Apparently distant, but contiguous events characterize this phase of the social
conflict: the class struggle in France linked to the battle over pension reformand the ongoing struggle in Israel to defend the constitutional institutions ofthe state.[1]Both the question of pensions in France that the constitutionalmodification of the state order with consequent violation of the rule of law werefaced with a coup de main which led to the approval of a law that aroused popularupheaval not only on the merits but also for the modalities with the which hasbeen approved. ---- While the match in Israel seems to have been resolved withthe at least momentary suspension of the application of the law, while awaitingits hoped-for and possible withdrawal in France, the executive categoricallyrefuses to negotiate with the trade unions, has the provision confirmed by aCouncil prone to the demands of the executive and responds negatively to thegrowing popular demand for disapplication of the law, even after 12 nationalgeneral strikes and a mobilization that has seen millions and millions ofcitizens take to the streets, as well as unleashing the strongest socialopposition that the country has known in recent years. Proof of this is that - asshown by a recent survey in which the country's working men and women took part -905 of them disapprove of the measure.What happened in Israel clearly tells us that when the popular movement and themobilization are strong and determined, it is possible to force the power towithdraw from its decisions, however authoritarian it may be and as long as it isbased on electoral consensus, and that its action can be disavowed by streetmobilization, when the infringement of the fundamental rights of citizenship andof the rules of coexistence becomes such as to undermine the constitutional pacton which being together is based. In other words, what happened in Israel makesit clear that it is possible for an approved law to be disapplied for clearpolitical expediency and constitutional compatibility reasons following adecision by the same executive power that had imposed it.If needed, the Israeli extreme case tells the French that disregarding the law ispossible. Proof of this conviction is demonstrated by the large number of peoplewho took part in the 12 general strikes in France, repeatedly called by the tradeunions and certainly not isolated because they were accompanied by midweekstrikes and mobilizations which punctuated the news of these weeks for the spanof full four months; nor does it seem to end when it is happening even if,obviously, participation has been subject to declines in participation, caused bythe fatigue of the strikers and the social and economic cost of the mobilisation.The demonstrators tried to remedy all this by changing the methods of struggleand resorting to actions that we could call guerrilla warfare. There werenumerous episodes of picketing, decided and determined, of street demonstrationswhich often degenerated into actions that caused damage to private property.Looting activities, when not only the destruction of goods, leaving the garbageof the cities uncollected, were some of the extreme manifestations of strugglethat testify to the depth of the discomfort caused by the provision. All thishappens because what is called into question are not only the material livingconditions of the population, but also the reduction of life prospects and aboveall of the quality of life of all male and female workers, In other words, apension system structured by categories is replaced by another based on generalrules that are the same for everyone, forgetting that there is no better way todiscriminate and practice inequality than to adopt general and common rules forspecific situations different.In other words, there is no doubt that the social protest developed in France,also thanks to the union initiative, represents a revival of the class struggle,it is a response to the crisis of the representation of the institutions. Infact, voting (voters are in constant decline) is replaced by direct action andthe first person defense of one's rights, without delegating this task to anyone.This turning point represents a novelty that does not occur only in France, butin all European politics, as it allows the masses to reappear in the first personin the social conflict by claiming their role, determined to affirm it at allcosts, ready to fight in defense of their own class positions and interests.Unions, workers and citizens insistently ask Macron to withdraw the provision, tosuspend its effectiveness despite the fact that the Constitutional Council, abody subservient to the executive, has sanctioned the constitutionality of theprovision, also ruling on the anomalous procedure through which the provision isbeen adopted and in fact imposed on Parliament and on the request - refused - tosubmit the law to a popular referendum.And nowThe executive is counting on time for the protest to subside. He is well awarethat the tide has changed in France since 2005 and that the social struggle hasalways lost: by resisting the protests, the government and the bosses haveensured that the measures adopted to resize the welfare state, services, rights,achievements at work remain in force and unfold their effects and therefore hopesthat this time too the conflict will be resolved in the same way.In our opinion - but it is also what we hope - he underestimated the effects ofthe mobilization on the whole territory of the country from the cities to thesuburbs. It does not take into account the fact that in other countries too acycle of very hard struggles has started which has at its center the protectionof public services, health care and schools in particular, and the pressingrequest for wage increases by the various categories who demand higher salarieshigh (the British doctors are asking for a 35% increase in wages) to deal with aninflation that, excluding the cost of energy, grows on all consumer goods,eroding purchasing power.It is also for this reason that the French unions can respond to the Government "Ce n'est qu'un debut continuans le combat", strengthened by the fact that thesemobilizations have brought young and less young people closer to the socialstruggle, also because the conditions of social unease and exploitation havereached unbearable levels and trust in institutions has disappeared. Adisaffection for voting and for sharing trust in the institutions which, for now,has not been followed by any mobilization of the streets in Italy.[1]Involving the Jewish state in a political analysis requires from us anarchistcommunists a specific discourse of clarification on the origin, nature andcharacteristics of the Jewish state in relation to the Palestinian question aswell as the necessity that concerns the entire left called to come to terms withone's own contradictions. This need concerns anarchism very closely since thelibertarian component within Judaism and its contribution in the elaboration andconception of the solution to the Jewish question has been of fundamentalimportance and in some cases has had a decisive role in the choices made fromthat movement of struggle that led to the establishment of the State of Israel,as well as the failure of the socialist and interreligious hypothesis of its ownnature as a state that characterized it at its origins. On the subject we proposeto intervene specifically in a forthcoming article relating to Israel, the natureof the Israeli state and the Palestinian question.The editorial staffhttp://www.ucadi.org/2023/04/18/lotta-di-classe-e-crisi-degli-esecutivi/_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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