(en) Italy, FDCA, IL Cantiere #14: Between the transformation of politics and the historical defeat suffered by the lower classes, the urgency of activating the restoration and re-proposition of our history arises (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 "It was Vittorio Foa who altered the honorable Pisanò of the Italian Social

Movement with a phrase that still makes the difference between fascists and
non-fascists: If she had won, he underlined in a televised debate, I would still
be in prison. Having won, she he is a senator of the republic and speaks here
with me". ---- From ŽŽ Collective ŽŽ of October 21, 2021 ---- The epigraph
statement is from those who intend to express high-sounding content good for
leaving their mark. Which actually happened in the context of an institutional or
aspiring left, however overwhelmed by the crisis of parliamentarianism which has
progressively eroded, in an articulated and complex historical path, the
"propulsive capacity" of a very articulated parliamentary left,

And it is precisely this left that has expressed indignation on the occasion of
the well-known controversies involving the Hon. Ignazio La Russa of "Fratelli
d'Italia" (FdI), already risen to the second institutional position as president
of the senate of the republic.

Indeed, a vast group of the left would have been indignant at his declarations:
"I don't care about the liturgy, I don't deny my ideas", uttered on the occasion
of the celebrations of the "Italian Social Movement" (MSI), the heir party of the
" Italian social republic", founded in 1946 and present in the parliament of the
republic since 1948, a party in which our president of the senate has served
since the beginning of the 1970s and which also saw the political birthplace of
Giorgia Meloni.l '900

If we were to update the declaration of "the father of the left" we should also
remember that the MSI and its political derivatives have been present without
interruption, and for seventy-four years, in the institutions of the republic and
that, through a long march of consolidation, they have succeeded to climb them to
the highest levels up to expressing the first presidency of the council of
ministers which addresses a clear historical and political reference to the MSI.

Truly a great success for the "father's left", further confirmation that in every
circumstance the story punctually expresses the characters who interpret it.

We have dwelt on these considerations as we believe fascism to be a historical
category that cannot be extended, at least at this stage, to the Italian and
European reality: but we also affirm that fascism and any other form of reaction,
however implemented and feasible, arise precisely from the underbelly of
bourgeois democracy, even when it waves "the most beautiful constitution in the
world".

Bourgeois democracy, reaction and fascism are forms of bourgeois domination which
also take the form of antagonistic forms: but it should be emphasized that their
evident diversification, historically matured on an economic, social, political
and institutional level, has always been "dosed", in form and in substance, by
the bourgeoisie itself in order to maintain and replicate its class rule.

But this "dosage" was and still is articulated in diversified and contradictory
historical phases which, albeit dominated by capital, have expressed and continue
to express multiple directions and different aims by the bourgeois components
that this dosage has pursued and is still pursuing.

It would therefore be antihistorical and superficial to define the current
government as "fascist", when in the lines of foreign policy, economic and social
policy it flatly pursues the directives imparted not by the "plutocratic
democracies" which never existed, but those imparted by European financial
capital in its weak and therefore still inadequate imperialist configuration
which, at the national level, pursues the class interests of the bourgeoisie and
the petty bourgeoisie with all the contradictions, delays, imbalances and
conservative, sovereign and reactionary implications that derive from them,
already pursued in whole or in part by previous governments and, lastly, by the
Draghi government of which both Lega and Forza Italia formed an integral part.

On the other hand, electoral political representations weigh for what they are
socially capable of expressing, and what we can define as one of the most
significant phenomena of last September's elections, namely the "breakthrough" of
FdI in the north, whose productive fabric of goods and services is linked to the
German market, finds itself having to deal with the advance and affirmation of
European restructuring with all its economic and social implications and, above
all, with the tiring, contradictory and divisive adaptation of the bourgeoisie
Italy to these processes, in the context of the escalation of the conflict
between imperialist powers which throughout the world are facing each other in
real wars for the control of the world market.

Imperialism produces war, which also returns to the heart of Europe: Russia and
the United States clash in fact in the war in Ukraine, one of the innumerable
imperialist conflicts fought by proxy: in the specific case for the control of
the Eurasian market, which it overlooks Chinese imperialism.

A war that the European Union finds itself facing with all its strategic
inadequacy matured so far on an economic, political and institutional level with
respect to the needs of the sharpening of the clash between the main imperialist
powers.

Hence its weakness.

In this context, even the League, which has suffered a real collapse in its
northern strongholds conquered by FdI, seems induced to "milder advice".

In fact, even the League (which was in the Draghi government), as well as FdI
(which instead was in the opposition), found themselves "obtorto collo" having to
abandon the demagogic lever of anti-tax and anti-EU resentment, to look at the
ESM and the PNRR, i.e. Europe, previously so virulently opposed.

The fact that the League then expressed, and continues to subduedly express, a
pro-Russian tendency in line with some alignments of Italian industrial groups,
this constitutes another contradiction with the affirmed "Atlantist" tendency
endorsed by the European Union and tendentially accepted also by FdI: a trend
imposed by US imperialism and for now non-negotiable.

Another matter of interest is the persistence in Italy of the historic
north-south imbalance which seems to reward the M5S, which in any case came out
halved by the elections of 25 September. The political scenography of national
transformism uses the caricature of a statist south, governed by basic income and
substantially parasitic, to the productive north of the industrial groups that
still resist, small and medium-sized industry, logistics and the advanced
tertiary sector.

In this context, "differentiated autonomy" represents the demagogic, classist,
disorganized and extremely dangerous attempt due to the devastating implications
on the living conditions of the less well-off social classes, which the current
government pursues in order to resolve internal conflicts by recovering resources
to consolidate and expand its bourgeois and petty bourgeois electoral base and to
counter the progressive southern rooting of the M5S: all without disturbing
European imperialism which willingly acquiesces.

Transformism is historically an Italian variant and in this phase it is also
characterizing the current government and the parties that make it up, whose
history has to deal, we repeat, with the tendencies towards international
productive restructuring that also affect Italy. within the framework of the
state of inadequacy of European imperialism, which is driven to achieve greater
exploitation of the manual and intellectual workforce, eroding rights won at the
price of hard struggles, squeezing wages already attacked by inflation and
cutting essential services, at the in order to recover resources precisely to
counter this inadequacy.

In Italy the repercussions of these tendencies have overwhelmed our class in a
growing situation of defeat, where social opposition manifests itself patchily:
the most significant experiences of struggle attributable to the GKN and to some
sectors of logistics, precariousness and unemployment, fail to generalize to
broader levels and remain isolated.

The struggles manifest themselves, but are pulverized in a local and inevitably
defensive dimension with respect to the great restructuring processes underway;
on the other hand, general strikes are no longer successful: those recently
called by the CGIL and UIL, as indeed those called by the various acronyms of
conflictual unionism, have reached insignificant and sometimes negligible
adhesions, which express the common tendency towards self-referentiality of the
groups union leaders, driven towards a progressive but inevitable detachment from
real class dynamics.

A similar divisive situation also characterizes mass movements whose significant
struggles, for objectives and methods of mobilization, do not generalize into a
common front with the entire social opposition to the designs of capital.

The "crisis situation" has produced an epochal defeat that has ancient roots, on
which it is essential to start reflecting; "the masses in motion" have been
cleverly contained and divided by the social pulverization and the re-emergence
of bourgeois hegemony over the whole of society; the "acting minority", i.e. the
more conscious components of our class, have been progressively dissolved.

What is missing today in productive realities, territories and mass movements is
the presence of an organized militant fabric capable of proposing and pursuing
objectives aimed at achieving a growing process of class unity in opposition to
the offensive of capital.

Consequently, starting from the realities of struggle and mobilization, it is
necessary to begin a capillary and tenacious work of mending that now dispersed
militant fabric which, in other phases of the conflict, was able to unify social
and class contents and behaviors to prevent their isolation and defeat. A mending
job that implies not only the recovery but above all the updating of the most
qualified contents of the history of our class, in order to start the
re-proposition in matters of theory, strategy and organization of that concrete
process which inevitably also refers to the most bright seasons of anarchist
communism: our history.

We must win again: to improve the living conditions of the lower classes weakened
by the crisis and exposed to the aggression of capital, to rekindle hope in the
struggle and weld the defense of the immediate interests of our class with the
pursuit of its historical interests of emancipation from the capitalist yoke, for
equality and for freedom.

https://www.veliber.org/archivio/IlCantiere/A3/cant_2023_14/files/cant_2023_14.pdf
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S  N E W S  S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca