#WORLD #WORLDWIDE #BRAZIL #ANARCHISM #LIBRARY #News #Journal #Update - (en) #Brazil, Mato Grosso: Anarchist Opinion 07 November the local extreme right and agribusiness... (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 Who says State, necessarily says domination and, consequently, slavery; a State

without slavery, declared or disguised, is inconceivable; that is why we are
enemies of the state. Thus, from whatever angle one is placed to consider this
question, one arrives at the same execrable result: the government of the immense
majority of the popular masses by a privileged minority.[...]will no longer
represent the people, but themselves and their intentions to govern them.
(Bakunin, 2003) ----- The last presidential election made explicit the existence
of sectors of the more conservative, reactionary and fascist right in Brazil. An
existence that has been developed, improved, fortified, financed and organized in
a belligerent way for more than a decade, although it has gained greater
expressiveness and military strength with the Bolsonaro government, of course. In
the preparations for the 2014 elections, in 2013, there were sectors of the
progressive camp and of the reformist left itself (some revolutionary) who
believed that these sectors did not have the possibility of organizing themselves
in such an expressive way as we have seen more recently - since the electoral
victory of Bolsonaro and the ideology of Bolsonarism in the streets. The
centralization of hope as a critical vote, in the past, to combat the growth of
reactionary forces - because the very term fascist/neo-fascist was more in the
field of conceptual debate than that of real combat; the electoral strategy of
the critical vote was expressed as a tremendous mistake, since the escalation of
setbacks was increasing with each period of the national conjuncture. The growth
of the Ruralist, Religious and Military benches is one of the great
demonstrations of how the right is increasingly organized - in its own way - and
has been advancing in its main purpose: total control of the State and the
advancement of policies that increasingly benefit plus the hegemonic minority
that holds financial capital and privileged social status. the escalation of
setbacks increased with each period of the national conjuncture. The growth of
the Ruralist, Religious and Military benches is one of the great demonstrations
of how the right is increasingly organized - in its own way - and has been
advancing in its main purpose: total control of the State and the advancement of
policies that increasingly benefit plus the hegemonic minority that holds
financial capital and privileged social status. the escalation of setbacks
increased with each period of the national conjuncture. The growth of the
Ruralist, Religious and Military benches is one of the great demonstrations of
how the right is increasingly organized - in its own way - and has been advancing
in its main purpose: total control of the State and the advancement of policies
that increasingly benefit plus the hegemonic minority that holds financial
capital and privileged social status.

Today, with the anti-fascist voting position, we observe the non-victory of the
strategy. Bolsonaro's electoral defeat was narrow and we cannot consider it as a
defeat of the "Bolsonarist" ideology. Fascist ideology that follows, today, much
more armed and financed and that has been using tactics of "direct action" for
which, for some time, some sectors of the left have been criminalized - by the
State and, even, by part of the reformist left. Bolsonaro lost at the polls, but
who has taken to the streets and has been seeking to dictate the game of politics
is a Bolsonarist sector that, perhaps, no longer depends on Bolsonaro himself.

Mato Grosso

Conservative and reactionary thinking is historical in Mato Grosso, arising from
the entire process of conformation of the Brazilian State. It was involved in the
policies of extermination and catechization of the indigenous population, during
the process of extracting gold and other minerals, later, during colonization; it
was in Catholic newspapers, from the beginning of the 20th century; he was
involved in the "colonization" policy during the Military Dictatorship and the
advance of exploitation, murders of the peasant and indigenous population and the
environmental devastation of the agroextractive economy in various regions from
north to south of the state; and, it continues to be present in the current
social, political and cultural daily life, with greater expressiveness in the
interior of the state through the "agricultural producer" ideology. The
reactionary ideological field has always been greater than that of the
progressive and left-wing (reformist and revolutionary) political field. For a
long time the reactionary sector was, as in other regions of Brazil, "asleep".
However, historically, our region has been the scene of innumerable murders of
people from the countryside and the forest (quilombolas, indigenous people and
peasants).

The conformation of Mato Grosso, like every process of state and capitalist
domination - through the various methodologies of "colonization" -, carries with
it: blood and violence. How not to expect Bolsonarism to take ideological and
material proportion so effectively in our territory? The elections, both in 2018
and in 2022, expressed this in the field of ballot analysis; in the last
presidential election process, Bolsonaro obtained 65.08% of the votes (1,216,730
votes) while Lula-Alckmin 34.92% (652,876 votes), apart from the other positions
in state and federal politics that continue to be dominated by the ideological
line reactionary and conservative - of overexploitation of the land and
devastation of flora and fauna, of extermination of forest and countryside peoples.

Several cases of violence, employer harassment and other types of threats - not
forgetting murders - have already been recorded in recent periods in the barn of
Brazil, as the local and national press customarily classifies the state of Mato
Grosso. After Bolsonaro's defeat at the polls, as in other regions, Bolsonarists
blocked important highways in the state... a local sector that was heavily armed
and has acted in an orchestrated way and with fascist violence against every
possible opponent - enemy of your ideals. In addition to having pulled, with
cases of employer harassment, the realization of lockout - closing of businesses,
starting by bosses, from north to south of the state.

Violence of the oppressor fueled by the State

Several regions of Brazil, since the end of the second round, have been the scene
of road blocks by Bolsonarists. Mato Grosso registered a blockade in several
regions: Baixada Cuiabana, in the Trevo do Lagarto region (in Várzea Grande) and
at the exit to Chapada dos Guimarães (in Cuiabá); Tangará da Serra; Lucas do Rio
Verde; Campo Novo dos Parecis; Querencia; Colonize; Sinop; Smile... there were
many stretches that went through blocks. In recent days, reactionary actions have
taken on more violent proportions, very similar to methods applied by the extreme
right at other times in Brazil and in Latin American and world political history.

The fact that the region of Lucas do Rio Verde is the scene of the most
radicalized actions of the extreme right and maintains the blockades hard says a
lot about the conformation of the area and the state of Mato Grosso. Cities
controlled by agribusiness are, for the most part, the results of projects agreed
between the dictatorial State and capitalism in the 60s and 70s. practice at the
time of Getúlio Vargas - handing over the lands to colonizing companies or
"cooperatives" that operated in the same system as private companies.

The State gave land and paved all the necessary conditions for an elite to
colonize these cities - and here we are talking about those who colonized and
controlled the process until today, we are not talking about the rural workers
who migrated both from the South and the Northeast, abandoned to their own lucky,
in search of the hope of land to plant and harvest and who came to suffer all the
adversities of lack of resources, malaria and abandonment, not having access to
land and real support from the State. From this conformation produced by the
State and by capitalism, a conservative and retrograde structure was also shaped
in many senses.

In addition to the acts in Lucas do Rio Verde, merchants and retailers in the
cities of Sinop and Sorriso decided to close their doors between 11/22 and 27
(from Tuesday to Sunday) in support of the blockades of the BRs. The act, called
by them Lockdow, was organized together with the CDL itself, the same one that
took a stand against the closing of commerce in the Covid-19 pandemic and
participated in the pressure for schools to open when the scenario was still one
of insecurity. That is, bosses closing trade to support those at the top;
businessmen used to the authoritarian scenario in which these cities were built,
a scenario that favored colonizing companies and formed part of the business and
agribusiness elite. These are the cities in which the power of those who carry
weapons in plain view rules because money protects them from any bourgeois
justice and, many of them are also in control of that same justice locally. In
these cities, most cases of political persecution of teachers or anyone who
expresses criticism of the Bolsonaro government, agribusiness and the
exploitative system of capitalism occur.

It is no coincidence that a large number of weapons and even rifles were used in
the West Route action, many of which were seized during the arrest of the first
three prisoners responsible for the action. A fact that constitutes an indicator
that the Bolsonaro government's decrees to increase the population's armament
served a certain layer of society, the same elite that commits excesses left and
right in the interior of Mato Grosso. The other side is armed and the violence
used in the roadblock actions and against the West Route building is the same
that they are used to using on a daily basis against workers and the poorest,
whether on their farms or in the cities. There are many cases of people working
for them without any formality and security of rights, consuming health and life
to produce for the state's agrarian elite. Therefore, we are not talking here
about the just revolt, armed or not, of the oppressed. We are talking about the
violence of the oppressor!

This difference is marked in the way in which the State itself deals with recent
cases of extreme right-wing attacks and the way in which it has historically
dealt with righteous revolts from below. In 2013, when students and the
population knocked down the turnstiles at the André Maggi Terminal, in Várzea
Grande, the repressive forces of the State hunted any young person who was
dressed in black around the terminal a few seconds later. Many people, adults and
minors, were arrested in the region without proof that they were or were not in
the place of action at the time. And this is just a symbolic example. On the
other hand, Mato Grosso is one of the few states where the blockades and more
intense actions continue at full speed, while the government has been slow to
express any intention to intervene more emphatically. Government and public
powers have been passing cloth to the extreme right since the beginning, as they
always have done here. In this, the State is just being the State, since one of
its functions is to feed what contributes to the maintenance of the system of
oppression. The violence of the oppressor does not confront the State. What
really confronts the State, the policies of death, high cost of living, hunger
and misery... was, is and will continue to be the revolt of the oppressed... of
the workers organized in revolutionary perspective of fighting fascism and all
state violence instrumentalized by capitalism. The violence of the oppressor does
not confront the State. What really confronts the State, the policies of death,
high cost of living, hunger and misery... was, is and will continue to be the
revolt of the oppressed... of the workers organized in revolutionary perspective
of fighting fascism and all state violence instrumentalized by capitalism. The
violence of the oppressor does not confront the State. What really confronts the
State, the policies of death, high cost of living, hunger and misery... was, is
and will continue to be the revolt of the oppressed... of the workers organized
in revolutionary perspective of fighting fascism and all state violence
instrumentalized by capitalism.

Take back the streets... build popular power

This conservative social structure, dominated by agribusiness, maintained and fed
by the State, must be transformed from its foundations. The conservatism of the
extreme right must be fought with all energy, it does not represent the whole of
the people of Mato Grosso. The task is to take power back to the people, wresting
it from the conservative agribusiness elite. This goes through the defense,
organization and struggle with the poor and black people of the peripheries, the
people of the countryside and the indigenous peoples, the most usurped by state
and capitalist colonization.

Take back the streets, with the construction of a Front of Oppressed Classes,
build fronts of resistance of the oppressed, strengthen what is on the left and
continue the struggle independent of the polls. Smash the extreme right in the
streets through People Power!

Libertarian Swoop | November 2022

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1RlRKISdwqUE0l7nEe8FKt7It76qnhZor/view
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