It is not a question here of taking stock of the movement on pensions.
Alternative libertarian will devote a dossier to it in the summer issue.For now, here is a sketch of its main features, in the light of theprevious ones, and there are many of them. ---- If we start from themythical November-December 1995, there have been since: 2003, 2007,2010, 2013, 2018, 2019, 2023. Similarities, differences, lessons, hereare some leads. ---- No "locomotive" of the movement ---- In 1995, evenmore so in 2007, but also for example in 2019, transport and inparticular railway workers were this sector where the strike started,where it went strong , which inspires others to join the movement. In2003, in a slightly different form, the National Education played thisrole. One might think that the absence of a gap between professionalsectors avoids the risks of polarization (satisfying categorical demandsto weaken the general movement) and of "proxy strikes" ; but without amassively anchored and visible dynamic of struggle somewhere, theextension proves difficult, 2023 testifies to it.Union unityIt has been said and repeated: the maintenance of an inter-unionbringing together CFDT, CGT, FO, CGC, CFTC, UNSA, Solidaires and FSU forsix months is historic. It is significantly different from othermovements, where only CGT, FO, Solidaires and FSU were found. In 2003,the CFDT called for the first national days of action, but released thestrikers and demonstrators on May 13. A major internal crisis willfollow, with many departures, to the CGT, to Solidaires, to a lesserextent to the FSU, but also "in nature". In 2013 or 2018, from theoutset, the CFDT supported government projects. It was the same in 1995,but the existence then of a "trade union left" within it made itpossible to maintain in strikes and demonstrations many CFDT teams ;including those who contributed from 1996 to build SUD/Solidaires, andothers who remained in the current Tous ensemble until 2003.The renewable strikeIn almost all of the previous movements, the CGT refused to call orsupport the slogan of a renewable strike, or even a general strike;sometimes she fought him. This is what led, for example in 2010 or 2013,trade unionists and trade union collectives from several organizationsto launch and sustain calls in this direction. Not to "denounce", but tohelp build such a movement, by showing, from sectors that are really onstrike in a massive and democratic way, that it was possible. In 2023,the inter-union, for example, called "to bring the country to a halt" onMarch 7, and the same evening to continue in the sectors where it waspossible. How would saying "general strike" in a minority have been moreeffective than such a call from all the trade union organizations ?self-organizationThis is, of course, another important difference between 2023 andprevious moves, even though the trend has been around for a few years.Self-organization has receded. Not so much because we would havereturned to the exclusive expectation of national instructions, butbecause it seems more difficult at the base. The general assemblies of1995 remain a reference; at the SNCF, in health or National Education,they stem directly from strikes in the 1980s, often led by union teamsfrom the left CFDT, or even the CGT. The phenomenon observed over thepast ten years was confirmed in 2023: GAs were often skeletal. This isan essential subject for those who defend and want to practice class,mass, democratic trade unionism and for a social rupture. It isnecessary to strive to find the means to organize general assembliesbringing together people who work together, have a collectiveexperience, so that they and they feel confident to participate, tointervene, to take all the decisions.The local interprofessionalThis is a report drawn after each national interprofessional movement:we need local interprofessional unions. Remembering it only when thereis movement is of little use. This too is being constructed; throughcollective decisions within trade unions, through their implementationwhich engages activists from local unions. Just as it is necessary todiscuss and control the time spent with the bosses with regard to thatspent with colleagues, there is undoubtedly a need to adopt similarmeasures with regard to professional and interprofessional unionactivities. Of course, this does not exempt from heavier decisions interms of release, finances, to support these local unions. Smalldifference to the only reference to the movements for pensions: theimportance of local unions is also a lesson of the movement of yellowvests, at least for the part of the trade union movement which has drawnbalance sheets from it.State violenceThere is no question of attempting a classification on this levelbetween the various movements on pensions. All have experienced policeviolence, to varying degrees, depending on the fear of governments,employers, supporters of the established order. Saying this is notintended to trivialize this situation, but to show that collectiveself-defense must remain a priority for the labor movement.The negotiationsIn this regard, we have experienced different moments, depending on theyear. They have sometimes enabled the government and employers to unhookcertain trade union organizations from the movement, as we mentionedearlier for the CFDT. It was the same with the CGT, in 2007, during thestrike of the so-called special regimes. Everyone knows it: nothinghappened in 2023 ; the objective this time was to break the labormovement, the whole labor movement. And it is a failure which, withoutturning into a victory for our side, must not be silenced: wecollectively have the means to bounce back.The "political outlet"A great classic of social movements, once they reach a certaindimension, like those mentioned here, the question of "political outlet"is always raised. We are not among those who affirm that "trade unionismdoes not make politics"; quite the contrary: social movements, tradeunionism are political, create politics. The expression "politicaloutlet" is pre-empted by a current, political, which considers that atsome point the union, in one way or another, must hand over. It isactually the question of the relationship to the institutional withinthe framework of the laws of the current bourgeois republic that isposed. Rather than offering itself as an "outlet", all forces are usefulto build the strike, the strikes ! The way out? It depends on thebalance of power thus constructed and can only be assessed within thisframework.The popular revoltEach of these movements is a strong moment of awareness of sections ofthe population. In this sense, actions such as casserolades, fakeinterpro GAs but real meetings of local activists, blockades and otheroccupations of roundabouts are not to be despised. We have theresponsibility to explain their limits, sometimes the manipulations theyserve, but we will only be credible by showing that our priority to theconstruction of a class, mass, democratic movement is possible.Christian Mahieux (member of the editorial board of the journal Leshttps://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Reforme-s-des-retraites-Reflexions-sur-les-mouvements-successifs_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
Geen opmerkingen:
Een reactie posten