-stis-diadiloseis-tis-7is-oktovrioy-protovoylia-anarchikon-agion-anargyron-kamateroy/_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.caSPREAD THE INFORMATION
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