#WORLD #WORLDWIDE #FRANCE #ANARCHISM #News #Journal #Update - (en) #France, UCL AL #331 - History, 1902: The unification of trade unionism is proclaimed in #Montpellier (ca, de, it, fr, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 An irresistible convergence will have overcome organizational patriotism. On

September 26, 1902, at the Montpellier Congress, the Federation of Labor
Exchanges merged into the CGT, giving it its definitive morphology, both vertical
(professional federations) and horizontal (local unions). It is the "Workers'
Unit", a mutation such that we will speak of a "second birth" for this
organization which is about to invent revolutionary unionism. ---- Pride and
enthusiasm. One thousand five hundred people applauded wildly before singing The
Internationale. This evening of September 27, 1902, under the moldings of the
concert hall of the Opéra-Comédie, we acclaim "Worker's Unity" produced the day
before.
The Federation of labor exchanges will merge into the CGT. There is now a single
organization to bring together the entire proletariat, and it is "a gigantic step
taken towards the emancipation of the workers", cowardly at the podium Alexandre
Bourchet, exhausted but happy with the work accomplished.

Louis Niel (1872-1952)
A libertarian typographer, he was a major architect of working-class unity. A few
years later, he went over to reformism and was briefly secretary of the CGT in
1909, before being ousted by the revolutionaries.
This 35-year-old copper worker from Lyon, an energetic and good-natured
ex-Blanquiste, then gives the floor to the libertarian typographer Louis Niel
(30), eloquent and affable secretary of the Montpellier labor exchange, who
welcomes the "respect" and the "dignity" of congressional debates. Through their
composure, their foresight and their spirit of synthesis, Bourchet and Niel were,
for six days, the two most listened to voices of this historic congress.

But why, in fact, had there been disunity until then? To understand this, we have
to go back seven years earlier, in 1895, to the founding congress of Limoges.

The failure of the founding congress of 1895
In the 1880s, the French labor movement was fragmented and motley, with thousands
of unions disconnected from each other. Only a minority saw beyond localism and
corporatism, and thought of uniting.

The landscape changed at the beginning of the 1890s, with the stabilization of
several national federations, either of trades (the Hatters, the Mechanics...),
or of industries (the Book, the Railways, the Leathers and Skins... .).

But there were also two organizations that could be described as "pre-confederal"
in the sense that they aimed to unite the whole of the proletariat with a view to
its emancipation from capitalism. These were the National Federation of Trade
Unions (FNS) and the National Federation of Labor Exchanges (FNBT).

The first, founded in 1886, was a branch of the French Workers' Party (POF,
Marxist), which used it to support its candidates in the elections. The second,
founded in 1892, was led by Blanquist, Germanist workers and an anarchist
intellectual, Fernand Pelloutier.

However, in the space of a few years (1892-1895), by leading a vigorous campaign
in favor of a new doctrine, the general strike, the FNBT had imposed its
leadership, influencing several professional federations... and even the FNS.
Adhering in turn to the "strike-generalism", the latter had broken with the POF
and took its independence[1].

So much so that in 1894, unification was already in the air. A congress held in
Nantes had given impetus to a National Workers' Council comprising three
delegates from the FNBT, three from the FNS, and one delegate from each
professional federation. Its mission: to prepare the foundation of a unified
organization.

It was the congress of Limoges, in September 1895, which saw the birth of the
CGT. Large federations (Livre, Cheminots, Employés) took control, and the FNS
merged into it... but not the FNBT, which finally balked, hesitated, then
dissociated itself outright from the CGT. Three reasons for this.

The first, official, was that the CGT and the FNBT fulfilled two distinct
functions, offensive and defensive[2]. The professional federations forming the
CGT were to lead the corporative struggles at the national level. The labor
exchanges had a mission of mutual aid and proletarian education, with
professional courses, libraries, job placement, monetary aid for nomadic workers
(the "viaticum")...

A second reason, unofficial, stemmed from a personal rivalry between the dynamic
federal committee of the FNBT, led by three thirty-something anarchists, Fernand
Pelloutier, Paul Delesalle and Georges Yvetot, and the very winded national
committee of the CGT, run by two moderates in their fifties, the railway worker
Absalon Lagailse and the typographer Auguste Keufer[3].

A "body with two brains"
Was the CGT-FNBT division therefore legitimate? Many unions answered no, both out
of idealism ("Workers' Unity!"), out of realism (their revolutionary goal was
indeed the same) and for a very prosaic reason: the unions belonging to the two
organizations had to contribute twice, send delegates to two different
congresses. In short, being "one body with two brains"[4]was expensive!

However, over the years, many obstacles had fallen. Since 1896, the congresses of
the FNBT and the CGT had been held in the same city, a few days apart. In 1897,
it was decided that the two organizations would agree on all important issues.

In June 1899, Pelloutier had had the satisfaction of seeing the CGT dethrone its
rival Lagailse, because of its pitiful attitude during the attempted strike by
the railway workers of 1898. Finally, in March 1901, it was Pelloutier -
unanimously acclaimed - who was dying of a terrible disease.

Personalities passed, the stars aligned. The year 1901 was the year of
convergence. While Yvetot became secretary of the FNBT, the CGT radicalized its
expression with the launch of a weekly, La Voix du peuple, led by the anarchist
journalist Émile Pouget.

Alexandre Bourchet (1867-1930)
A Blanquist from Lyon, initiator of the Federation of Copper Workers in 1893, he
was the other great voice of the Montpellier Congress. He will then work to bring
together the various metalworking professions into a single federation, and will
be the mentor of Alphonse Merrheim. Annoyed by the pettiness of the militant
milieu, he gave up his apron in 1904 and withdrew from national responsibilities.
There he campaigned for a 1 May 1901 struggle for eight hours, and supported a
controversy against Jean Jaurès who denigrated the "illusion" of the general
strike. This change was crowned, in November 1901, by the election of the
revolutionary duo Griffuelhes-Pouget to the secretariat of the CGT.

It was in this climate of convergence that the FNBT and CGT congresses of
September 1901 put unity back on the agenda. In 1902, The Voice of the People
became the arena of a permanent debate on its feasibility. Enthusiasts, becoming
architects, proposed new structures. The chilly found a thousand reasons to
preserve the existing buildings.

In September 1902, at the FNBT congress in Algiers, it appeared that the
situation was ripe, provided that the labor exchanges were reassured of their
sustainability. Louis Niel, a fervent supporter of unity, used all his eloquence.
Georges Yvetot, rather reluctant until then, showed himself to be constructive.

A 7-member commission spent a sleepless night working on a consensual unification
scheme. Approved by the congress, it fell to Louis Niel to go and defend him at
the CGT congress which was held at his home, in the Hérault, a few days later.

Locked up for fifteen hours
In Montpellier, the issue of workers' unity largely occupied the 165 delegates.
Several unification projects were on the table, two of which stood out: that of
the Federal Union of Metallurgy (CGT)[5]and that of the FNBT adopted in Algiers[6].

The synthesis was entrusted to a commission of 25 members. Niel and Bourchet were
there, but also, among the notable names, the cooper Albert Bourderon (44 years
old, German), the secretary of the hairdressing federation, Alexandre Luquet (28
years old), and one of the rare worker speakers in At the time, the "Citizen
Jacoby"[7](43 years old), from Tabacs.

Fifteen hours of discussion - from 3 p.m. to 6 a.m. - were necessary but, on
Thursday, September 25 at 9 a.m., the valiant Bourchet could go up to the podium
to present a consensual text. And here we go again for four half-days of debate.
But goodwill prevailed and the delegates overrode the contentious points (see box
below).

In the end, on the evening of September 26, the congress approved the statutes of
the new CGT almost unanimously: 440 mandates for, 1 against, 3 abstentions.
Relief and self-congratulations. The goal was achieved. After a day of relaxation
- including an excursion to Palavas beach - and the final meeting, the delegates
returned to their regions.


Photo of the delegates, taken on September 27, 1902 at the Jardin du Peyrou.
Lots of mustaches, but no names. We recognize Guérard, Luquet, Keufer, Coupat,
Lévy and, no doubt, Niel, Pouget, Delesalle... We would like to know which one is
Bourchet. Two women are present. One of them is undoubtedly the famous "Citizen
Jacoby". cc IHS-CGT

The day after the congress, Émile Pouget concluded: "Disunity is no longer
possible.[...]The confederation is now made up of two main sections: that of the
federations and that of the labor exchanges.[...]As the Party of
Labor[...]becomes more aware of its role, as its goal becomes clearer, its
cohesive force increases. From the congress[...]will result a new period of
intense agitation and vigorous action."[8]

And indeed, this unification is going to be a new starting point. Some
federations that had remained autonomous until then - Allumettiers, Marine,
Poudreries, Glovers, etc. - will join the CGT, which will gain in capacity for
action.

In September 1904, finally, the confederal congress of Bourges will pass to the
serious things. The CGT will then give itself twenty months to prepare "the"
long-awaited general strike, on May 1, 1906, with the eight hours as its battle
horse... and the revolution in sight.

Guillaume Davranche (UCL Montreuil)

DISPUTED SUBJECTS
The FNBT's request that the CGT be made up of two equal sections - stock
exchanges and federations - was well accepted, even if the choice of words
("section", "union", "federation"...) gave rise intense diplomatic negotiations.
But the main thing is there: in the new CGT, each union will have to be
affiliated to both a federation and a stock exchange, and pay half a contribution
to each. This will guarantee the financial autonomy of the two sections, each
with its own secretariat. The stock exchanges may also hold their own conference
on the occasion of each confederal congress.
The confederal office will be mixed, but a problem has been raised. Niel would
like two general secretaries, one per section; Bourchet thinks that only one is
needed, from the federations, for two reasons: independence (because the
scholarships are subsidized) and the fight (because the federations have a
claiming role, when the scholarships have primarily a mutual aid role). But
"trade unionism is currently the battering ram that must, striking incessantly,
demolish capitalist society," sums up Bourchet. This position was retained and,
subsequently, the secretary of the federations section will have the title of
general secretary of the CGT.
Some delegates demanded that the CGT only accept industry federations
(Metallurgy, Food, etc.) and reject professional federations (Mechanics, Bakers,
etc.). Those concerned were offended. Pouget and Bourchet quickly defused this
"irritating question" by obtaining that we stick to the status quo: certainly the
principle is that the federations of trades merge into federations of industry;
but it is a delicate process, which will be better conducted within the CGT. So
for the time being we admit everyone.
Another point of contention: the proportional vote. Should the unions each have
one vote, or vote in proportion to their number of members? For the railroad
leader Eugène Guérard (allemanist turned reformist), it is a necessity. Suppose,
he explained, that at a convention, 280 skinny unions voted for the general
strike, and 20 large unions voted against, "you could have believed in a big
majority when you were in the minority". . It was with this illusion that in
1898, the first attempt at a national rail strike was a bitter failure. Others
have counter-argued: it is logical that certain highly concentrated professions
(rail, tobacco, coal, etc.) have strong unions. But everywhere else, the
proletariat is atomized and the unions can only be more fragile. Should they be
silenced by the heavyweights? In the end, the proportional vote was defeated by
392 votes to 76.
Due to lack of time, the congress gave up dealing with certain questions, in
particular the planned debate on the future society after the general strike.
Alas! Because it will never happen again.
SIXTEEN YEARS TO REALIZE WORKER UNITY
1886 Foundation of the National Federation of Trade Unions (FNS), which comes
under the domination of the French Workers' Party (POF) of Jules Guesde.

1892 In February, founding in Saint-Étienne of the National Federation of Labor
Exchanges (FNBT), dominated by Germanists and Blanquists. In September, the
congress of Marseilles of the FNS approves the principle of the general strike in
spite of its Guesdist direction.

1893 In July, attempt at a unitary union congress at the invitation of the FNBT:
semi-failure.

1894 In September, the unitary trade union congress of Nantes approves the
general strike. Annoyed, some of the Guesdists split.

1895 The Limoges congress founds the CGT on strike-generalist bases and votes for
its independence from political parties. But the FNBT, ultimately, does not enter.

1896-1899 The CGT vegetates. The FNBT is developing continuously. Anarchists
involve themselves in both structures. During the CGT congress of 1897, they
adopted the tactics of boycott and sabotage.

1900-1901 Struggle of tendencies within the CGT. While the reformist
Keufer-Guérard leadership was willing to collaborate with the Waldeck-Rousseau
ministry, the revolutionaries opposed it, led by the Griffuelhes-Pouget duo.
Winners, they were elected to the secretariat of the CGT in November 1901.

Launched in December 1900, La Voix du peuple, organ of the CGT, was noticed by a
controversy with Jaurès on the general strike.

1901 In September, the FNBT congress in Nice adopts a project of unification with
the CGT; three days later, the CGT congress in Lyon seized the outstretched hand.

1902 Important debates on the methods of unification. In September, final
congress of the FNBT in Algiers; a week later, in Montpellier, it merged into the
CGT: workers' unity was complete.

To validate

[1]"1895: driven by the generalist strike, the CGT is founded in Limoges",
Alternative Libertaire, September 2015.

[2]Report of the FNBT congress of 1900, page 23.

[3]More precisely, Auguste Keufer was a follower of the "positivist" doctrine of
Auguste Comte and his faith in Progress.

[4]Minutes of the 1901 FNBT congress in Nice.

[5]The Voice of the People, September 7, 1902.

[6]Minutes of the FNBT congress of 1902, pages 59-75.

[7]For now, his first name remains unknown.

[8]La Voix du peuple, October 5, 1902. The article is by Jean Pénat, but the
style and vocabulary used clearly designate Pouget.

https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?1902-L-unification-du-syndicalisme-est-proclamee-a-Montpellier
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