WORLD WORLDWIDE FRANCE News Journal Update - (en) France, CNT-AIT: liberté ouvrière #2 - "The question of struggles concerning territory" by Jean-Philippe Crabé (France, 2022) (ca, de, it, fr, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 Spatial planning within the framework of the globalized capitalist economy does

serious damage to the environment and deteriorates or upsets the living
conditions of populations kept away from decision-making. Moreover, it profoundly
transforms societies and compromises their future. Faced with these struggles,
anarchosyndicalists must take a stand. It's a question of consistency with their
revolutionary objectives, but also because, when a development project (whether
it's an expressway or the operation of a site) concerns the region where they
live, they are , like the others, affected by its consequences. However, the
issue related to the struggles for the defense of the territory poses a complex
framework in which it is not always easy to position oneself.

STRUGGLES THAT TACKLE A MAJOR PROBLEM
When at the turn of the 1990s, France, Spain and Europe decided that the
trans-Pyrenees axes had to be developed, the Aspe valley found itself at the
heart of a major project, the European axis E7, which materialized, for the
inhabitants, by the construction of a tunnel under the Col du Somport, then the
widening of the national road 134, the deviation of villages and a
disproportionate increase in heavy goods vehicle traffic (we we are now at 800
trucks per day). For the inhabitants, the road has become dangerous and a source
of nuisance. Beyond the fate of the inhabitants, the existence of this expressway
has other consequences, on a larger scale. During its construction, the Chamber
of Commerce and Industry of Pau explained to entrepreneurs that, rather than
investing in new infrastructures in the region, they would be wiser to wait for
the tunnel to be pierced before settling in Morocco and benefiting from low
wages. On the Spanish side, the Cooperative de Pau[1]took advantage of this axis
to colonize the Aragonese lands and cultivate corn there... pumping merrily in
the waters of the Ebro. Today, trucks transport green beans from Lot et Garonne
which are packaged in a factory in the Teruel region before passing through the
Aspe valley to be sold in France. This road is also a source of human drama. In
2018, a Spanish truck driver died in his truck at the bottom of a ravine. 12,000
liters of sodium chlorate, which he was carrying, slowly poured over the cabin of
the unfortunate man before ending up in the river. The worker screamed for hours
without the firefighters being able to intervene. His corpse was not removed from
the place of his martyrdom until the following day. Is it useful to talk about
the ecological consequences that followed? But this did not call into question
the use of this mountain road as a European axis. Moreover, this landlocked
valley and its small population seem to have been sacrificed by the
decision-makers since the regional president, Alain Rousset, is now talking about
developing an axis there for international piggyback transport. Corridor truck,
corridor freight train, what she lives do we prepare for Aspois? this landlocked
valley and its small population seem to have been sacrificed by the
decision-makers since the regional president, Alain Rousset, is now talking about
developing an axis there for international piggyback transport. Corridor truck,
corridor freight train, what she lives do we prepare for Aspois? this landlocked
valley and its small population seem to have been sacrificed by the
decision-makers since the regional president, Alain Rousset, is now talking about
developing an axis there for international piggyback transport. Corridor truck,
corridor freight train, what she lives do we prepare for Aspois?

Events September October 2018
(notice the tablecloth and picnic basket)
The system does not confine its attacks to the middle of the company, all aspects
of life are affected. The development of peripheral territories is part of this
and it is the most precarious and the most marginalized who are the first to be
affected: who will remain living next to a motorway, a polluting company or a
recycling centre; for whom free and non-privatized natural spaces become the only
refuges? Promoted by the powers of money and the authorities, useless projects
are sources of legitimate revolt because they perfectly illustrate the condition
of the poor described by Garcia Lorca: "  those who have nothing and who are
refused until the tranquility of this nothing  ".

Capitalist globalization passes through the multiplication of expressways and
metropolisation. Peripheral territories are undergoing real colonization through
road and rail developments, airports, industrial sites, landfills, etc. that meet
the needs of big business and metropolises in defiance of the people who live
there. These are dispossessed of their territories and their lives are turned
upside down. These are scattered and small populations, who find it difficult to
make themselves heard and who are today joined by many precarious people who are
fleeing the city, its way of life, its prices and its exorbitant rents.

Demonstration in November 2018 in front of the Pau court in solidarity with an
activist prosecuted for having obstructed traffic by placing the basket and the
picnic tablecloth in front of a truck
These upheavals impact society as a whole. The arrangements allow competition
between workers. They modify the balance of power in companies (employment
blackmail, relocation, etc.). They allow the establishment of polluting factories
in the most impoverished regions. They facilitate and require increased
exploitation of all mineral resources and fossil fuels. If the catastrophic
environmental repercussions are widely commented on, we must also ask ourselves
about the future of the societies which develop on these bases. In the context of
a revolution, how can cities of ten or even thirty million inhabitants be
self-managed? How to ensure the sustainability of regions that do not even know
food independence?

A COMPLEX AND AMBIGUOUS FIELD OF STRUGGLE
Around the 2000s, a Swiss multinational[2]wanted to continue mining a limestone
seam in Roussillon. The small village of Vingrau[3]was his next target. This
exploitation, by the calcareous dust which it generates, was going to make
unusable the vines which make live the major part of the population. Against the
mayor and the boss of the village bistro, supporters of the career, the
population organized itself in self-management. The boycott of the municipality
was almost unanimous. The assembly of villagers took charge of alternative
village festivals, set up a clandestine bar to meet up. It has replaced the
municipality to assume a good part of the life of the village. The Mayor saw the
balcony of his house explode, the CRS charged on villagers who did not retreat,
grannies in the lead. Radicalism, self-management, hostility vis-à-vis elected
officials clearly identified as enemies, fight against a multinational... all
these elements explain the support of the CNT-AIT to these inhabitants. However,
this implication was neither simple nor obvious. This career plan promised
blue-collar jobs in the region, while a number of opponents were winegrowers who
hired seasonal workers at harvest time. One of them, opposing the mayor, was a
member of the CNI[4]. This did not fail to create differences among the opponents
because the majority was not on this kind of position. A territory targeted by a
"useless project" is not necessarily inhabited only by employees and the said
project also threatens the interests of local owners and operators who get
involved in opposition movements. The inter-class dimension, the intertwining in
the struggle of supporters of the defense of the territory and those who defend
their property, the very notion of territory which sometimes takes on a
"regionalist" connotation are all elements that can quickly become problematic.

In the conduct of these struggles, other problems appear. How to oppose? For what
purpose? By what means? During the fight against the Somport tunnel, the
political components and environmental associations adopted a media strategy
around the protection of the Pyrenean bear, which was the best way to alienate a
large part of the population. local. This media strategy was one of the causes of
the failure of the opposition movement[5]. However, the media dimension is often
unavoidable in this kind of conflict. This is not a conflict in a company where
employees can put financial pressure on a boss. Pressure is often exerted through
public opinion and legal action. This reality tends to favor environmentalists
and opposition political parties to the detriment of residents who find
themselves relegated to a supporting role. The latent ineffectiveness of legal
actions[6]and the desire to establish a balance of power other than by simple
media coverage pushed some of the opponents to create ZADs. But there again,
nothing is simple.

In a trade union struggle, the employees of the company naturally appear as those
who must decide on the orientations (even if they are often dispossessed of
them). When the struggle concerns the territory, the question of knowing who is
legitimate to decide arises. Who is legit? Nature protectors from cities, local
inhabitants, those who settle there to fight in a ZAD? The people involved are
diverse and their motivations multiple: stop the project, fight the system or
recover its expropriated property, etc. When, as in Notre Dame des Landes, the
occupation continues for years, the zadists have organized their life on the
territory. They have become full-fledged inhabitants - and not just militants who
bring their support, the time of a struggle. They have their own perspectives
that go beyond the immediate demand to stop the project. In this context, the
negotiated resolution of the conflict proposed by the authorities has created
conflicts of interest between opponents who want a return to private ownership -
and who are content with the abandonment of the airport project - those who want
" normalize" the ZAD and those who want to continue to live in a space that
excludes private property. When we add to this the ideological oppositions
internal to the ZAD, with an authoritarian and violent component which takes
power, the situation becomes untenable[7]. the negotiated resolution of the
conflict proposed by the authorities has created conflicts of interest between
opponents who want a return to private ownership - and who are content with the
abandonment of the airport project - those who want to "normalize" the ZAD and
those who want to continue living in a space that excludes private property. When
we add to this the ideological oppositions internal to the ZAD, with an
authoritarian and violent component which takes power, the situation becomes
untenable[7]. the negotiated resolution of the conflict proposed by the
authorities has created conflicts of interest between opponents who want a return
to private ownership - and who are content with the abandonment of the airport
project - those who want to "normalize" the ZAD and those who want to continue
living in a space that excludes private property. When we add to this the
ideological oppositions internal to the ZAD, with an authoritarian and violent
component which takes power, the situation becomes untenable[7].

WHAT PLACE FOR ANARCHOSYNDICALISTS  ?
"  For us, anarchism is not a laboratory discovery, nor the fruit of brilliant
thinkers, but a spontaneous movement of the oppressed and exploited who have come
to understand (...) the harmfulness of privilege and uselessness of the State,
and who want to fight for a social order which assures man his free development. »[8]

This definition characterizes the singularity of anarchosyndicalism and workers'
anarchism. It is not a theoretical movement that simply seeks to disseminate its
ideas but a movement, in action, of the exploited who claim to defend themselves,
fight and change society through a revolution. If the trade union organization
naturally appears to us as the concrete form that our solidarity must take, it is
because it has several obvious advantages: it is a class organization and by this
very fact, it highlights the opposition between exploiters and exploited; it is a
vector through which all the exploited can act collectively and in a self-managed
manner, thus excluding any enlightened avant-garde; it is an organization capable
of participating in the economic reorganization of future society.

We can subscribe to the observation made by Luís Andrés Edo when he affirms that
"  extra-union activity is a way of getting involved in the activities of social,
cultural and marginal groups whose anti-authoritarian inclination gives them a
quasi-anarchist vision. »[9]as well as his wish that the support for these
movements by anarchosyndicalist organizations be non-structural and that he does
not aim to absorb these movements. It is a question of loyalty towards the people
with whom we fight and that we support and it is also the means of preserving our
specificity and our freedom. The anarcho-syndicalist organization must support
the struggles of this type that it deems legitimate and, if its militants want to
get involved in it, they must integrate the general assemblies of its movements
and take part in the actions loyally.

WHAT CAN IT BRING TO THOSE WHO ENGAGE IN A STRUGGLE TO DEFEND THEIR TERRITORY IN
THE FACE OF USELESS PROJECTS?
Whether through its activists or through collective speech and the support of its
organizations, anarchosyndicalism can be a significant theoretical and practical
support. Our experience and our reflections on the practice of self-management
can make it possible to clarify modes of operation which, if they remain opaque
or authoritarian, almost always lead to the failure of struggles. Our
anti-capitalist reflection brings a certain perspective necessary to avoid
certain pitfalls. For example, in the Aspe valley, some of the opponents proposed
piggyback transport as an alternative to the road, as if it was necessary at all
costs to comply with globalist demands without questioning the legitimacy of the
sacrifices demanded of the population nor the relevance to allow the acceleration
and the increase of the international traffics of goods.

This also allows us to provide complementary modes of action. After the driver's
death in the Aspe Valley in 2018, the "Stop Trucks" collective made a clear
statement, first talking about the human tragedy before dwelling on the
consequences for the valley, declaring: "Another human life victim of the
objectives of yields, the speed and the violence of the economic world"[10]. The
CNT-AIT supported the action of the collective and organized a campaign in the
direction of truck drivers under the title: "Road drivers, by making you go
through Somport, your bosses are sending you to your death! ". In this leaflet,
the CNT undertook to support truck drivers who would organize movements to refuse
to go through the Somport tunnel. We contacted the Spanish CNT to carry out this
campaign with them. If the campaign did not have convincing results, the track of
this kind of approach should not be neglected. Let us keep in mind that we must
work to unite the various exploited who are victims of these projects. This is
also the case when we find ourselves in situations where conflicts arise between
zadists and local inhabitants. Through our culture and our ideas, we are able to
deconstruct the preconceptions of which the zadists are sometimes victims and
make them hear the point of view of the inhabitants when this is legitimate.
Especially since the ZAD is sometimes a necessary means to derail a project. We
experienced this with the Abesse fight, a victorious but long fight which needed
occupation for a while to hold on. Let us keep in mind that we must work to unite
the various exploited who are victims of these projects. This is also the case
when we find ourselves in situations where conflicts arise between zadists and
local inhabitants. Through our culture and our ideas, we are able to deconstruct
the preconceptions of which the zadists are sometimes victims and make them hear
the point of view of the inhabitants when this is legitimate. Especially since
the ZAD is sometimes a necessary means to derail a project. We experienced this
with the Abesse fight, a victorious but long fight which needed occupation for a
while to hold on. Let us keep in mind that we must work to unite the various
exploited who are victims of these projects. This is also the case when we find
ourselves in situations where conflicts arise between zadists and local
inhabitants. Through our culture and our ideas, we are able to deconstruct the
preconceptions of which the zadists are sometimes victims and make them hear the
point of view of the inhabitants when this is legitimate. Especially since the
ZAD is sometimes a necessary means to derail a project. We experienced this with
the Abesse fight, a victorious but long fight which needed occupation for a while
to hold on. This is also the case when we find ourselves in situations where
conflicts arise between zadists and local inhabitants. Through our culture and
our ideas, we are able to deconstruct the preconceptions of which the zadists are
sometimes victims and make them hear the point of view of the inhabitants when
this is legitimate. Especially since the ZAD is sometimes a necessary means to
derail a project. We experienced this with the Abesse fight, a victorious but
long fight which needed occupation for a while to hold on. This is also the case
when we find ourselves in situations where conflicts arise between zadists and
local inhabitants. Through our culture and our ideas, we are able to deconstruct
the preconceptions of which the zadists are sometimes victims and make them hear
the point of view of the inhabitants when this is legitimate. Especially since
the ZAD is sometimes a necessary means to derail a project. We experienced this
with the Abesse fight, a victorious but long fight which needed occupation for a
while to hold on. Especially since the ZAD is sometimes a necessary means to
derail a project. We experienced this with the Abesse fight, a victorious but
long fight which needed occupation for a while to hold on. Especially since the
ZAD is sometimes a necessary means to derail a project. We experienced this with
the Abesse fight, a victorious but long fight which needed occupation for a while
to hold on.

Furthermore, it is important to have a particular look at the ZADs which, on
certain points, are similar to rural squats and which experience problems close
to the squatter movement of the 90s. Some of the zadists are anti-authoritarian
or anarchist. They are confronted with authoritarian and violent movements,
attempts at recovery and/or institutionalization. If we can discuss the relevance
of seeing in the model of "counter-society" a revolutionary strategy which is
sufficient in itself, it would be prejudicial to neglect the dimension of
"societies of resistance" of the ZAD. Especially in a period of extreme
precariousness where the question of food and housing are becoming vital
emergencies for many people. Solidarity with the non-authoritarian zadists must
be obvious.

No more than the trade union struggle, the territorial defense movements are not
exempt from reproaches. They are not necessarily revolutionary, they can drift.
But they constitute poles of legitimate resistance that appeal to many people -
especially in the younger generations - who are wary of the major social
movements over which they have no control and which they consider - rightly -
controlled by institutions. integrated policies and trade unions. The fight for
the defense of its territory seems more concrete and easier to control. In this,
our duty is to participate in it to promote self-organization and to avoid all
the recoveries, where they come from. These struggles sometimes bring victories
in this period when we are sorely lacking. They can initiate practices, be the
source of encounters between humans in which solidarity is created. Solidarities
which persist and which are reactivated for other struggles, sometimes social ones.

Ratings

[1]Now renamed Euralis, one of the world's top 10 seed companies.

[2]OMYA SAS.

[3]To get an idea of this struggle, consult the L'Affranchi website:
https://lfranchi.info/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/lAffranchi9.pdf

[4]The Center National des Indépendants et des Paysans is a right-wing party
which mainly recruits among peasants and the middle classes, today attached to
the Republicans, it has often tried to play the role of bridge between the
classical right and the 'far right.

[5]On this subject, it is possible to consult an online study on the role and use
of the press in the Somport tunnel affair: http://cnt-ait-pau.fr/wp-content
/uploads/2018/09/The-r%C3%B4the-and-use-of-the-press-in-the-case-of-the-tunnel-du-Somport.pdf

[6]In France, a public building deemed illegal cannot be destroyed. The most
emblematic example in this area is the Ile de Ré bridge.

[7]About Notre Dame des Landes and the conflicts that have arisen, two brochures
are very enlightening: "  Dynamics inherent in protest movements  " (
https://zad.nadir.org/IMG/pdf/dynames.pdf ) and "When NDDL takes itself for the
little father of struggles - Between recovery and authoritarianism" (
https://zadducarnet.org/index.php/2021/09/04/quand-nddl-se-prend-pour-le-
grandfather-of-the-struggles-between-recovery-and-authoritarianism/ )

[8]"El anarquismo en el movimiento obrero", Emilio López Arango, Diego Abad de
Santillán, Ediciones Cosmos, Barcelona, 1925, p.106.

[9]"Revolutionary Syndicalism", Luís Andrés Edo, text from 1984 reproduced in
Liberté Ouvrière n°1, 2021.

[10]The leaflet of this collective, which brought together several hundred Aspois
during its rallies, can be consulted on the CNT-AIT de Pau website:
http://cnt-ait-pau.fr/non-aux -trucks-in-daspe-valley/

https://liberteouvriere.com/2022/12/21/la-question-des-luttes-qui-concernent-le-territoire-par-jean-philippe-crabe-france-2022/
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