Since the beginning of the social movement against the pension reform, which
Macron and the Borne government have tried by all means to impose on us againstall odds, the far right has sought to position itself opportunely as anopposition force. Absent from social mobilizations in which it obviously has noplace, the far right has been trying, since the promulgation of 49.3, to ride thewave of popular anger. The UCL anti-fascist commission proposes a progressreport. ---- The strong social movement born of the contestation of the pensioncounter-reform has placed the question of social demands back at the center ofthe political agenda. The trade unions have been the spearhead of thisunprecedented mobilization, both by the number of demonstrators and by the numberof demonstrations (thousands) having spread throughout the territory sinceJanuary 19. The revolutionary activists took their part in these mobilizationsand played their role as animators during the mobilizations, in the GAs, in theirplaces of work and studies. The far right was out of place there for a long time,and looked for several ways to cling to what it immediately sensed as anti-Macronanger, neglecting the major social component in this movement. , anti-Macronanger from which she hopes, in the long term, to benefit electorally.The best response to fascist discourse is a class response, especially in ourstruggle unions. Photo taken at the April 13 demonstration in Paris.Daniel MaunouryThroughout the first part of the protest, the far right was obviously not at easewith this strong expression of the social movement. Torn between its desire toappear as the first opponent of Macron and its real ideological support for thereform (despite the speeches, the votes in the National Assembly of RN deputiesconfirm their liberal and fundamentally anti-social roots), the RN has not knewhow to position themselves apart from a few reactionary and above-groundpronatalist expressions: a few elected officials were seen during the very firstdemonstrations but were quickly expelled from the processions despite somedisparities in the attitude of the local intersyndicales towards the presence ofthe RN in the demonstrations .No fachos or confused in our demonstrations!Eric Zemmour, as a good liberal, has meanwhile fully assumed his support for thereform, even going so far as to claim a good deal of paternity in a forum withstrong racist overtones co-signed by Marion Maréchal-Le Pen, Guillaume Peltierand Nicholas Bay [1]. Similarly, police unions (some of which are classifiedvery, very to the right !) having announced upstream to mobilize against thereform were punctually present or visible in certain processions during the firstdays but their presence remained very anecdotal and was quickly nothing. Themassive inter-union demonstrations, with the support of activists fromanti-fascist collectives, have generally repelled the few hints of attack orrecovery by the far right, proving that social movements are the best way torepel fascists by putting forward our political and social demands and classsolidarity.The declaration of the triggering of Article 49.3 led to a shift from a socialmovement to a more general popular anti-Macron anger, apparently less politicallyconstructed (partly fueled by the media, the government and the elected officialsof the majority) and much more easily recoverable by the extreme right. Certaindegagist slogans, the personalization of anger against Macron/Borne rather thanagainst a capitalist and employers' reform, and more riotous demonstrations lesssupervised by the unions have made it possible locally to give a new impetus tothe extreme right of Street. This surge of anger which is intended to be radicalattracts young people, and there too trade unionists as well as activists fromanti-fascist collectives have been able to provide support against the fascistsand also in the prevention of police violence.49.3, a favorable turn for the far rightSimilarly, in the face of demonstrations or more radical blockades led by workersand students, the fascists have rediscovered their role as thugs of the bosses,strikebreakers through violence. Between March 15 and 30, Liberation [2] thusrecorded around fifteen attacks on processions of demonstrations, blockages,sticking actions or even premises, some of which targeted our comrades: Lorient,Nancy, Avignon, Toulon, Perpignan, Paris, Albi, Chambéry, Reims, Lyon, Besançon,Amiens. These attacks, which add to police repression, are the consequence ofyears of street activism where their networks and their capacities for actionhave been strengthened (particularly following the Zemmour campaign).While almost everywhere the extreme right is playing its historic role as thelast rampart of Capital and the State against the social movement, in Poitiersthe Action française has claimed the organization of a blockade of the university [3] , while for its part the GUD distributed leaflets in Paris against thereform but also against the blockages and the unions, presenting itself as theonly "revolutionary" alternative, knowing that the groups of fafs organized inunblocking commandos from college have baptized themselves "Waffen Assas" [4], itis clear what revolution they are talking about. Similarly, in the anti-Macronvein, Ile-de-France nationalists post videos of "their actions" in the leadingprocession on their Telegram feeds, no doubt hoping to remobilize right-wingyouth as during the "Manif pour tous" in 2013 or those "antivax" in the summerand fall of 2021. But these demonstrations are not theirs and the slogans remainmostly anti-capitalist.a necessary responseOutside of these street groups, there are also a whole host of people, tricolorin hand, with clearing and/or confused slogans. Slogans from even the ranks ofour unions too often tend to personify the adversary, Emmanuel Macron, callingfor his resignation. Some would like to see a possible alliance of allanti-Macron. It is not so. Our opposition to Macron is an opposition to hisliberal and authoritarian policies, and we do not confuse a liberal andauthoritarian right with the extreme right. Even if the first can be used as astep for the second. We must therefore carry out local and sometimesinterpersonal work to frame the watchwords and the arcs of participation of ourgatherings: affirm analyzes and demands of the left, anti-capitalist and systemicat a minimum, and fire the confusionists and the reactionaries from ourdemonstrations!If this kind of sign may seem harmless in appearance, it actually comes fromanti-Semitic imaginations and leaves the field free for the far right to imposeits themes. Photo taken during the demonstration of April 6, in Paris.Daniel MaunouryThe far right is not only institutional or "street". Very present in the Parisianprocessions, but not only, many media of the far right or "reinformation" happilyfilm our processions. These videos are regularly posted on far-right socialnetworks. Particular vigilance is therefore recommended to activists and we canonly advise to take care locally to identify these false journalists and to actaccordingly. In all its forms, the far right should not seek to integrate ourdemonstrations. If at present we do not know how the movement will evolve afterMay Day, one thing is certain, the social movement has shown that it can moveforward united and that social demands and class solidarity are excellentantidotes. on the far right. Let us try to remember this when, with the approachof the elections, certain politicians will suddenly discover an anti-fascistfiber of circumstance.UCL Antifascist CommissionTo validate[1] Éric Zemmour, Marion Maréchal, Guillaume Peltier and Nicolas Bay, "Natalityand social fraud: oversights in the pension reform", Le Figaro, January 13, 2023[2] Pierre Plottu and Maxime Macé, "The far right has committed around fifteenattacks against opponents of the pension reform", Liberation[3] Loïc Lejay, "L'Action française blocks, the antifas unblock: demonstrationwith reversed fronts in Poitiers", La Nouvelle République du Centre, April 3,2023. This action was widely claimed and relayed on the public Twitter feed ofthe 'French action.[4] Karl Lask, "The Waffen Assas "clean" the universities with iron bars byhand", Mediapart, March 28, 2023.https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Analyse-L-extreme-droite-dans-le-mouvement-contre-la-reforme-des-retraites_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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