During the electoral campaign, which brought the right back to power - so to
speak, given that they have never abandoned it in the last thirty years - thewell-founded fear of a worsening of acquired rights emerged strongly. fatigue inthese long years of social and political collapse. There are fears of alimitation and even the cancellation of laws on termination of pregnancy andcivil unions, as well as the cancellation of existing measures to reduce theproblems produced by poverty. It is well known that the right-wingers carried onan idea of a traditional family or, on this claim, considered "natural", just asthey are convinced that poverty is an individual problem and not a structuralone, underlining, as Meloni did in her speech programmatic in the House, thatcertainly those who cannot work must be helped, but the others must shake up fromthe abolìa produced by the citizenship income and go and look for a job, wordmore, word less! The explicit idea behind these considerations is that money mustbe given to businesses and they will create jobs and therefore well-being willextend automatically. This interpretation, more ideological than economic, whichclearly allows the usual suspects to enrich themselves behind the state, has along history, being even shared by the left, albeit in a less crude version: itis the ancient idea that the struggle of the proletariat it would automaticallyinclude the liberation of women, as Engels himself had argued and Lenin put intopractice. From the alleged difference between structures and superstructures,they derived that the revolution should concern the means of material productionof the existing, since all the problems of the so-called superstructures camefrom there, from the right to education to the discrimination of women. As weknow, women's rights were not respected, as continues to happen in the capitalistworld, so much so that Emma Goldman already stated in her 1906 essay "The tragedyof women's emancipation": "Now women face the need to emancipate themselves fromthe emancipation movement if it wants to be truly free. This may seemparadoxical, however it is the truth ".However, one wonders, going beyond common sense, what is a right and what givesit value? In the history of the West, the Christian god was the reference fordefining the value of the individual: if everyone is a child of God, theneveryone has the right to his inheritance: the earth and its fruits. As we know,this principle was valid in a theoretical way, since the church, representing thedivinity on earth, paid little attention to the equality of the children of God,coming to justify not only its own wealth, but also that of the rulers of themoment. Somehow these religious contents enter into crisis at the beginning ofthe era we call modern, especially with the advent of industrialization and itscorollary, the Enlightenment. However, the reference to the equality ofChristianity remains alive, even if it is progressively secular. See, forexample, the Declaration of Independence of the United States of America, whereThomas Jefferson wrote at the end of the eighteenth century: "We consider itevident truth that all men were created equal and that their creator blessed themwith certain rights. inalienable, among these life, freedom and the pursuit ofhappiness ". Hence, the secular leap: first by replacing god with nature, as inthe case of natural law, which already postulated in the eighteenth century, butwith roots in Greek philosophical thought, that fundamental human rights werebased on universal "human nature" , for which they were superior even to thelaws; then, legal positivism, which founded the law on human action, in thehistorical relationships between individuals and groups, ending up by theorisingthe "social contract" as the origin of law.This "contract", already in a mass society, needed a guarantor: where in thesocieties of the Old Regime this "guarantee" was represented by the king (whosepowers derived from God), in the new modern society this function will be carriedout by the state, with its endowment of written legal norms. And since the"contract" depends on the relations of force between the social groups that makeup a society, the rights to be guaranteed will change according to these relations.Political rights, social rights, civil rights ... they will reduce or multiplyaccording to the sensitivity of the various social groups that intervenepolitically (since the renewal of the contract is given through electorallydecided rules), but also through less violent struggles pushed so much by thegroups dominants of the social system to maintain the status quo (through, forexample, ideological and repressive state apparatuses), as well as by subordinategroups that struggle to have their rights recognized, are those contemplated bythe founding charter of the state (the Constitution), they are other products inan autonomous way, according to the evolution of feelings and the culturalchanges that have occurred in the meantime.The path that we have quickly outlined allows some conclusions: when it comes torights, in legal terms, the typology has become so complex that it cannot behandled by non-experts, so much so that a good lawyer can influence any judgmentin court. Evidently, this is an old problem generated by the implicit complexityin a complex society, both numerically and institutionally. However, it seems tome that it is worth the suspicion that the multiplication of laws also servesexcellently to skip the rules in favor of those who can pay for a good defender.However, there is also another problem: types of rights are being createdcategorized in hierarchical terms, for which some would be more important thanothers. Evidently, if we relate rights to needs, we can differentiate them intoprimary and secondary; eating is obviously more important than being able toexpress oneself. However, if we follow the controversy over citizenship income orthe increase in poverty in Italy, we discover that even the right to feed and owna home, take a back seat, in favor of strategies for maintaining privileges andperhaps with justifications based on the alleged difference between social rightsand civil rights, where the former would be the prerogative of the state, whilethe latter would belong to the private sphere (even if the constitution includesboth).I conclude by returning to the denial of women's rights, but the discourse alsoapplies to other discriminated social subjects: if rights are neither natural noruniversal, then they cannot be perceived as a quality of individuals. To put itexplicitly: women do not have rights per se, but they do have them to the extentthat the society they live in recognizes them and if this does not happen, theyhave to fight for it to happen. But if the laws of the state are discriminatory,in the sense that the political "contract" justifies their status as subjects ofsecond importance, all that remains is to transgress and fight to change therules of the game, both with political actions within the system and with actionsthat put him in crisis from the outside and in his totality. He pointed to EmmaGoldman in a speech in Union Square in 1892: "Protest in front of the palace ofthe rich: ask for a job; if they don't give it to you, ask for bread; even ifthey deny it to you, take it. It is your sacred right ".Emanuele Amodiohttps://www.sicilialibertaria.it/_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.caSPREAD THE INFORMATION
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