In the strategy of formatting values implemented by the neo-fascist
party, the restoration of the idea of nation plays an absolutely centralrole. Reformulating it, the term nation becomes synonymous with homelandand is described as "the natural society that prescinds from anyconvention, similar to the family". From this statement that belongs tothe premier it logically follows that being part of it has as itsprimary presupposition the belonging of blood, the genetic bond, inother words belonging to it is an essentially and primarily biologicalfact, proof of which is that from the premier and president of the partythe nation it is assimilated to the "family as a natural society". Andagain it follows that only the biological family is considered as afamily so that the two definitions go hand in hand as part of a"package" of values that summarizes the narrative developed by the rightin government.That these are not occasional and peregrine statements is testified bythe fact that these concepts have been repeatedly expressed by the primeminister and by exponents of her party and which in turn refer to thenotion of lineage (that is, of family origin or lineage, in as connectedwith nobility and the importance of house) or lineage (that is, a groupof unilineal descent referring to a known apical ancestor who may bematrilineal or patrilineal, depending on whether traced through mothersor fathers, respectively). or, more simply, taking up the definitionthat Giorgio Almirante, editorial secretary of the magazine "The defenseof the race", gave of nation in his columns.Extinguish the flame by realizing the values it holdsThe return to these meanings of values in the intentions of the rightmust act as a polar star to transform the cultural climate of thecountry, making it involve the rediscovery of values attributable to thenarration of history and the vision of life elaborated during theFascist period which was a regime of totalitarian government - asMussolini himself recognized - certainly reactionary, aimed at restoringa set of values that have always been shared and supported by the rulingclasses in support of a hierarchical and class society that hasinequality as its objective and that the conflict between capital andlabor opposes corporatism as a social and economic doctrine. In otherwords, the narrative that the right is making today makes an equationits own: how fascism was the answer to the request for innovation andsocial transformation that characterized the Red Biennium 1919-1921 inItaly and the revolutionary post-war period in the 1920s, today there-proposition of those values is the response to the "breakdowns"introduced in culture, customs and social values by the struggles thatbegan in 1968-69.This choice tends to remove the cultural and political climate thatbanned and marginalized in social feeling and customs, with the searchfor equality, freedom and solidarity, the cult of force,authoritarianism, the obtuse conservation of values of tradition, therepression of sexual and emotional freedom, the cult of the force ofviolence and war which had been the distinctive characteristics of fascism.The restoration desired and pursued by the right can take place byupdating, updating and re-proposing with a new language a structure ofcorporative, classist society, characterized by strong institutionalelements of dirigisme, which delegates the management of politics andsociety to a democracy. That is why this narration is accompanied by theinstitutional reforms which, essentially designing a new institutionalframework, put an end to the Republic born of the Resistance and allowthe stipulation of a new constitutional pact which aims to be the realmoment of peace for the post-fascist right national because it wouldmake it possible to erase what was the fruit of the defeat of fascism. From the right's analysis of the international political situation, itderives the conviction that the conditions exist today to implement thisproject, as evidenced by the growth throughout the world and above allin Europe of right-wing parties and movements which are the bearers ofidentical demands , albeit in different social contexts, which give lifeto democrature which transform the parliamentary republics of a liberalconstitutional orientation into regimes managed by autocrats, whichcollect the popular mandate in the face of a non-existent governmentproposal and a crisis of perspectives and values of the "reformist left".The project has global reach and dimensions and as far as the EU isconcerned it should materialize with the electoral success of theconservatives and an alliance of these with the center in order tostrengthen and further re-launch this process in individual countries.At the level of individual states, the feared entry of Ukraine into theEU should strengthen the vision of Europe as a set of homelands, i.e.states, highly autonomous, but linked by common interests, which setthemselves up as custodians of values and as a guarantee of identities,to ensure in the unity of interests the diversity contained within acommon basket of values which refers to the traditional values of God,country and family supported by tradition.The reformist responseIt hardly needs to be said, and in any case it is quite evident, thatthe reformist parties of Europe have not understood what the right'sproject is, indeed in their arrogance, considering themselves custodiansof progress and a supposed cultural superiority, they systematicallyunderestimate it and all this, in reality, to hide the fact that theyhave no answer to give, no strategic proposal to oppose. They observethe development of events, astonished and powerless, they struggle inthe coils of empty elaborations aimed at interpreting the possibledevelopments of capitalism, in the illusion of temper their inequalitiesand violence, actually ending up perfecting their instruments ofdomination, lacking their own strategy and a reading of history, aconvincing narrative, which can enlighten the masses and make themunderstand what is being prepared.The fact is that these parties have lost their identity, crushed bytheir role as interpreters of the interests of the turbo capitalism thatthey have fed and favored in all possible and imaginable ways, to thedetriment of the classes and classes they said they wanted to represent.This means that even when they adopt even timidly progressive measures,they end up losing the consent of the popular classes whose needs andinterests they no longer know. In particular, there is a lack of anoverall analysis of the capital development strategy and therefore,consequently, of a political project to contrast these trends.There is an inability to read the new geostrategic order of the worldand this causes the political proposals that these parties formulate tobe completely ineffective and lacking in concreteness. Their ability tomanage the economy is particularly lacking, they are unable to giveconvincing answers to technological innovation, to the spread ofrobotics, information technology and telematics and consequently tounderstand how the world of work has changed, organization andproduction, distribution of goods. This inability to read thetransformations of the world is reflected in a dramatic absence ofproposals, while the division between rich and poor grows, inequalitieswithin states and between classes and outside them in the world, betweenrich and poor countries, In this dramatic picture, a fundamental role isplayed by war not only as an event of destruction of goods to accumulateprofits and benefit from reconstruction, investing in the misery anddeath of people, but also to settle inevitable conflicts between thedifferent areas of power and economic interests that characterize todaya world that is organizing itself by plates and is assuming a multipolardimension that is based on unstable and problematic equilibriums, alwayson the verge of a possible nuclear conflict, judged today as a possibleand acceptable event.In this misery of reason and politics, it is necessary to put one's handto a reading of the world and of values that can guarantee a real andclear class autonomy with respect to the objectives of both economic,industrial and financial capital, as well as of its foolish servants whomanage the institutions policies and government having it clear that itcannot be the revolutionaries - i.e. those who deem necessary a totalreversal of economic relations and a radical transformation ofpolitical-social relations in an egalitarian sense - who construct astrategy for those who limit themselves at best to chasing the reformistchimera.Our answerA response from us is therefore necessary, which also starts from thedefinition of the basic principles and concepts that must guide ouraction so that the men and women of the planet see a perspective, moveand fight to satisfy their real interests and to a better world and amore just and egalitarian society which places happiness on earth at thecenter of its objectives, the full realization of relationships ofeconomic equality, realizes emotional freedom, cultivates art and beautyas values, frees itself from that junk of traditions that constitute aheavy burden on the shoulders of humanity, starting with seeking in agod and in a transcendent life the solution to unhappiness andinequality "freedom is our law" and therefore "wherever an exploitedperson rebels he will find a world of brothers"; is therefore that byrejecting conflicts and wars between peoples we who areinternationalists and supportive, propose ourselves as the forerunnersof the human nation.It follows that the first objective of our action is the rejection ofwar however motivated and the search for peace by building relationshipsof cooperation and coexistence that see the birth on the territory ofself-managed and self-governing communities that pursue the values wehave recalled.The political challenge starts with making clear what is happening andwhat the plans of the class enemy are and this in order to counter anddefeat them in order to proceed at the same time with the development ofthe strategy and tactics necessary to create the conditions for startingthe construction of the society we want. To achieve it we cannot doother than fielding our role as militants in the class struggle byworking in order to build together with everyone, and with participationand discussion, the alternative for a better world.G. L.http://www.ucadi.org/2023/06/19/il-ritorno-della-razza/_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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