WORLD WORLDWIDE ITALY News Journal Update - (en) Italy, UCADI #179: The mother (majala) of all reforms (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 When the government regurgitated the text of the proposed reform of the

Constitution, otherwise known as the prime ministership, we thought it
appropriate for our reflection to question the professional abilities of
the author of such magnificence. The Minister for Institutional Reforms
is a product of the legal school of the University of Ferrara, already
known as a researcher of a former minister of the Realcasa, a very
faithful and obstinate monarchist until his death, a professor of the
University of Padua, of whom ours has evidently followed the teachings
and guidelines, refining her skills in the field of canon law, becoming
a solicitor of the court, it is said, of not much fortune. Having
aborted her university career, she pursued her political career, holding
the second state position in the last legislature and even before her,
being part of the Superior Council of the Judiciary.
However, the proposal that we reproduce below is not the result of the
legal creativity of those who formulated it but follows and rehashes the
constitutional proposals hypothesized at the time by Giorgio Almirante
who dreamed of making the Third Republic emerge from the sewers, which
should finally bury the first, the one born from the Resistance, and
implement "pacification", erasing anti-fascism. The text of the proposal
is as follows:

Article 1
(Amendment of Article 59 of the Constitution)
The second paragraph of article 59 of the Constitution is repealed.
Article 2
(Amendment of Article 88 of the Constitution)
In the first paragraph of article 88 of the Constitution the words "or
even just one of them" are deleted.
Article 3
(Amendment of art. 92 of the Constitution)
Article 92 of the Constitution is replaced by the following:
"The Government of the Republic is composed of the Prime Minister and
the Ministers, who together constitute the Council of Ministers.
The Prime Minister is elected by universal and direct suffrage for a
term of five years. Voting for the election of the President of the
Council and of the Chambers takes place using a single ballot paper. The
law regulates the electoral system of the Chambers according to the
principles of representativeness and governability and in such a way
that a prize assigned on a national basis guarantees the candidates and
lists linked to the President of the Council of Ministers 55 percent of
the seats in the Chambers. The President of the Council of Ministers is
elected in the Chamber in which he presented his candidacy.
The President of the Republic gives the elected President of the Council
of Ministers the task of forming the Government and appoints the
Ministers, upon proposal of the Prime Minister.".
Article 4
(Amendment of art. 94 of the Constitution)
The following changes are made to article 94 of the Constitution:
The third paragraph is replaced by the following: "Within ten days of
its formation, the Government presents itself to the Chambers to obtain
their confidence. In the event that the motion of confidence in the
Government chaired by the President-elect is not approved, the President
of the Republic renews the mandate of the President-elect to form the
Government. If the latter also does not obtain the confidence of the
Chambers, the President of the Republic proceeds to dissolve the Chambers.";
after the last paragraph the following is added: "In the event of
termination of the office of the Prime Minister, the President of the
Republic may confer the task of forming the Government on the resigning
Prime Minister or on another elected parliamentarian in connection with
the elected President , to implement the declarations relating to the
political direction and programmatic commitments on which the Government
of the President-elect has asked for the confidence of the Chambers."
Article 5
(Transitional rules)
Until the end of their mandate, the life-long senators appointed
pursuant to the previous second paragraph of article 59 of the
Constitution remain in office.
This constitutional law applies from the date of the first dissolution
of the Chambers, following the date of entry into force of the
regulations for the election of the President of the Council of
Ministers and of the Chambers.

In commenting on its proposal, the right babbles about direct democracy,
stating, in order to capture the interest of voters, it is necessary,
since the proposal, if approved, will certainly have to be subjected to
a confirmatory referendum, that directly electing the head of government
would constitute the implementation of direct democracy when instead it
is known to everyone that it would be a question of creating a
plebiscitarian government, devoid of that balance of powers that
distinguishes liberal democracies from Montesquieu. In other words, it
would constitute the transformation of the country into a democracy, in
which the Prime Minister, as elected by the voters, surpasses with his
powers that of anyone else, eliminates the prerogatives of the President
of the Republic, transforms Parliament into a body of ratification of
government acts, but, curiously, does not have the power to distrust a
minister of his government! All this even more so in light of the fact
that it is an electoral law, approved at the same time, which would give
the majority party 55% of representation in Parliament, similar to what
was established at the time by the Acerbo law, which legitimized fascism
in power, today even to be included in the Constitution!
It is not known whether due to the science of the rapporteur or as a
form of misdirection, in order to increase the alienating character and
weapon of mass distraction of the proposal, the text presented is
characterized by a particular intertwining of the powers conferred on
the Prime Minister and the person or whoever might succeed him in the
event of a crisis. In fact, the President of the Republic, reduced to
the role of notary, in this case, would have the possibility of
conferring the task of forming the new government only to a politician
elected in the same majority as the resigning prime minister, provided
that he guarantees the same government program. If this Government also
lost confidence there would be no other solution than the dissolution of
the Chambers and a return to the vote.
This botched rule, which secondly attributes to the potential new prime
minister greater power than the elected one by placing the blackmail
power - that of determining the dissolution of Parliament - in his
hands, ends up, in reality, making the system which claims to be
extremely unstable. wanting to adopt as an antidote to technical
governments, without abolishing the freedom of the prime minister
responsible for appointing as ministers all the technicians he wants.
If we then refer to the behavior of this government by referring to the
program, the prime minister should resign again and again, as there are
very few electoral promises contained in the program that the government
has implemented.
On the basis of these albeit brief considerations, we must conclude that
we are still in the phase of "fluff" that the government implements to
divert the debate of public opinion and voters from what are the real
problems in the country, too big to be faced by a political class that
is betting everything on a leading figure, who is also not free from
constant stumbles in image and behavior and who, as the informal
conversation with the Russian comedians demonstrates, publicly expresses
some positions, while being convinced that it would be necessary to take
on others , which are those of his political opponents.

Victimhood as an antidote to inability

The founding characteristic of the behavior of this government is the
continuous complaint about its many enemies who would impede the action
of the government, which would otherwise do wonders, only if it did not
have to counteract the obstructionism of those who oppose it. The
trouble is that the opposition is non-existent because it is unable to
take charge of the real problems of the country, it is incapable of
speaking to the needs that emerge from an increasingly fragmented and
divided social context, increasingly afflicted by poverty, characterized
by the abysmal difference of income between those who have and those who
are poor, with 10% of the country experiencing total poverty.
But it is not just the poorest who are the victims of this government,
because the middle class is also regularly extorted on the basis of a
corporate policy which privileges some social groups to the detriment of
others, which pits self-employed workers and self-employed workers
against each other. / dependent women, which destroys every institution
of social solidarity, in the field of personal care and health, in the
field of education, in that of social services and everything else
necessary to guarantee an acceptable quality of life. The country has no
prospects and watches helplessly as the resources of the PNRR are
squandered which, it is worth remembering, are only partly
non-repayable, whilst largely constituting a debt contracted in the name
and on behalf of future generations.
It is time, therefore, to return to the real problems of the country
before the economic crisis that is brewing as a direct consequence of
the ongoing wars produces even greater and devastating effects on the
availability of resources, making any solidarity intervention aimed at
alleviating the miserable conditions impossible. in which an
ever-increasing part of the population lives in our country and in the
poorest ones, afflicted by wars.

Committees for the NO immediately. This government majority has the
numbers in Parliament to launch differentiated autonomy and to approve
this Majala law of constitutional reform, but it must submit it to a
confirmatory referendum. Therefore it is necessary to bring the
mobilization to the streets and squares, to the workplace, everywhere,
starting now with coordination structures, with No committees that
explain the objectives and contradictions of the reform proposal and
make it clear that the differentiated autonomy which constitutes the
price paid by the Melonian fascists to the Salvinian fascists is no
longer worthwhile today because the structural elements of the economy
that made it attractive for the Regions that made requests for it have
changed.
In fact, the economic crisis looming over Europe, and in particular the
German economy, nullifies its role as a pole of attraction for
macro-regional structures, satellites of the German ones, which we would
like to give life to through the implementation of the differentiated
autonomy that it would allow the less developed regions to be more
easily separated, breaking the basically egalitarian structure of public
social structures, characterized by equality tending towards solidarity,
nullifying any possibility of implementing a programmatic rule such as
art. 3 of the current Constitution.
It is necessary to explain and make people understand that the
constitutional reform, presented as a modification of only the second
part of the Constitutions, actually affects and conditions the
application of the fundamental constitutional rules relating to rights,
shattering the country and above all sacrificing the principle of equality.

The Editorial Staff

https://www.ucadi.org/2023/11/26/la-madre-majala-di-tutte-le-riforme/
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