As is known, the First World War marked the end of the greathttps://www.ucadi.org/2023/11/05/i-comunisti-anarchici-la-questione-ebraica-e-quella-palestinese/ _________________________________________ A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E By, For, and About Anarchists Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
multi-ethnic empires and saw the definitive affirmation of national states. The Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman empires disappeared. Although these states were defined as the sick states of Europe, in reality it was the Ottoman one that was particularly weak and characterized by an economic development that lagged significantly behind that of the countries of the European continent: the collapse became evident in the face of the defeats of the Turkish army , suffered at the hands of the Greeks, who managed to occupy part of Anatolia and who were repelled only thanks to the initiative of Mustafà Kemal Pasha. later became Ataturk. His military and political skills were not sufficient to keep most of the territory of the immense empire under Turkish control, which therefore became prey to the victorious powers of the war who proceeded to divide up the spoils, becoming agents. France was assigned Lebanon and Syria, while Britain opted for Jordan, Palestine and Iraq. Palestine was chosen by the English because its territory was contiguous to Egypt, a country over which England exercised the protectorate and which sought to free itself from its tutelage in order to become totally independent. For some time, a reflection on the possible end of the protectorate had begun within the English government and therefore Great Britain needed to acquire a new base of operations to exercise its control over the Suez Canal, of great strategic value for the control of the trade and the seas, owning the majority of the shares of the Canal Company which owned it. The Palestinian territory, due to its proximity to the canal, would have constituted a valid base in which to deploy its forces to guard the entire area. Already in 1916 the French and British governments stipulated the Sykes-Picot agreement[12]to divide the spheres [12]Secret agreement (1916) between England, represented by M. Sykes (1879-1918), and France, represented by F. Georges-Picot (1870-1951), with the consent of Tsarist Russia, for decide their respective spheres of influence and control in the Middle East, after the supposedly imminent collapse of the Ottoman Empire. of influence in the Middle East. In fact the partition took place in 1920, on the occasion of the Sanremo conference and with the signing of the Treaty of Sévres; in those places the mandates were decided and Palestine fell back under the control of the British Empire which had already expressed its interest in the matter at the time. Great Britain considered control of the Suez Canal indispensable; the Mandate of Palestine played well with British interests, as this coincided with the aspirations of the Zionist movement to move to Palestine and therefore an expression of interest was drawn up in the form of a letter. This position was made public on 2 November 1917 by Arthur James Balfour, Foreign Secretary of His Majesty's Government of the United Kingdom. The official document, on behalf of the English executive, was then delivered to Lord Lionel Walter Rothschild, second baron of the house and, above all, major exponent of the leadership of the English Jewish community, to in turn pass it on to the Zionist Federation of Great Britain and Ireland: "Dear Lord Rothschild, It gives me great pleasure to deliver to you, on behalf of His Majesty's Government, the following declaration of sympathy with the aspirations of Jewish Zionism, which has been submitted, and therefore approved, by the Government." "His Majesty's Government looks favorably upon the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will endeavor actively to facilitate the attainment of this object." In other words, the English considering their presence in Egypt to be precarious, deemed it appropriate to settle in Palestine and, to make control of the territory easier, they worried about their allies, preparing an environment favorable to them; in exchange the Jewish nationalist movement obtained political recognition essential for the realization of his project, consolidating the first emigrations that had already occurred in Ottoman Palestine. This territory was part of the Ottoman Empire since 1516 and has always been inhabited by a melting pot of populations, belonging to the three faiths of the book, Jews, Christians and Muslims. After the Ottoman occupation the region had been divided into several administrative units and a part of its historical territory had been annexed to the Eyalet of Damascus until 1660, and then to that of Sidon, while the rest was part of the Sanjak of Jerusalem, which, as the seat of the Holy Places, became an independent mutasarriflik whose mitasarrif was directly responsible to the central government of Constantinople, its ministries and departments of State. This factual situation pushes supporters of the legitimacy of Jewish resettlement in Palestine to argue that at the time there did not exist in those territories a people capable of self-determination with their own self-aware institutions, united by cultural and political bonds and that therefore the Jews they had every right to resettle there. Certainly Palestine at the time was a land without a state where cohesion between the different components of the population was guaranteed by the existence of capitulations - unilateral concessions that the Sultan granted to a foreign power, obtaining economic and commercial benefits. The existence of these actual legal contracts which recognized rights and privileges in favor of the subjects of the contracting states present in various capacities on Ottoman territory, were guaranteed by the Sultan. Jerusalem as a city receiving pilgrimages was subject to capitulations with France for the protection of Catholics, England for that of Protestants and Russia as protector of Orthodox pilgrims. As regards the majority of the native population "...almost 80% of the inhabitants lived in rural areas, dedicating themselves to agriculture and residing, mostly, in small villages, preferably located in the large hilly areas of the hinterland. Settling in the coastal plain or the eastern lowlands would instead have put farmers at the mercy of predatory Bedouins. Furthermore, the mortality rate was high, mainly due to the precarious hygienic and housing conditions. Already since the beginning of the nineteenth century the entire area had been affected by migratory flows of considerable importance, motivated by the objective of making it the location in which to carry out projects variously inspired by religious or political reasons, very often one combined with the other." (Claudio Vercelli, Stories and counterstories). Now, it is true that what makes a community a nation is the awareness of the existence of a reciprocity of ties, but this does not occur only in the face of the existence of the institutional element and therefore with the exercise of a single sovereignty, exercised by a State, in the name and on behalf of every individual who is part of it. We must consider the unifying element of language, customs and traditions, religious affiliation, which in this specific case has undergone changes over time conditioned by the political events that that territory has gone through which was composite and segmented but guaranteed by the personal statutes of the individual components of the population. Due to the particular characteristics of the territory in Palestine, the onset of the consciousness of being a nation has matured in its own time, as has happened in many parts of the planet and this is because historical processes do not everywhere have the times of the West which provides the clock of history, but the acquisition of this awareness occurred at a deferred time and in parallel for the Israeli component and for the native populations. The population of the Palestinian territories led an autonomous existence, unrelated to the official political activity of the Sanjak, which constituted exclusively an administrative superstructure of the Ottoman Empire which did not allow the participation and political involvement of the population. Resistance to occupation and expropriation: the responsibilities of the mandate countries The proof of what we affirm is offered by the ways in which immigrant populations have acquired ownership of the land, establishing their own jurisdiction over the territory. At the time, due to the combined effect of the application of the law of the Ottoman Empire and in particular of the civil code, the Mejelle, which came into force towards the middle of the 19th century, based on the shari'a, and the coexistence of this with the capitulations that guaranteed to whom the integrity of the person and property was subject, Muslims and those belonging to other faiths were subject to different rules of law. The aforementioned code was applied to Muslims, consisting of 16 volumes and 1,851 articles, drawn up between 1869 and 1876, which came into force in 1877. The result of the elaborations of the Hanafi legal school, integrated with elements of law from Sunni madhahib, its structure and its structure had been influenced by the most recent and contemporary European experiences in the field of codification and it also dealt with property, obviously excluding family law reserved to the jurisdiction of religious law. This legislation was supplemented by individual laws issued by the mandate-holding authority and remained in force in Israel formally until 1984. Given that under Islamic law all goods are given to men by Allah, so the use of property must always respect nature and others, no one can be deprived of the goods necessary to live. There are therefore goods in common such as water, which belongs to God, and therefore to the community, as well as minerals and fire and what produces it. Not only that, but it is the family in the person of its head who manages the property through the regulation of succession and the use of the waqf, an institution that contributes to increasing the community's properties managed for charitable purposes for the benefit of religion and community. This meant that the Arab component enjoyed property protection that was overall weaker than the protection offered by Western systems. From this complex structure of the ownership structure comes a propensity to expand public ownership which needed to be demobilized and placed on the market to facilitate the development of a capitalist economy. Therefore, as in other countries subject to mandate or colonial administration, the dismantling of waqfs was also launched in Palestine to place the land on the real estate market and what was public was put up for sale at the disposal of private individuals. The migrants took advantage of this situation and, having access to capital, purchased the land not only by private individuals, but by the public administration which owned more than 45% of the total surface area, thus removing it from community use. Expropriation for reasons of public utility did the rest. The population tried in vain to oppose this policy but the colonists were able to continually acquire new lands, also because they had more advanced knowledge of technological equipment, capital and knowledge to cultivate arid lands, privatizing the use of water. and using it with rationality and more advanced technologies and to propose the implementation of new crops. The propulsive role, from an economic point of view, played by the community structure of the social organization of the settlers, based on solidarity and strengthened by the community of intent deriving from the sharing of a political and ideal project, strengthened by common religious belonging, should not be underestimated. The use of kibbutzim to proceed with planning of the exploitation of the territory was precious and allowed the creation of an advanced economy which enormously increased the standard of living of the settlers compared to that of the native population who, moreover, was excluded from the experience of the kibbutzim because of their religion She's not Jewish. And yet the new cultures planted on the land recovered for agriculture required labor in addition to that which the migrant community could make available and it was therefore necessary to hire a large number of non-Jews as wage workers, with the result of reintroducing into the structure of the kibbutz precisely that wage relationship typical of subordinate work that they wanted to exclude. Thus the Palestinian Arab population found itself excluded from the process of economic growth generated by the insertion of the settlers into the social fabric and the conditions were laid for that fracture between two opposing societies which over time would become armies against each other, not only because divided by religious diversity, ethical values, different traditions and customs, but also and above all by their economic and class conditions. As time passed, and even more so, due to the progressive decrease in land owned and used by the Arab community of Palestine, the aggressiveness of this part of the population towards the settlers grew and armed defense was structured by the settlers who opted to a widespread defense of their settlements, through the construction of volunteer militias, in the absence of one state authority capable of resolving disputes, while the mandatary authorities limited themselves to observing or even supporting the settlers on whom they relied to maintain military control of the area. The clashes, including armed ones, and the mutual reprisals began to sow resentment and hatred ever since, which stratified over time until it led to the war of the Jewish settlers against the mandatory authorities first and then against the Arab populations, to give rise to the formation of the State of Israel.
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