WORLD WORLDWIDE ARGENTINA News Journal Update - (en) Argentina, Córdoba: March 24 marks the 47th anniversary of the last civic-ecclesiastical-military coup (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 This March 24 marks the 47th anniversary of the last

civic-ecclesiastical-military coup, commanded by the interests of the sectors of
the concentrated economy and the United States embassy as in most of the Latin
American countries. With the Condor plan as a framework, it was about the
genocidal policy that Yankee imperialism had to maintain the domain of the region
as its backyard. Through a systematic plan that included theft of babies,
murders, disappearances, clandestine detention centers, rape, torture, and other
atrocities, and which had a strong impact on the social fabric, the neoliberal
model began to be established in the country.

However, State and parastatal terrorism did not begin in 1976, and several years
earlier the political sectors of those at the top had understood that only
through a bloody genocide could they quench the tenacity and conviction of the
social and political organizations that upheld revolutionary projects and of
social transformation since the 1960s. The milestones of the Cordobazo and the
Rosariazo in 1969, and the subsequent Viborazo in our City, among other popular
insurrections against the Onganía dictatorship, showed the strength and
combativeness of the union, student and neighborhoods to face the repression and
the attacks against the living conditions of the popular sectors. At the same
time, political tools were constituted that took great development, of different
characteristics of composition and ideological perspectives, such as the PRT of
Marxist matrix; Montoneros emerged from Christian and Peronist sectors; the FAR,
the FAP, among others and of course the development of various expressions of
organized Anarchism, comrades to whom we pay this tribute today. In this
scenario, the people shook the institutional power structure of the bourgeoisie,
it was an advanced situation for the struggles of the oppressed classes against
the system of domination, even with the Peronist government of Cámpora in 1973
and the subsequent return of Perón, who could not impose the class conciliation
that this movement historically advocated in the country. The unequivocal
response from those above was repression to try to tame the political turmoil of
the popular sectors. Since 1973 we have already found detained-disappeared
compañeras and compañeros. The action of the disastrous AAA in times of
"democratic" Peronist governments was proof, outside the institutional framework
but in full view of the whole world, of what the military later formalized by
taking over the three powers of the State.

Today, many sectors yearn with great nostalgia for the times of State terrorism,
and even continue to speak of two demons, denying the crimes against humanity of
the repressors and the civil responsibility of those who benefited from and were
part of the coup, such as the recently deceased Carlos Blaquier, owner of the
Ledesma mill that carried out in Jujuy the night of the blackout in which 400
mill workers were arrested and disappeared. Or to give another example, the
family of the repressive Bussi, with a great bloody, anti-worker and impunity
tradition, with Ricardo Bussi and his party establishing an alliance with the
ultra-liberal Milei to face this election year. Other politicians from the
higher-ups, such as former President Macri, also from a business family that knew
how to benefit from the dictatorship, denialist and reactionary positions
continue to be vociferated in the media, expressing that human rights are "a
job". This is just to cite a few examples. Behind these speeches is hidden the
will of the entire arc of the right to deepen a plan of attack on the living
conditions of those below that is already being carried out. Like in the
dictatorship. The repercussion in the media and the attempt to channel social
discontent, especially among young people, with the political class of the
far-right and ultra-liberal sectors is worrying. For this reason, the exercise of
memory is necessary so that the people do not allow those who caused us so much
damage to take power again. Behind these speeches is hidden the will of the
entire arc of the right to deepen a plan of attack on the living conditions of
those below that is already being carried out. Like in the dictatorship. The
repercussion in the media and the attempt to channel social discontent,
especially among young people, with the political class of the far-right and
ultra-liberal sectors is worrying. For this reason, the exercise of memory is
necessary so that the people do not allow those who caused us so much damage to
take power again. Behind these speeches is hidden the will of the entire arc of
the right to deepen a plan of attack on the living conditions of those below that
is already being carried out. Like in the dictatorship. The repercussion in the
media and the attempt to channel social discontent, especially among young
people, with the political class of the far-right and ultra-liberal sectors is
worrying. For this reason, the exercise of memory is necessary so that the people
do not allow those who caused us so much damage to take power again. especially
young people, with the political class of the ultra-right and ultra-liberal
sectors. For this reason, the exercise of memory is necessary so that the people
do not allow those who caused us so much damage to take power again. especially
young people, with the political class of the ultra-right and ultra-liberal
sectors. For this reason, the exercise of memory is necessary so that the people
do not allow those who caused us so much damage to take power again.

In this sense, we cannot stop considering the catastrophic situation of our time
and place, with a social and economic crisis that does not give up. As a general
framework, we suffered consequences of the anti-popular pact with the IMF,
approved by Alberto Fernández to keep the country tied to financial interests
after borrowing the most important loan in the history of the IMF itself that the
Macri government took. An inflation of more than 100% year-on-year, prices of
food and basic services that increase without truce, salaries that, on the
contrary, are constantly devalued, an increase in poverty and misery, a large
part of the population without access to decent housing, to health and education,
an increase in precarious work and formal work that does not even cover the basic
needs of the workers. We are living through a cycle of crisis and attack on those
below that has been going on for many years, an even more vertiginous worsening
of the living and working conditions of the majority of the country's population.
At the same time, the repressive advance of the governments to make the
adjustment happen deepens, criminalizing those who fight and those below. The
repressive apparatus of the State continues to murder and disappear people even
47 years after the dictatorship. Everything on the eve of new elections this
year, while those at the top try to impose a smokescreen with their electoral
thread agenda, the popular sectors suffer their constant attacks. At the same
time, the repressive advance of the governments to make the adjustment happen
deepens, criminalizing those who fight and those below. The repressive apparatus
of the State continues to murder and disappear people even 47 years after the
dictatorship. Everything on the eve of new elections this year, while those at
the top try to impose a smokescreen with their electoral thread agenda, the
popular sectors suffer their constant attacks. At the same time, the repressive
advance of the governments to make the adjustment happen deepens, criminalizing
those who fight and those below. The repressive apparatus of the State continues
to murder and disappear people even 47 years after the dictatorship. Everything
on the eve of new elections this year, while those at the top try to impose a
smokescreen with their electoral thread agenda, the popular sectors suffer their
constant attacks.

This context further reinforces the need to organize ourselves in all social
spaces where resistance to the advance of those above is expressed, such as our
unions, places of study and neighborhoods. To overcome the smokescreen that those
above want to impose on us and to discuss our living conditions, it is necessary
not to leave the streets. Rather the opposite, deepen the struggle in the streets
and the organization from below, in defense of wages, against adjustment, against
repression, against extractivist policies of death, against sexist violence. If
we must recover a lesson from the experience of struggle of our comrades of that
time, it is that in the face of such an offensive from those above, the militant
task must not fall into immobility, nor into paralyzing fear,

State terrorism through its most dastardly methods tried to discipline the
working people, the students and those who bet on building a more egalitarian
society, however our comrades, social fighters who fell facing the dictatorship
transcended into history, into the collective memory of those who do not give up
and live within the daily popular struggles that those of us below wage against
this oppressive, unjust and bloody system. Therefore, recovering the historical
memory of that historical process, the fallen comrades, makes our task militant,
not only for the vindication of our past, but for the disputes and struggles that
are taking place in the present. We cannot lose sight of the fact that the cause
of the 30,400 is still unfinished, March 24 is not a reminder of a finished
fight, although certain sectors want to sell us that speech under the false cover
of this democracy. Instead, it is a date in which we remember and draw on the
strength and commitment of our compañeros, whose fight was for a social
revolution, to build a socialist society, without hunger and misery for the
people, an objective that still remains for us today. motorizes and guides in our
daily work. The experience of the anarchist militancy in the seventies, and of
the general resistance to the reactionary advance should be lessons for the
struggles of the present. It is a date in which we remember and nourish ourselves
with the strength and commitment of our compañeros, whose fight was for a social
revolution, to build a socialist society, without hunger and misery for the
people, an objective that still motivates and guides us today. in our daily work.
The experience of the anarchist militancy in the seventies, and of the general
resistance to the reactionary advance should be lessons for the struggles of the
present. It is a date in which we remember and nourish ourselves with the
strength and commitment of our compañeros, whose fight was for a social
revolution, to build a socialist society, without hunger and misery for the
people, an objective that still motivates and guides us today. in our daily work.
The experience of the anarchist militancy in the seventies, and of the general
resistance to the reactionary advance should be lessons for the struggles of the
present.

The history of our current is very rich in experiences of struggle and
resistance, despite the attempts by those at the top and other sectors to make
the struggles of our comrades on the map invisible, because they are
uncomfortable, because it is a proposal completely in the antipodes of this
system of domination. Organized anarchism during the 1960s and 1970s, as always,
rooted its political proposal in processes of mobilization and organization
promoted from the heart of the people. The 1970s found anarchism in Córdoba
building on different social fronts. On the one hand, the group of militants
based in the Colonia Lola neighborhood, with a strong territorial militancy in
the neighborhood, which had among its milestones the recovery of the neighborhood
center in the hands of the Peronist bureaucracy, recovery of the health center
and the development of the little school Libertad. Among this group of militants
there was also strong participation in the Total Workshop experience at the UNC
Faculty of Architecture between 1970 and 1973. It was an important process
between teachers and students of occupation and assembly that managed to
overthrow the management of the Faculty and convert it in an experience of
horizontal organization, modifying their study plans to get fully involved in the
social and territorial problems of those below, making the people participate in
the work of the Faculty and available to their needs. Undoubtedly, this
experience marks an exemplary milestone for the development of student struggles,
taking knowledge production into the hands of those below. Among this group of
militants there was also strong participation in the Total Workshop experience at
the UNC Faculty of Architecture between 1970 and 1973. It was an important
process between teachers and students of occupation and assembly that managed to
overthrow the management of the Faculty and convert it in an experience of
horizontal organization, modifying their study plans to get fully involved in the
social and territorial problems of those below, making the people participate in
the work of the Faculty and available to their needs. Undoubtedly, this
experience marks an exemplary milestone for the development of student struggles,
taking knowledge production into the hands of those below. Among this group of
militants there was also strong participation in the Total Workshop experience at
the UNC Faculty of Architecture between 1970 and 1973. It was an important
process between teachers and students of occupation and assembly that managed to
overthrow the management of the Faculty and convert it in an experience of
horizontal organization, modifying their study plans to get fully involved in the
social and territorial problems of those below, making the people participate in
the work of the Faculty and available to their needs. Undoubtedly, this
experience marks an exemplary milestone for the development of student struggles,
taking knowledge production into the hands of those below.

Also in our province there was a strong presence of anarchist comrades in the
labor movement that was at that moment at the apex of massiveness and
combativeness. There were anarchist comrades who tenaciously participated in the
Unión Obrera Metalúrgica, the Union of Educators of the Province of Córdoba, with
a greater presence in the historic union of Luz y Fuerza, which in the late 1960s
and early 1970s played a important role in the Coordination Table of Guilds in
Fight to put an end to the Onganía dictatorship and resist the attacks of the
different governments. In this same line there were anarchist militants with
militancy in the Automotive Transport Mechanics Union.

Our colleagues had a very important development in the experience of the creation
of the Union of Rubber and Allied Workers, a body created as a tool for the
struggle of workers in the sector against the immobility and bureaucratization of
the pro-employer federation FOCAYA. This union organized fights of great
intensity in participation and direct action against the bosses. There was also a
strong anarchist presence among the FIAT workers grouped in the ConCord Workers
Union (Sitrac) and the MaterFer Workers Union (Sitram). All these compañeros/as
of course deeply involved with the most heroic deeds of the time that gave the
glorious labor movement of Córdoba of the time, like the Cordobazo of 1969 that
gave a death blow to the Onganía dictatorship and the Viborazo of 1971 that threw
out the inspector of the province who had arrived under Levingston's order to cut
off the head of "the communist viper." A sector of these union militants were
grouped in the so-called Anarchist Organization. It is noteworthy the contact and
link of the Cordoba militants with the political organization Resistencia Libertaria.

Resistencia Libertaria was an experience of Anarchist political organization that
had its actions in the social sphere, mainly in the union field, but also in the
student movement. Initially based in the cities of La Plata and Buenos Aires,
with a strong presence in Astilleros Río Santiago and Ensenada, Judicial, Textile
and Plumbers. The experience of Resistencia Libertaria is centered on the
conception of the Anarchist Political Organization as a tool to participate in
the different social fronts with the oppressed classes, from within, breaking
with the avant-garde conception of other left currents, but rather functioning as
an engine from within. of the social space. Reaching a high level of development
with a press apparatus, in the same way as the Anarchist Organization in Córdoba,
and development of an armed structure as a means of self-defense and a way of
carrying out expropriations to finance their actions. Compañeros/as de
Resistencia Libertaria later came to Córdoba, to support the development of
SITRACAAF and the coordination of Gremios en Lucha in direct link with the
Anarchist Organization. It is worth mentioning here Esther Biscayart de Tello, a
Libertarian Resistance militant who would later be one of the Mothers of Plaza de
Mayo, emblematic organization of the fight for human rights worldwide. After a
tireless struggle for the appearance of her children, also members of Resistencia
Libertaria and all the disappeared. Compañeros/as de Resistencia Libertaria later
came to Córdoba, to support the development of SITRACAAF and the coordination of
Gremios en Lucha in direct link with the Anarchist Organization. It is worth
mentioning here Esther Biscayart de Tello, a Libertarian Resistance militant who
would later be one of the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo, emblematic organization of
the fight for human rights worldwide. After a tireless struggle for the
appearance of her children, also members of Resistencia Libertaria and all the
disappeared. Compañeros/as de Resistencia Libertaria later came to Córdoba, to
support the development of SITRACAAF and the coordination of Gremios en Lucha in
direct link with the Anarchist Organization. It is worth mentioning here Esther
Biscayart de Tello, a Libertarian Resistance militant who would later be one of
the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo, emblematic organization of the fight for human
rights worldwide. After a tireless struggle for the appearance of her children,
also members of Resistencia Libertaria and all the disappeared. emblematic body
of the fight for human rights worldwide. After a tireless struggle for the
appearance of her children, also members of Resistencia Libertaria and all the
disappeared. emblematic body of the fight for human rights worldwide. After a
tireless struggle for the appearance of her children, also members of Resistencia
Libertaria and all the disappeared.

The rich history of the specific current also had its chapter in Argentine
history and particularly in the fight against the dictatorship. The sister
organization and founder of our current, the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation had a
tactical withdrawal from Montevideo to Buenos Aires in the 1970s to reorganize
the resistance to the dictatorship that had been installed since 1973 in their
country. These comrades came from very important militancy in different trade
union circles, such as the Graphics union, Canillitas, Refrigeration Industry
(FOICA), Tires (FUNSA), a stick of combative unionism in Uruguay, among others.
All of them promoters of the creation of the National Confederation of Workers of
Uruguay. Among these FAU comrades were militants from the social organizations
Resistencia Obrero Estudiantil (ROE) and the Cerro-Teja column that developed
territorial militancy in these working-class neighborhoods of Montevideo. The FAU
at the time also developed its weaponized tool, the OPR-33. Already in Argentina
they act in close ties with Resistencia Libertaria, and they are going through an
intense path of struggle due to the affinity in the political position, the
horizons set forth, the methodology, the strategy, the tenacious militancy in
social spaces with all the/ The brothers of the oppressed classes and the need
for anarchist political organization.

All of our fellow anarchist militants were targeted by the persecution and
repression of the State, like the entire generation of our 30,400. Many were
detained, subjected to the worst torture and humiliation, and countless and
invaluable comrades are still missing due to State terrorism. The ruling class
was afraid, very much terrified, of compañeros/as so convinced of turning
everything around, of carrying out a revolution for a world without oppressors,
for this reason they sent the military, their watchdogs, to commit such
atrocities. But let no one be left without knowing that no matter how much
torture, death and repression they have inoculated, they have not been able to
erase the dreams and ideas of our colleagues, because here we are, standing,
building little by little , taking in our hands the legacy and path of our
colleagues. Despite the hostility of the context and the blows from those above,
our comrades are more alive than ever in each struggle of the people. And it is
urgent that we multiply these struggles and multiply the organization, it is our
historical responsibility to assume and we count on the strength of our people
and our history.

We remember the disappeared anarchist comrades, especially those union anarchist
militants of the Anarchist Organization and militants of the group from Colonia
Lola (Córdoba), those who belonged to RL (Libertarian Resistance) and fAu
(Uruguayan Anarchist Federation), compañeros/os who gave everything to build an
anarchism at the service of social struggles and the construction of Libertarian
Socialism. From the specific anarchism of Argentina we know that the best tribute
is to continue their fight.

PRESENTS! NOW AND FOREVER

30,400 COMPAÑERXS, PRESENT!

FELLOW ANARCHISTS DETAINED DISAPPEARED PRESENT!

WE DO NOT FORGET, WE DO NOT FORGIVE, WE DO NOT RECONCILE!

FOR THE CONSTRUCTION OF A STRONG PEOPLE!

UP THOSE WHO FIGHT!

LIVE ANARCHY!

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