WORLD WORLDWIDE FRANCE News Journal Update - (en) France, (OCL) CA #331 - MAYOTTE / COMORES ARCHIPELAGO - Genealogy of a policy of the worst (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 The military-police operation Wuambushu currently being carried out by the French

State in the departmentalized colony of Mayotte, under the official pretexts of
destroying precarious housing and fighting crime, combined with the presence
deemed illegal of "Comorians" from the other three islands of the archipelago, is
part of a very specific regional context, the historical, political and social
coordinates of which this article proposes to briefly outline. ---- Historical
perspective ---- In addition to a common linguistic substrate, commercial
exchanges, matrimonial alliances or brotherhood networks (of Sunni obedience)
establish multisecular relations of reciprocity between the four islands of the
Comoros archipelago (1) . The French Protectorate that Mayotte became from 1841
was a prelude to the colonial domination that France exercised over the
archipelago from 1886 to 1974 (2). To the decision taken in 1958 by the French
State to transfer the administrative capital of the Territory, from Dzaoudzi
(Mayotte) to Moroni (Grande Comore), arousing mistrust of the Grand Comorian and
Anjouanese elites, suspected of favoring their islands to the detriment of that
of Mayotte, responds in November of the same year a Congress of notables which
initiates in Tsoundzou the procolonial movement in favor of "French Mayotte",
amplified and structured from 1963 by the Popular Movement Mahorais (MPM),
historical matrix of departmentalism of which the contemporary Mahoran political
class is in some way the heir, from MP LR Mansour Kamardine (follower of the
theory of the great replacement in its Mahoran version (3)) to MP LIOT Estelle
Youssouffa (with deliberately racist quibbles criminogens (4)), passing by the
1st vice-president of the Departmental Council, Salime Mdéré
(apprentice-provocateur of genocidal rhetoric (5)).

In addition to tenacious lobbying with the French authorities, supported in
particular by the Action Française (not forgetting the French-African networks of
Jacques Foccart), the activism of the MPM unfolded during the 1960s and 1970s
through popular militias (the soroda, for soldiers), especially women (the
"ticklers"(6)), whom the approaching prospect of independence incites to the
systematic persecution of all nationals of the three other islands (but also of
Mahorais), deemed favorable to the political unity of the archipelago
(serrelamen, those who hold hands). In the context of the self-determination
referendum of December 1974 (63% of the Mahorais opposed it) and the unilaterally
proclaimed independence of the Comoros in July 1975, more than a thousand
"Comorians" were expelled or fled with the complicit assent of the French State,
which promulgates a law which ratifies the principle of a differentiated counting
of the votes, separating in fact Mayotte from the rest of the archipelago (7) in
contradiction with the principle of intangibility of the colonial borders,
applied everywhere else at the time of independence, particularly in Africa
(since then, France has been repeatedly condemned by the General Assembly of the
United Nations, without effect...). In the aftermath, a coup fomented by the
French Services overthrew the Comorian President Abdallah in August 1975: where
the mercenary Bob Denard inaugurated twenty years of French-African policy in the
Comoros (including the assassination of two presidents, in 1978 and 1989).

"Comorians" and "illegals"

Since then, an intimate dissociation has shaped the human and mental geography of
the archipelago. Just as the Comorian State, under the influence of Paris, only
exploits the nation's feeling of territorial incompleteness for demagogic
purposes in matters of internal politics, a specter haunts the Mahoran
conscience, in its thwarted relationship with the French State (between anguish
of abandonment and affirmation of the Department): that of this "Comorian"
otherness that it persists in repressing on its own. In this context, the history
of the "clandestine" is that of its procolonial fabric, between administrative
fiction and the schizophrenic politics of identity. In this regard, the
introduction in January 1995 of a prior entry visa to Mayotte (Visa Balladur) for
nationals of the three other islands of the archipelago, formalizes the objective
alliance of the French State with the speeches of the MPM and the extreme right
in their common criminalization of the "Comorian" (8): "Thieves of jobs, land,
husbands and wives , convictions and even identity... From the end of the 1980s,
Comorians from other islands were accused of all evils in Maore[Mayotte]. A way
of concealing the real issues facing the island. 'No to the invasion of foreign
workers in our companies', 'No to foreign and illegal itinerant trade', 'No to
the development of foreign slums', 'Down with foreign husbands'... Brandies
almost twenty years ago - November 16, 1988 - by around 300 demonstrators, the
majority of whom were women, these banners illustrate all the diversity of the
defects of which the nationals of the neighboring islands were already accused.» (9)

Moreover, this Visa Balladur inflicts on "Comorians" an increasingly difficult
migratory condition, when it is not tragic: dissuasive cumbersome administrative
processes (85% of asylum applications rejected); between 300 and 500 euros to
cross in an often overloaded kwassa (motorized canoe) the 70 km which separate
Mayotte from Anjouan; more than 20,000 shipwrecked people have died at sea over
the past 25 years. Together with the means implemented by the French State
against the entry and stay of Comorians who have become "illegal" on an island of
their archipelago (radar, nautical patrols, aerial surveillance, raids,
detention) (10), real raids villagers are led against precarious dwellings
sheltering "Anjouanais";

The Operation, politico-military paradigm of the Metropolis
In 2019, operation Shikandra (11) constitutes the test bed of Wuambushu, with an
already systematic practice of "decasing" whose euphemism of colonial inspiration
covers nearly 1,800 destroyed homes, concerning more than 8,500 people, for the
years 2020-2022 alone.
The semantic amplitude of the verb uwambushu (12) offers some instructive
nuances: undo to redo (if possible better); the term can also designate the fact
of initiating an uncertain action, without really measuring the risks. About a
third, it has the value of reproach; in reference to oneself, it suggests the
difficulties encountered in the action one has undertaken. If Liberation evokes
"an operation neither done nor to be done", the fact remains that the French
State and its faithful claim to react with brutality to the deadly effects of the
procolonial lure that they themselves produced:

the target: to deport 10,000 people in an "irregular" situation to the Comorian
island of Anjouan in two months and demolish the slums. On April 21, Darmanin
declared in Le Figaro: "We are going to destroy the ecosystem of these criminal
gangs".
the troops: dispatch of 510[sic]members of the forces of order, added to the 750
police officers and 600 gendarmes already on the spot: CRS8, GIGN, RAID. From
April 23, in Tsoundzou, the tone was set: 650 tear gas canisters, 85
de-encirclement grenades, 60 LBD shots, live ammunition fired from automatic
pistols by the CRS8 disaster victims...
the agenda, validated by Macron in the Defense Council: "There is not a moment
when we start it and a moment when we end it" (Darmanin about the operation, Le
Figaro, April 20) - caricature sordid version of Operation Infinite Justice
launched by the Pentagon following the attacks of September 11, 2001.
Rather indifferent to the demonstrations (in mainland France, in Reunion (13)) of
sporadic opposition to Wuambushu, apart from forums and other appeals to the
initiative of associations for the defense of human rights, trade unions and
French political movements as well as than Comorian organizations or collectives,
the government must nevertheless negotiate certain obstacles and dissonances of
an ethical, legal or diplomatic nature which have the effect, if not of stopping
the official account of its battle of Mayotte, at least of postponing its dual
operational component (demolitions and evictions); the right and the extreme
right accusing him of not giving himself the means for an objective that they
also share, the elected officials and Mayotte collectives urging him to undertake
the mass deportation they demand.

Against the LDH / Against the judiciary
The pernicious remarks that Borne, Darmanin and others made about the League of
Human Rights, after the association denounced the diluvian violence of the State
as well as its hindrance to the intervention of relief during the demonstration
of March 25 in Sainte-Soline, are not unrelated to the multiple condemnations by
which the LDH and the CNCDH oppose the immigration policy of the French State in
Mayotte as well as the indignity of the treatment reserved for the inhabitants
poor neighborhoods ("Comorians" or not), under cover of the fight against
insalubrity. And it is not surprising that the deputy Mansour Kamardine or the
mayor of Mamoudzou Ambdilwahedou Soumaïla, take up the vindictive rhetoric of the
regime with regard to "droitdelhommistes associations"...

In addition, from April 24 and 25, the Mamoudzou Judicial Court suspended the
evacuation and destruction of precarious dwellings due to a lack of rehousing
(14). The Prefect of Mayotte appealed (15). A legal and politico-media
confrontation is looming, which in some way opposes the right of the State to the
rule of law. In this context, the President of the Court, Catherine Vannier, is
said to have outrageously suspended the operation; and the press to evoke in
charge the former vice-president of the Syndicate of the Magistracy, "rather on
the left" (Europe 1, April 27) (16). In comparison, the chief of police of
Mayotte benefits from complicit leniency: Laurent Simonin was indeed condemned in
the Benalla case for having transmitted to the spook the video of the
Contrescarpe: "violation of professional secrecy" and "misappropriation of images
from a video protection system"... As for Mansour Kamardine, he fantasizes about
"judicial harassment against the State in Mayotte" and is delirious about the
"racist and anti-French character associations to help illegal immigrants", led
by "hemiplegic humanists" (lefigaro.fr, April 28). Finally, on May 17, the
Mayotte appeals chamber authorized the destruction of the Talus 2 district
(Majicavo), which had started with a bang on May 22, in the uncertainty of
permanent rehousing for the inhabitants. led by "hemiplegic humanists"
(lefigaro.fr, April 28). Finally, on May 17, the Mayotte appeals chamber
authorized the destruction of the Talus 2 district (Majicavo), which had started
with a bang on May 22, in the uncertainty of permanent rehousing for the
inhabitants. led by "hemiplegic humanists" (lefigaro.fr, April 28). Finally, on
May 17, the Mayotte appeals chamber authorized the destruction of the Talus 2
district (Majicavo), which had started with a bang on May 22, in the uncertainty
of permanent rehousing for the inhabitants.
It should be noted, however, that on May 19, a group of associations, including
the Representative Council of Black Associations (CRAN) and the Comorian
Collective Stop Uwambushu in Mayotte (CSUM), filed a request with the
International Criminal Court for "crimes against "humanity" committed by the
French State against Comorians within the framework of Operation Wuambushu. He is
jointly demanding the issuance of an international arrest warrant targeting MP
Estelle Youssouffa and the 1st Vice-President of the Departmental Council, Salime
Mdéré, for their genocidal-inspired remarks. The legal battle is not over...

Against (everything against) the Comorian state...
Since the beginning of the operation, the Comorian State has been playing a
delicate game of opening and closing with regard to Wuambushu. If the regime of
Colonel Azali announced on April 24 the closure of the Comorian ports, that of
Mutsamudu (Anjouan) officially reopened on April 26, auguring a resumption of
expulsions. But on the 27th, it was the very governor of Anjouan, Anissi
Chamsidine, who made the entry of those expelled from Mayotte conditional on the
presentation of an identity document (17) as well as the certificate of a
residence address in the Comorian island. However, the position of the Comorian
State with regard to Paris is no less ambiguous, as evidenced by the framework
agreement signed in 2019: France's financing of 150 million euros in development
aid commits the Comoros to welcoming those expelled from Mayotte (18)... This
ambivalence with regard to the former and so present power coloniale (19) appears
in the interview that President Azali, promoted since February to the head of the
African Union (20), grants to Le Monde on May 8 as part of an official visit to
France: "[Wuambushu]could have been more discreet and effective[sic]. There is a
flight and a boat between Mayotte and Anjouan every day" and, at the same time,
"I ask for the lifting of the visa between the Comoros and Mayotte", while
placing France in front of its historical responsibility with regard to the
department which she herself set up,
We understand why the Maore Committee (whose goal is to "work for the liberation
of the Comorian island of Mayotte") was forbidden to march in Moroni against
Wuambushu; ditto for a rally scheduled for May 14 in front of the People's Palace
of the Comorian capital, without mentioning the impediment made to the governor
of Anjouan to enter the enclosure of the port of Mutsamudu, following his
creation of a Vigilance Committee "empowered to take all initiatives and
undertake non-violent actions to prevent the population of Anjouan from being
threatened in its security and in its tranquility due to the massive displacement
of the population by France" (Mayotte la 1ère, 12 May).
On May 15, the Comorian government declares itself ready to welcome the voluntary
expellees (?), excluding those who have been sentenced. From the 17th, about
twenty "Comorians in an irregular situation" (including 4 "voluntary departures")
boarded the Maria Galanta, under the threatening supervision of members of the
Collectif des Citoyens de Mayotte, whom Safina Soula deplores that they are "
only about twenty on board" (nouvelobs.com, May 17). The same evening, the
spokesperson for the Comorian government assured that the deportees had actually
landed in the Anjouanese port of Mutsamudu: "There were only voluntary
departures[sic]" (europe1.fr, May 17). On the 19th, the Citadelle set sail for
Anjouan with 48 expelled (by force) on board,

Against the "barbarians"
In addition to a double process of dependence and dispossession, which reveals
more broadly the coloniality of the relations that the French state maintains
with the four islands of the archipelago, the xenophobic assimilation of juvenile
delinquency to "clandestine" immigration ( when the minors in question, isolated
or not (21), are often natives of Mayotte and of French nationality (22)),
obscures the social and cultural changes that the department induces among young
people; a youth in search of itself between the inertia of a traditional family
structure in the process of bursting and the impoverishment of an existence bent
to the iniquitous laws of goods and money,
In this regard, the hatred that deputy LR Mansour Kamardine has for the expiatory
figure of the young Comorian "barbarian" (lefigaro.fr, April 28) only betrays the
extent of a blind spot: that of "French Mayotte". , its impasse and its failure
(23). As for blocking operations in front of healthcare establishments supposed
to favor "Comorians" (24), they will not appease such a devastating repression.
The overload of health infrastructures, dispensaries and maternity wards, would
be due to the "Anjouanaises" who came to give birth in Mayotte, before leaving
without their offspring, promised to the right of the soil... The accusation,
with a hint of biological preference, overlaps with the theory of the great
replacement whose deputy LR Mansour Kamardine (25) is one of the most fervent
followers: "The policy of great replacement must end" (Mayottehebdo.com, April
24); while Estelle Youssouffa (26) (LIOT) evokes a "migratory hell in Mayotte" on
Radio Courtoisie (April 24). Obviously, the National Rally (in Mayotte, 59% in
the second round of the 2022 presidential elections) dictates the vocabulary of
the Mayotte political field. In truth, Mayotte has a lacunary health care system,
of which 170 members of the island's hospital and liberal health staff draw up
the alarming report in the letter that they send on April 3 to the authorities in
order to express their concern about the health catastrophe that the Wuambushu
operation would not fail to produce. 59% in the second round of the 2022
presidential elections) dictates the vocabulary of the Mahoran political field.
In truth, Mayotte has a lacunary health care system, of which 170 members of the
island's hospital and liberal health staff draw up the alarming report in the
letter that they send on April 3 to the authorities in order to express their
concern about the health catastrophe that the Wuambushu operation would not fail
to produce. 59% in the second round of the 2022 presidential elections) dictates
the vocabulary of the Mahoran political field. In truth, Mayotte has a lacunary
health care system, of which 170 members of the island's hospital and liberal
health staff draw up the alarming report in the letter that they send on April 3
to the authorities in order to express their concern about the health catastrophe
that the Wuambushu operation would not fail to produce.
What does it matter! On May 2, the senator of Mayotte Thani Mohamed Soilihi calls
for a "Wuambushu of education, health and housing" - a program of health and
school discrimination, accompanied by pogroms, as several leaflets have
encouraged in recent weeks ( not to mention social networks) calling for example
to chase "foreigners" from their homes, or ordering them to leave Mayotte: "Don't
forget to take your children with you. They are part of your luggage" (Bouéni,
May 13). In Moinatrindri, on the night of May 14 to 15, a hooded commando worthy
of the Soroda kidnapped a (Mahorese) owner whose home he ransacked, on the
grounds that he was renting to "Comorians" deemed illegal.
"Illegals", "thugs", "criminal gangs", "young people armed with machetes"? From
the point of view of the procolonial apparatus, its police, its Justice (27) and
its media, the equation therefore seems obvious: "We first saw a Comorian
disguised as a pregnant woman", says a cop about clashes in Doujani. In reality,
what the white construction suits worn by certain rioters conceal (as in
Tsoundzou) are all the French miseries of an island which are none the less the
best shared in the world; this hostile world in which they live, showing
themselves hostile to everyone, to paraphrase Alèssi dell'Umbria. Nevertheless,
the tactical retreat operated by certain "delinquents" in the hills is
reminiscent of the Maroon story of the fugitive m'toro, breaking with colonial
taxation or enslavement. In this context, the intervention carried out on May 12
by a few young people in balaclavas, white coats and machetes (according to
Mayotte la 1ère) against the blocking of the Dzoumogné Medical Center, testifies
to an act of resistance against the xenophobic demonstration of an iniquitous
social order. Similarly, if the stoning of a bus of carers from the Mamoudzou
Hospital Center (Mayotte the 1st, May 17) falls enough within the regime of
aggression, too often conducive to the anomic confusion of the targets, it does
not express any less a feeling of revolt towards a care institution identified
(rightly or wrongly) with the Mahorais Collective which has occupied the entrance
forecourt for days, incarnating in fact the infamous prospect of a health
apartheid ( 28). the intervention carried out on May 12 by a few young people in
hoods, white coats and machetes (according to Mayotte the 1st) against the
blocking of the Dzoumogné Medical Center, testifies to an act of resistance
against the xenophobic manifestation of an iniquitous social order . Similarly,
if the stoning of a bus of carers from the Mamoudzou Hospital Center (Mayotte the
1st, May 17) falls enough within the regime of aggression, too often conducive to
the anomic confusion of the targets, it does not express any less a feeling of
revolt towards a care institution identified (rightly or wrongly) with the
Mahorais Collective which has occupied the entrance forecourt for days,
incarnating in fact the infamous prospect of a health apartheid ( 28). the
intervention carried out on May 12 by a few young people in hoods, white coats
and machetes (according to Mayotte the 1st) against the blocking of the Dzoumogné
Medical Center, testifies to an act of resistance against the xenophobic
manifestation of an iniquitous social order . Similarly, if the stoning of a bus
of carers from the Mamoudzou Hospital Center (Mayotte the 1st, May 17) falls
enough within the regime of aggression, too often conducive to the anomic
confusion of the targets, it does not express any less a feeling of revolt
towards a care institution identified (rightly or wrongly) with the Mahorais
Collective which has occupied the entrance forecourt for days, incarnating in
fact the infamous prospect of a health apartheid ( 28). testifies to an act of
resistance against the xenophobic manifestation of an iniquitous social order.
Similarly, if the stoning of a bus of carers from the Mamoudzou Hospital Center
(Mayotte the 1st, May 17) falls enough within the regime of aggression, too often
conducive to the anomic confusion of the targets, it does not express any less a
feeling of revolt towards a care institution identified (rightly or wrongly) with
the Mahorais Collective which has occupied the entrance forecourt for days,
incarnating in fact the infamous prospect of a health apartheid ( 28). testifies
to an act of resistance against the xenophobic manifestation of an iniquitous
social order. Similarly, if the stoning of a bus of carers from the Mamoudzou
Hospital Center (Mayotte the 1st, May 17) falls enough within the regime of
aggression, too often conducive to the anomic confusion of the targets, it does
not express any less a feeling of revolt towards a care institution identified
(rightly or wrongly) with the Mahorais Collective which has occupied the entrance
forecourt for days, incarnating in fact the infamous prospect of a health
apartheid ( 28).

Provisional Epilogue
At a time when demolitions and expulsions to the Comoros are resuming, after the
setbacks suffered by Darmanin in recent weeks, the island of perfumes is sinking
into the nauseating swamps of its identity and suicidal fiction (29) - while it
is about to experience the biggest water restrictions in its history. During his
speech, on the occasion of the rally held Place de la République in Paris on
April 15 at the call of the Collective Stop Uwambushu in Mayotte (CSUM), the
Comorian writer and artist Soeuf Elbadawi declared: " I understand that Darmanin
wants to experiment in Mayotte what he will try to do later, on the whole of
French territory, with his immigration bill. Allow population displacements, not
to say mass deportations, to take place,

Gamal Oya, May 24, 2023

Notes

(1) Greater Comoros (Ngazidja), Moheli (Mwali), Anjouan (Ndzuani) and Mayotte
(Moorish).

(2) Administrative unit which took the name of "Mayotte and dependencies" in
1892, before being attached to the French colony of Madagascar in 1912 and
forming an Overseas Territory in its own right in 1946.

(3) This veteran of Sarkozyism wants "any Comorian national applying for a visa
or a residence permit for France to acknowledge, in writing, that Mayotte belongs
to France"... (Mayotte the 1st, April 29).

(4) "80% of students in Mayotte are totally illiterate Comorians, bearded
babies[sic], students enrolled in CP in full adolescence"; "We must exterminate
all these vermin" (CNews, April 24).

(5) "...these delinquents, these thugs, these terrorists...at some point, it may
be necessary to kill some, I am weighing my words. Maybe we should kill some" (JT
de Mayotte la 1ère, 24 April). Salime Mdéré ran for LREM in the 2021 departmental
elections in the canton of Bouéni.

(6) The place of women is predominant in public support for Wuambushu. Among many
others, Safina Soula, founder of the Collectif des Citoyens de Mayotte, is the
caricatural incarnation of the somewhat radicalized ticklish girl (like the
deputy Estelle Youssouffa): "With 80% of births of children who are not French,
Mayotte in fifteen or twenty years will be a Comorian island... It's nothing at
all 1,000 squares. I would have preferred a global plan, demolishing all the
existing sheet metal huts" (mayottehebdo.com, April 24).

(7) During the new referendum that France organized in Mayotte in February 1976,
99% of the votes were in favor of "French Mayotte", which obtained the status of
Territorial Collectivity. The General Council will remain under the supervision
of the prefect, who acts as colonial governor, until July 2001, when Mayotte
becomes a Departmental Collectivity, a hybrid creation on the way to
departmentalization (March 2011).

(8) Mayotte is also the destination of people from Africa's Great Lakes,
Madagascar and even Sri Lanka.

(9) Quoted in L. Giachino & R. Carayol, "'Foreigners' in Maore: the fantasy of
the fifth column", Kashkazi, n°73, 2008.

(10) A point of clarification: the castaways do not perish because of the
precariousness which would encourage them to join the Mahoran mirage "at the risk
of their lives" but because the French PAF corners the boats it tracks to borrow
dangerous navigation routes: the slightly agitated waters of the marked passes
(connecting the lagoon to the open sea) are thus abandoned in favor of the
tormented waves above the coral reef. Such conditions remain foreign to the same
boats that normally circulate between the three other "Comorian" islands of the
archipelago.

(11) The term borrowed from the Comorian language (and turned against its
speakers) designates a dreaded lagoon fish, used to defending its territory by
biting swimmers: the Comorians, in the sea? A video shows two Mahoran women,
participating in the April 29 demonstration in support of Wuambushu, telling an
"Anjouanaise" to "throw into the sea"...

(12) Indeed, wuambushu proceeds from a morphological deformation of the verb
uwambushu.

(13) Almost impossible in Mayotte, where the few trade unions (CGT, FSU,
Solidaires) and associations (charities, humanitarians) which attempt to publicly
express their opposition to Wuambushu are the object of invective, even threats,
from the from the collectives as from most of the elected representatives of
Mayotte in favor of the operation.

(14) This is the Talus 2 district in Majicavo, in the municipality of Koungou,
where families live (of French nationality or not) some of whom have been
involved for years in a procedure to securitize the plots on which they initially
installed with the approval of the authorities. In terms of relocation, places
such as the MJC of M'tsapéré are requisitioned as Administrative Detention
Premises, in addition to the CRA (136 places) already saturated and under tension
(26,000 detained in 2022, a sad national record). . As for the Mayotte prison, it
is at more than 300% of its capacity! When are the stadiums?...

(15) In post in Mayotte since 2021, previously Deputy Prefect for Defense and
Security (Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes), Thierry Suquet was born in 1960 in Constantine
(Algeria).

(16) The same person nevertheless presides over the hearings in connection with
immediate appearances which are part of the penal repression in progress within
the framework of Wuambushu.

(17) Getting rid of one's papers can avoid deportation to one's country of origin.

(18) Height of ignominy, this framework agreement (is) says that "[Comorian]youth
seek salvation in contexts that seem more welcoming and more conducive
to[its]development like Mayotte"! Moreover, the cynicism of this "migration
partnership" recalls the agreement that the United Kingdom concluded with Rwanda,
which accepts in exchange for 140 million pounds sterling to receive the migrants
that London would be unable to deport. to their country of origin.

(19) Aren't we talking about oil, somewhere between Mozambique and the Comoros?

(20) A presidency that would allow Azali to reactivate the AU's Ad Hoc 7
Committee in relation to the Comorian island of Mayotte, a committee dormant
since the 1990s. Will he do it?

(21) The sociologist Nicolas Roinsard contextualizes the phenomenon of "gangs" in
Mayotte as follows: "Some have left the family home following a conflict or the
expulsion of a parent, others to relieve their isolated mother and
impoverished..." (lejdd.fr, May 16).

(22) Some were born from the "mixed" union of a Mahorais with a Comorian, but are
still perceived as "foreigners".

(23) In Mayotte, nearly half of 18-30 year olds suffer from systemic blackmail
into wage labor since the relegated condition of unemployment, in an island of
around 280,000 inhabitants, one in two of whom are under 20, when 70% of the
population lives below the national poverty line (less than EUR30 per day).

(24) Since May 4, with the blocking and then the closure (by decision of the
Mamoudzou Hospital Center, whose director has filed a complaint against X) of the
Jacaranda Consultation and Care Center, at the appeal of the Citizens' Collective
of Mayotte, the movement continues by obstructing access to the CHM as well as to
most of the other health establishments on the island, thus preventing "illegals"
from accessing care, as part of a coordinated protest against the suspension
(lifted since May 17) of the expulsions initially planned to the Comorian island
of Anjouan.

(25) In addition to a property in Grande Comore, he has family in Anjouan, where
he celebrated his customary grand-marriage.

(26) From a mother of Belgian origin and Grand Comorian ancestry on the paternal
side.

(27) Immediate appearances, summons of minors, summary trials, sentences of
several years in prison... Darmanin brandishes his war trophies: "In Mayotte,
firmness pays off. Thank you to the police and gendarmes who have carried out
several very important arrests in recent days, in particular gang leaders" (a tweet).

(28) While health personnel seem to disapprove (more or less openly) of the
obstruction of care by the Mahoran Collectives, the Prefecture relativizes the
blockages that it attributes to "harmless women", complacency demonstrated on May
19 during a hearing at the administrative court of Mamoudzou, in the context of a
request made against the prefect of Mayotte by a patient who had been refused
access to the hospital despite her serious pathology.

(29) Tragic irony: on May 22, a Mahoran worker from the Tetrama company, engaged
in the destruction of Talus 2 (Majicavo), suffered a stroke in front of his own
home slated for demolition...

(30) A limit that the deputy LR Mansour Kamardine encourages to cross when he
proposes to "think about the legislative ways and means to cut the suction pumps
that are the law of the soil, access to the free and unlimited healthcare system
for foreigners... and the obligation for communities to educate children thrown
by their parents on our beaches" (lefigaro.fr, April 28). The same also declares
on the site of Valeurs Actuelles, whose oblique editorial of May 5 is entitled
"Mayotte, laboratory of general catastrophe": "The operation to restore the rule
of law Wuambushu is an urgent necessity for Mayotte , from which lessons should
be drawn for the metropolis".

http://oclibertaire.lautre.net/spip.php?article3813
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