ALB Noticias.- We published an interview with the Brazilian Anarchist
Coordinator, CAB. As it was asked during the days after Lula's inauguration, daysin which the situation was unclear in the face of the Bolsonaro coup attempt,most of the questions deal with the phenomenon of the extreme right, which weunderstand to be It is interesting given the parallels in other territories. TheCAB, a senior organization in the libertarian movement in Brazil. ---- ALB.-Bolsonaro's coming to power is situated within the international context openedby Donald Trump in the USA. The right went on the offensive on a global scale andradicalized it. Treating progressivism in a pejorative way as if it werecommunism moved the entire political chessboard to the right. How has Braziliansociety evolved in the years in which the ultra-right has ruled?The extreme right has always been present in Brazil in various expressions, suchas integralism, neo-Nazis, or even landowners. Our analysis of the currentscenario has as its main vector the consolidation of an extreme right-wing massmovement headed in Brazil by Bolsonaro and his core of ideologues and politicalorganizers.With the support of a ruling class thirsty for more profits, despite the largegains during the governments of the Workers' Party (PT) between 2002 and 2015,they make an alliance with these conservative sectors and with organized fascism,to overthrow a government that was guaranteeing minimum social rights.Into this soup enters the oldest and most organized informal party in Brazil,made up of high-ranking military personnel, with its project to reorganize thecountry in an exploitative and expansionist development model associated withagribusiness.The most militant face in this context was that of the conservative popularsectors stimulated by the neo-Pentecostal churches and by broad sectors of theconservative and historically privileged middle classes.In the current scenario, it is always necessary to consider the consolidation ofthis movement that has as indirect data the expressive vote of Bolsonaro in 2022with almost 50% of the valid votes, despite all the wear and tear caused by hishandling of the pandemic and of the economic crisis that followed the times ofCOVID-19.ALB.- It was announced in November that Bolsonarismo was going to wage war. Theadjusted electoral result favored this scenario. How did the events unfold fromthe elections to January 8?These articulated sectors of the extreme right have been characterized in thelast four years by a constant coup tone. Many statements by Hamilton Mourão(reserve general, Bolsonaro's vice president and member of the failed and violentUN peacekeeping force - MINHUSTAH - in Haiti) about the possibility of aself-coup, the political interference of Villas-Boas (former commander of theBrazilian Army between 2015 and 2019 and very influential in military circles)and above all the coup tone of all Bolsonaro's official speeches on September 7,the military parade commemorating Brazil's independence from Portugal.The difference from the day of Bolsonaro's defeat was his silence. The Brazilianpress has verified that he did not really believe in the possibility of hisdefeat against Lula, although he has always tried to create justifications for acoup -as previously alleging the inefficiency and insecurity of the electronicballot box system- in case of defeat. We all expected a more immediate andinflamed reaction from the extreme right, coming from the upper echelons of thearmy as well as from the state bureaucracy and organized popular sectors. Thereare a number of indications that during this moment of silence Bolsonaro wasarticulating the supporters and funders of the January 8 coup plot. From themoment of the announcement of his defeat in the elections, the militant sectorsmobilized and maintained structured camps in front of the main barracksthroughout the country, loudly demanding the coup.In January, we witnessed the announced tragedy of the coup attempt, with analready expected leniency of the national and state military sectors (theBrazilian gendarmerie), the articulation of the Institutional Security Cabinet byAugusto Heleno (former head of the GSI, general of reserve, Bolsonaro's politicalarticulator and MINUSTAH commander) to allow the Bolsonaro masses to enter thePlanalto Palace and the financing of the caravans of neo-fascist militants toBrasilia by agribusiness.ALB.- What support and social composition does the Brazilian ultra-right have?What sectors do you have?There are countless groups, from the oldest and most classic sectors of theBrazilian right -such as agribusiness landowners and the military- to newer andpopular sectors -such as ultra-conservative Christian neo-Pentecostalism or theright-wing movement of the middle class. . Certainly a rigorous social study willbe necessary to better understand the internal divisions of this phenomenon; whatwe do as a militant analysis is something that still lacks many morecontributions. However, we can affirm that the union of these sectors in acapitalist, ultraliberal, conservative and anti-leftist project characterizes themoment in which we live.ALB.- With Bolsonaro out of Brazil, who is leading these sectors?The news we have is that Bolsonaro has regrouped several of his ideologues andpolitical organizers around his new residence in Florida and has already held a"conservative meeting" in his new place. All this with the collusion of the Bidenadministration, which maintains his tourist visa, since his diplomatic passportexpired on January 28. The movements formed and stimulated in recent years arestill active, although with a certain level of ebb after the investigations andarrests of their leaders and funders, but they maintain the mobilizations and theconstant creation of content on social networks and groups in text messagingapplications. like WhatsApp and Telegram.Recent news reports have even reported that he will attend a conservative eventat the Conservative Political Action Conference in Washington, where Donald Trumpwill be present.ALB.- From a distance, we get the impression that the coup has failed becausethere was no army general or the supreme court that was at the head of theseditious movement. That makes the difference with other cases. Do you think thatthe ultra-right has made its calculations wrong?The military's vision and strategic planning of an anti-leftist and anti-popularpolicy has always been very explicit and is even published in a document from theSagres Institute (belonging to General Villas-Boas) called Projeto de Nação(Nation Project). The attempt to implement this plan was articulated andannounced several times by the military itself, as already mentioned.Some conjunctural elements may have impeded the ability to sustain the classicalseizure of power, including Bolsonaro's own temperament and lack of internationalsupport. However, we cannot underestimate the capacity of the coup militaryunited with the extreme right-wing mass movement that has formed in the country.ALB.- Lula won the elections based on mobilizing the electorate and the socialbases. However, the CAB communiqué says that the institutionalization of thestruggles has demobilized the anti-fascist response. To what extent has thatoccurred?The strategy of Lula and the Workers' Party was to allow Bolsonaro's dehydrationwith his mistakes in managing the pandemic. For us, a dangerous and irresponsiblestrategy, since this genocidal project has cost the lives of many people,especially the oppressed classes.Although the PT militants were present in the struggles against the Bolsonarogovernment, the social movements linked to the PT and which are the majoritysector of the Brazilian left did not give much weight to the demands of thepopular movements for better living and health conditions. during the pandemic.The parliamentary sectors linked to the PT, in the same strategy of allowingBolsonaro's political dehydration, did not make much effort to carry out hisimpeachment, which could send an urgent message to the next rulers about theneeds of the people during the period of global emergency. .ALB.- In the mobilizations of November and in the current ones there is anevident popular component. Within this popular bloc is social anarchism andanti-capitalist anti-fascism. Certain people from the anarchist milieu may findit interesting that they participate in protests with a highpolitical-institutional content. What is your explanation?Whenever there are popular demands, the anarchists will be present, stimulatingthe direct struggle for better living and working conditions. In general, when werespond to a call from union centrals or movements to join street demonstrations,we do so as an autonomous block within the demonstration or within the blockswhere we carry out our social struggle - such as the union or the association ofneighbors, for example.These movements are made up of various sectors of the Brazilian left and webelieve that the external perception that these are struggles in defense ofpolitical parties is biased and is explained by two main reasons: the fact thatthe parties, especially the PT , are the majority in these sectors; and that thecommunication of these parties emphasizes their symbols and their importanceabove the struggle and popular demands.ALB.- What has been the role of the Brazilian anarchist movement?The Anarchist Coordination of Brazil (CAB) daily builds popular struggles in themidst of social movements, acting as an active minority in them. This practice oforganizational dualism requires that we are at the same time building thepolitical organization and acting on these movements with the same level ofimportance. The militants of the political organization belong to the mostdiverse struggles: land and territory claims, groups for the protection of theknowledge and ways of life of the original peoples, unions, student associations,community movements and all the places where there is resistance.This implies, on a day-to-day basis, the formation of an organization withstructures for debate and collective decision-making, constant politicaltraining, propaganda, analysis of the context and the construction of tactics andstrategies appropriate to our space and time. These are some of the various taskscarried out with a lot of work by the militants of the CAB.Within the social movements, our objective is to strengthen and stimulate directand autonomous struggle and create learning from the experiences of struggle,self-management and mutual support initiatives and the concrete achievements ofthese demands. Thus, as we advance, little by little we build structures ofPeople's Power and aspire to achieve a social revolution.To give some examples, I could mention our community courses throughout Brazil,our presence in unions of health and education workers, and the actions of CABorganizations in the "Teia dos Povos", an articulation of indigenous peoples,peasants, and quilombolas. . We recently built the structure of the "TerreiroLúdico" for the children participating in the VII Jornada Agroecológica da Bahiaorganized by Teia, one of the events of great importance for this organization.Another initiative in 2022 was the proposal and articulation of the Campaign toFight Hunger, in a context of growing food insecurity in Brazil, bringingtogether social movements, popular groups and collectives in the task oforganizing community gardens and kitchens, food distribution and food baskets, aswell as acts in the streets for food dignity and in protest and fight againsthunger as a political project of the ruling classes.ALB.- Changing the subject, does anarchism have the capacity to reach the popularclasses in Brazil?Yes, history shows us that anarchism is born from the need to build varioustransformations in the lives of the oppressed classes. Brazil has a rich historyof demands since the 19th century with an anarchist tradition and a longtradition of resistance and self-organized construction of solutions tooppression long before that with the indigenous revolts and those of enslavedpeoples brought by force from the African continent. As we demonstrate daily, wecontinue to build these spaces for struggle and resistance. Thus, we affirm thatanarchism, our path towards socialism and freedom, is only possible together withthe popular classes because it is from their desire for a new world thatanarchism itself arises.We wish you good luck and success[https://.org/noticias/node/5146]https://.org/noticias/node/5146_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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