WORLD WORLDWIDE GREECE News Journal Update - (en) Greece, protaanka: Mass abstention without "second thoughts" from the June 25 elections (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 The result of the municipal parliamentary elections of May 21 reflects new trends

and changes on the political map, which we must politically study and evaluate
carefully in the next period, especially after the second ballot and the
formation of the new government. The second elections are the ones that will
finalize the general trend demonstrated on May 21 and will seal the
intra-parliamentary relations of the next period. Of course, the scenario of a
third ballot in the event of the inability to form an autonomous government or a
government of cooperation remains visible, although with reduced chances. ----
Contrary to Lenin's well-known statement that elections are an indicator of the
maturity of the working class, for us anarchists electoral behavior is not
generally identified with the political behavior of social forces. The vote alone
does not indicate real convergences between the electorate and the parties, while
it does not record the general popular will to an absolute degree. It is a fact
that a large part of those who go to the polls do not vote based on agreement -
let alone identification - with the politics of the party they choose, especially
when it comes to voting for the parties in power. Their choice is based either on
the misleading logic of the "lesser evil" and the "negative vote" in light of the
various systemic pseudo-dilemmas that the dominant agenda presents every time,

The disdain for the political system and its forces was not "defeated" by the
systemic lies about "stability" and "economic recovery", a fact that is also
reflected in the high rate of abstention, in which no reference is made to the
"official" public debate, despite maintaining it as the largest in yet another
election contest. Of course, it is important to point out that we have never
considered that abstinence, which we promote both as an ideological and value
principle as well as strategically, is equivalent to a solid and conscious
dynamic. In part it could be argued that it indicates a widening disdain for the
bourgeois parliamentary system, its actors and institutions which - in the
absence of an alternative revolutionary counter-proposal - has not "jumped" for
the most part from dissatisfaction and discredit to a conscious political and
class perception in the direction of organization and active struggle for the
revolutionary overthrow . On the other hand, we cannot ignore that another part
of abstinence is based on a general indifference to the political process. The
prospect of expressing a mass and conscious abstinence constitutes an open bet
and a political goal for which we will have to die to achieve, against the logic
of complicit support of the urban management forces,

The crucial realization that we anarchists need to spread in all directions for
the time being, is that the outcome of the upcoming election will not affect the
magnitude of the planned social and labor looting that is about to be rampant in
the near future, regardless of the final winner in claim to bourgeois power
(which already seems to have been decided) and the size of his victory (around
which the public debate revolves). The tempestuous developments at the
international and domestic level that are just around the corner, with the
revelation of the depth of the global capitalist crisis exacerbated to an
excessive degree by the policies to deal with the recessionary wave of 2020 as
well as as a result of the Russo-Ukrainian imperialist war, will begin to appear
, as early as next fall.

The increase in public and private debt, the restoration of fiscal rules, the
lifting of bond purchases by the ECB, the increase in interest rates and the
blocking of the supply of artificial liquidity as a result of the new conditions
and the reduction of excess profits from the containment of inflation will are
the main characteristics of the next interval, structural consequences of the new
episode of the global capitalist crisis unsurpassed since 2008 and the policies
to deal with it and will bring about a fierce attack on the world of work
whichwill be unprecedented. It will be an onslaught that will attempt to
tombstone whatever vestiges of conquest are left standing, dramatically increase
unemployment and bring back mass lockouts, consigning the battered carcass of the
"middle class" to the canvas. All these issues were, not by chance, outside the
"pre-election debate" and were hidden behind the narratives of the so-called
"stability" and the "end of the memorandums" or behind apolitical criticisms of
the New Democracy government, which ultimately strengthened it. First and
foremost they hid from the entire political spectrum, to hide the reality of a
system that is trying to show itself mighty and unopposed again but is caught in
the biggest crisis in its history.

The overwhelming victory of the neoliberal right against all predictions is
undoubtedly alarming, as, among other things, it is the first time in memory
years that a government completes its nth four -year term and seems to renew it
strengthened. The conclusions about this result, if it is confirmed in the new
elections, it is necessary to draw systematically and to take into account in the
analysis of the causes not only the factors of the absence of "parliamentary
opposition" or the "corrupted media" but also the peaks proposed by a set of
struggles of the "opposition on the street", insisting on an "anti-ND" rhetoric
that centered on an opposition of "Mitsotakism - anti-Mitsotakism" and which in
essence embellished the state and capital, leading in depoliticization. In the
end, even on a "tactical" and opportunistic level, this rhetoric was soundly
defeated and despite the triumphalisms of many - even during the campaign events
for state-capitalist crime in Tempi - for "the fall of Mitsotakis" it failed to
embody its unspoken goal of an urban government transition.

As sad as the percentage recorded by ND is. for all that the social majority has
gone through over the years, an inverse condition, i.e. a strengthened social
democracy with corresponding percentages, would be even more sad. Those who today
insult the social majority that did not reward SYRIZA with a vote for its social
and class crimes, either as members or as its supporters, undoubtedly would not
"pack bags" and paint them black by spewing anti-social bile if this 40% of the
electorate was headed for "progressive governance". For them, the collapse of
SYRIZA may have been the culmination of their existential political impasse and
the collapse of their expectations of "the defeat of the right" but for us, it
constitutes a vindication,

The defeat of SYRIZA justifies both morally and at the level of political tactics
the insistence on highlighting the assimilationist dangers within a series of
struggles and mobilizations, as well as the choice of permanent rupture with it
in the street,which few, it is true, have followed in recent years, many times
with "curses" and many times flirting with the trap of isolating ourselves as
"obsessives" from the informal satellites of the ruling left, who are now
threatened with annihilation. The tasks of political and strategic conflict with
social democracy are in no way diminished by its temporary collapse. We know very
well that modern bourgeois democracies cannot function without the existence of a
balanced bipartisanship and, in addition, we know that within the movements, even
within the anarchist space, ideologically, not the directions of revolutionary
rupture and revolutionary transformation, but various others dominate visas,
which if not reversed, will fatally lead to assimilation again,

All those forces that represent within the movements the systemic project "the
world does not change" projecting reforms of various kinds as central stakes, are
the ones that in the name of "realism" depoliticized every struggle of the
previous four years, attempting to transform it with systemically favorable
crowns in "anti-right front". It is necessary to shrink in influence and
resonance these forces, amid the fierce social, labor and political battles of
the next interval. To shrink in influence and impact all kinds of reformists,
where an anti-parliamentary revolutionary opposition, gathered around a new
cinematic pole and a new, anarchist organization, will come to the historical
foreground anda rearrange the political and class correlations, so that the
future collapse of the New Democracy will be synonymous with the flowering of a
subversive revolutionary movement and not the social democratic restoration. This
is the real, revolutionary tactical goal of the new dispensation that will open
next fall, and this is one of the goals worth fighting to win.

In contrast to such a perspective, the discussion that has arisen in the public
debate about the "uncontrollable government" that will emerge in the event that
the neoliberal faction maintains its percentage and at the same time the social
democracy does not recover, is a discussion particularly convenient both for the
new government as well as for the social-democratic opposition, which while all
the previous time was assisting the government's agenda, now appears as a
necessity in order to tame the "almighty prime minister". This discussion
unfortunately also appears on a cinematic level and its direction, is no other
than shifting the resistance stakes of the time to the field of the class
opponent and cultivating the logic of "tactical voting" to express the belief
that the terms of the class struggle are formed within the terrain of intra-urban
and intra-parliamentary correlations between the various systemic poles of urban
management and not within social and class struggles. Undoubtedly, such a
discussion ignores the victories of the labor movement and the students during
the previous four years and mortgages the next ones, sending them into the arms
of either the Stalinist fossils of the KKE as a new assimilation pole, or of
social democracy. Because, we must never forget, that even the "victories", no
matter how important, if they are victories under the tutelage and exploitation
of the various gulag lauders of the gulag or "let the right fall" then they are
victories that open the way not to the revolutionary perspective but to the
renewal and rearrangement of the political system on terms favorable to bourgeois
rule and its representatives. In other words, they turn into victories of the
system and not of the games.

At this point it is crucial to underline that the indifferent reception of the
small rise of the KKE is as harmful as its positive treatment as allegedly
strengthening an " anti-capitalist voice" as it defies the way in which it came
about, as a product of the stableof his party intervention in a series of spaces,
in which anarchism is either assimilated into frontal alliances with the tails of
social democracy, or is non-existent, or maintains only a small influence. It is
an issue that should also concern the next period, not "abstractly" but within
the framework of a strategic planning of all-round kinetic reconstruction and
organized entry into the labor, student and wider popular and social movement, if
we want anarchism and its revolutionaries proposals to emerge as protagonists in
the social and class struggle and not remain "decor" of the struggles or
assimilated "promoted demands" that will go hand in hand with the new
"counter-right fronts" of victimization, intra-systemic claims and reformist
delusions,

Along with the necessary ideological, political, strategic confrontation with the
KKE and its bankrupt program for the resurrection of the despotic socialist
states, the critical arrows must also be directed towards the "revisionists" and
"renovators" of this space, whether it is the ANTARSYA or for other graphic
formations of the extra-parliamentary left. Both their role as water carriers of
social democracy and SYRIZA, as well as the very political programs they
advocate, i.e. the despotic socialist state with variations from its "Stalinist"
versions, rank them opposite the libertarian and egalitarian agendas of the
social and class struggle. After all, revolutionary history itself has proven
that revisionist Marxists are neither more "revolutionary" nor more libertarian,
so "closer" to the anarchists as they or their other allies try to present them.
What they represent, as it is or with administrative sauces for "transitional
programs" and pre-revolutionary steps of "anti-capitalist governments", are what
the anarchists fought for since their birth in the First International. And so
even today, from anarchists who respect themselves, their movement and their
history, they will see neither votes, nor collaborations, nor common "fronts".

With the contenders of the parliamentary opposition, wherever they come from, we
are at war and not in an alliance. We fight for their collapse in the
consciousness of the working people and the youth. We fight against them for the
giantization of the anarchist movement, refuting those and those, even within our
lines, who do not believe in the feasibility of such a perspective and look left
and right to make the willing voter or "supporter" of one or the other party in
the name of "tactics", by invoking "anti-rightist sentiment" or other pretexts
that only strengthen the bourgeois political system, its stability and its
perpetuation.

Therefore, against the willing opponents from the entire political spectrum, the
new government of the ND, the new government of capitalism and the state, we will
fight it with stubbornness, plan and stability in the social and class struggles.
We will fight it in workplaces, neighborhoods, schools and universities,
independently and without mediators, strategically and with a view to the Social
Revolution and not looking askance at parliamentary correlations and "regular"
votes to renew the bourgeois political system. We will crush it organized,
collectively, with ideological and political foundations, with a revolutionary
program and with every means suitable for our purposes. We will bring her to her
knees by picking up again the thread of fierce conflicts.

We are again and again advocating abstention everywhere, crushing the new
electoral stakes of entrapment at the polls and organizing the new struggles with
passion, intelligence and an unyielding belief in the possibility and necessity
of social change. To crush on the street and only on the street every anti-social
design, every hopeless expectation of the state, bourgeoisie and government to
"end" struggles and resistances, to crush every disappointment and every
compromise with the brutality of a rotten world we live for destroy it and we
will live when it is destroyed, gazing in its ruins at the wonderful world that
we will build: the world of freedom, equality, mutual aid, anarchy.

ABSENT FROM THE ELECTIONS - POLITICAL AND CLASS ORGANIZATION TO BUILD THE POLE OF
RETURN OF CAPITALISM AND THE STATE

EITHER WITH REVOLUTION AND ANARCHISM OR WITH SUBJECTION AND ASSIMILATION TO THE
STATE AND CAPITALIST BARBARICISM, WHATEVER CLOTHES THEY WEAR

INITIATIVE OF ANARCHIST SAINTS OF ANARCHY - KAMATEROU

https://protaanka.espivblogs.net/2023/06/21/maziki-apochi-choris-deyteres-skepseis-apo-tis-ekloges-tis-25is-ioynioy/
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