In recent days, the national press has given much prominence to the budget bill
prepared, in just over a month as the government structure was keen to underline,by the new right-right government (journalistic definition). The reception of thetext, the details of which begin to emerge gradually, was rather lukewarm, thefront page headlines of some important newspapers have highlighted its numerousshortcomings. La Stampa: "Income and pensions, it's a ploy"; La Repubblica: "Avery small manoeuvre"; the headline of the Corriere della Sera was more neutral:"Income and bills, here are the measures"; trenchant that of the daily fact:"Weapons, hustlers, poor people punished, more expensive petrol". Nonetheless,these same newspapers, with some distinction due to Il Fatto, appreciated thegovernment's choice to adapt to the economic policy desired (perhaps it would bebetter to say imposed) by the EU, which was welcomed positively by the marketsand did not cause jumps in the spread and in the evaluation of financialagencies. The government of Italy's "little brother" is reproached for itsinadequacy in addressing the serious problems that afflict us: work, high bills,inflation. Incidentally, there has not been as much attention to highlighting thefact that almost nothing is foreseen in the budget for education and health, thetwo sectors most penalized by the recent recurring crises and of which the entirepolitical class was made a champion in the most acute moment of the pandemic closure.In reality, what may interest us most about this economic maneuver is not so muchthe measure itself as the reaction of a large part of the power elites and,subordinately, of the parliamentary opposition. In fact, the maneuver does not domuch different from all those that preceded it in recent years, if not decades,especially since the European constraints on debt and deficits have become morestringent: it directs interventions from the point of view of supply andproduction, facilitates businesses and precarious work. In addition toallocating, at least in appearance, a large part of the resources (21 billion outof almost 35) to face the high bills between now and March, giving somenegligible sop scattered to some social categories, for example minimumpensioners, a tax wedge in favor of workers with incomes below twenty thousandeuros (3%), the budget law proposal, which will be discussed by Parliament in thecoming weeks, is characterized above all by some measures that identify with thisright (but probably also with other political groups), in particular thedownsizing now and the cancellation later of the so-called citizen's income andthe acceleration that one would like to give to the great works and to the moresymbolic one, the bridge over the Strait of Messina. In recent days, the issue ofextra profits to be taxed has also emerged in the press, especially those made byenergy and oil companies. The government hopes to be able to get 2.5 billion fromwhat is underlined is a transitional levy and which, since words are important,is referred to in the draft presented as a "solidarity contribution". Because wemust not disturb those who want to do (get rich, more correctly), while it ismore glamorous to make people think that the rich appear to be in solidarity withthe poor.But returning to the most important question, why did big newspapers - laRepubblica seem to be the most anti-government newspaper today - and largesectors of the establishment assumed such a critical attitude towards agovernment prone to complying with its requests? Certainly within power there arealways factions aligned in contending for it, however the impression is that inthe dynamics that characterize the current situation and international relations,between the two right-wings that have alternated in the government of Italy inrecent decades, the so-called conservative one and the one with a progressiveaura (all that sector that goes from the Democratic Party to the 5S to theRenzians, etc.), it is precisely the latter that provides greater guarantees ofstability and social order. Some jokes from the post-fascist, populist andsovereignist right could herald clashes and misunderstandings, see the migrantissue with France, or activate a social protest, which is not seen at the momentbut who knows.On November 23, an article appeared in La Stampa entitled "The right bends overto Europe" signed by Elsa Fornero, a real litmus test of what seems to behappening behind the scenes. In this text, the ex-minister with easy tears,executor of the well-known pension reform so disliked at least in words by acertain right-right, argues that the government had to agree obtorto collo thatcould not be questioned, as well as during the electoral campaign it was beendone, the guidelines of European policy, on pain of a crisis like that of 2011.However, he concludes: "We can hope, criticizing and goading the government, that"bought" time[the narrow escape of measures conflicting with the diktats of whatit was once called a troika, ed]today do you transform prudence into real couragefor the structural choices that the country has great need of and which are notthe ones announced?". There seems to be no doubt about the answer and thestructural reforms, always incomplete, are precisely the ones she attempted andimprudently boycotted. In this battle waged by the right-thinking part of thecountry against a government, certainly treacherous, racist and approximate, asignificant contribution is given by labeling it as the representative of aboorish and timeless right-wing, right-handed as it is sometimes defined, heir offascism , whose atrocities and miseries it only now seems possible to denounce -see the many recently published books which retrace the gloomy story of themovement and its maximum architect, with such unequivocal tones as to leavedoubts on their ability to shed true clarity on the fascism of yesterday andtoday. Thus the democratic party can calmly even announce a street protestagainst the budget maneuver, sure that no one will be able to reproach him thatif he had been in government he would have made an equally inane budget law andfully sided with the strong and less strong national and European powers.Like every year, the Sbilanciamoci campaign has produced a financial counterwhich in summary provides for a maneuver of 60 billion with a zero balance, i.e.without debt, which intervenes significantly on health, education, theenvironment, work, social protection, finding the resources in reduction ofmilitary expenditures and in a truly progressive taxation that makes those whohave more pay. Of course, like the other years, this reasonable and balancedproposal, which certainly does not intend to undermine the foundations ofcapitalist society, will remain unheard. The question is whether today, in theseconditions, the ruling classes are willing to accept a seriously reformistproposal that partially rebalances the accumulated distortions, includingenvironmental ones. The answer is no and perhaps it is an ancient answer.Therefore even a small progress towards a more equitable society needs themobilization and struggle of the exploited. However, at the moment it seems thatwe are all waiting for better times.Angelo Barberihttps://www.sicilialibertaria.it/_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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