Article published on the Monday.am page. Link to the original, here. ---- In the
continuity of IMPACT's report in Ukraine, we exchanged with the ResistanceCommittee, a structure for dialogue and media coverage, but also for logisticalsupport and coordination with various libertarian and anti-fascist groupsfighting in Ukraine against the Russian invasion. They shed a little more lighton the political issues underlying a conflict too often reduced by Westernrevolutionary opinion to a confrontation between imperialisms. ---- From ouroutside point of view, we observe on the "revolutionary" side a profusion ofsmall armed groups, mostly anarchists, and few large revolutionary structures, isthis the case? ---- First of all, from this question, arises the desire to askwhy the word revolutionary is put in quotation marks... So, the profusion wouldbe good... but we can rather speak of several groups of anarchist comradesintegrated into the defense forces. We know that several socialists alsoparticipate in the armed forces.Previously, we had a more united anti-authoritarian platoon made up of quite afew people: but it was fragmented at the end of July, mainly because of a certainmilitary bureaucracy, but also partly because of the differences between thevarious groups that make it up.Still, the current period is no less productive as many of our comrades in theirsmall groups are gaining real combat experience and are also gaining usefulmilitary skills that we find politically important for revolutionaries.On the civil front, the most intense initiatives at the moment are found in theSolidarity Collectives. A lot of effort is being made to support the fighters(primarily anti-authoritarians and left-wing activists) as well as trade unions,media activity, etc.What is the role of the "Resistance Committee", to ensure coordination at thelevel of communication? Do you have a more "operational" job?The Resistance Committee is the platform for dialogue, and to a lesser extent forcoordination, between the various libertarians and libertarian groups engaged inthe armed defense of Ukrainian society against imperialist invasion, as well as aplatform for exchanges for the comrades who actively support us. The ideologicalbasis of our cooperation is defined in our manifesto.If by "more operational work" you mean joint military operations, this is not thecase at the moment, because we are members of different units of the UkrainianArmed Forces operating in different areas.The fighting forces on the Ukrainian side appear as a common front betweendifferent factions. Are there tensions, clashes, for example with far-right units?We have no information on such tensions. Moreover, the only political tensionsthat emerged on the spot were tensions between different far-right factions.Generally, different political factions are integrated within the framework ofthe Ukrainian army which in its majority is not politicized (or politicizedaround the ideology of "national defense").We have seen the highlighting of a "Soviet imaginary" on the Russian side, and ananti-Soviet one on the Ukrainian side. Are there any predominant historicalmarkers used by the resistance, particularly the Makhno period?The Russian imperialist side uses a kind of eclecticism of different chauvinistsymbols and historical myths. They use pre-revolutionary symbols of the RussianEmpire combined with Soviet symbols, where the USSR is understood as a newedition of this Empire.The Ukrainian side uses symbols, say, of its "national pantheon" of which NestorMakhno interpreted as a national hero.As for the Ukrainian anarchists involved in the Ukrainian resistance against theinvasion, we also refer a lot to Makhno.To what extent is it a popular resistance, going beyond state tutelage?We have had discussions and controversies around this issue. Let us say itcautiously: the armed resistance against the invasion is organized essentiallywithin the framework of the state. However, tens of thousands of people camevoluntarily to join the army without being forced to do so by the state. Some ofthem were organized into "volunteer battalions" which had existed since 2014 butwhich later, after February, were integrated into the regular state army.Popular self-organization may not have overtaken that of the state, but itremains strong, this was particularly evident in the early days of the war. InKyiv Oblast, we could see in many villages ordinary people who organizedthemselves into territorial self-defense units, established checkpoints, etc.Spontaneous actions (such as, for example, the famous "kidnapping" of Russiantanks by Ukrainian farmers with their tractors) were most visible during theinitial shock of the imperialist general offensive in February-March.However, non-state self-organization now plays a very important role. Especiallyin the civilian sector - a myriad of local voluntary initiatives help the armywith equipment and materials that the state cannot provide.How do you envision the next 6 months? Is there a form of temporary "sacredunion" or are there already attempts to stimulate local anti-authoritarian dynamics?It is really difficult to make predictions for the next semester. There is hopethat the Russian dictatorship will break its teeth here and its capabilities forextensive warfare will be exhausted.As for the internal situation in Ukraine: the social crisis is not onlyforeseeable - it is already on the way. It seems the most adequate scenario is tofight for social justice at home but at the same time focus on defeating theimperialist invaders (we can call this the tradition of the Paris Commune if youprefer). Whether it will be possible for such a political force to emerge underthese circumstances, and in what form, only time will tell.by Emma Goldman Collectivehttp://ucl-saguenay.blogspot.com/2023/01/entretien-lorganisation-des-anarchistes.html_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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