EDITORIAL - NECESSITY AND URGENCYPublic Media Workers on alert - GREMIALESPrecarious spaces and the possibility of survival in times of dystopia -ANALYSISThe main labor reforms of Milei's mega dnu - LABOR LEGISLATIONThe Milei catastrophe - ANALYSISThe reforms of the omnibus bill on labor and pension matters - LABORLEGISLATIONIt seems that we were the privileged ones - ANALYSISPalestine: That distant melody of freedom - INTERNATIONALA not very well-known page from the first years of the labor movement -HISTORYEDITORIAL - NECESSITY AND URGENCYIf there is anything worse than a representative system, it is a badrepresentative system. And if there is something worse than a badrepresentative system, it is tyranny. Two weeks after taking office, thepresident of the country confuses himself with Rosas and asks parliamentfor the addition of public power to foreignize the economy, deregulateall markets and destroy the public sector. Menem, in his champagne hell,must feel deep envy.For arbitrariness in government, Milei has the help of the law. In 2006,parliament voted to regulate the parliamentary process of decrees ofnecessity and urgency, a law that had been pending since theconstitutional reform of 1994.The history of decrees is simple: all governments use and have usedthem, but with varying intensity. Between 1853 and 1983, 25 DNUs weresanctioned. Menem signed 545 in 10 years. Until now he was onlysurpassed by Néstor Kirchner who brought the average to more than sixtyper year, signing 270.The problem with the Milei decree is not the decree itself, but the factthat it modifies a tremendous number of issues of which none justify theneed or urgency in the terms established by the constitution, and whichin fact function in together as a general reform of the State.Faced with this situation, the court judges go on vacation waiting forother players to play: first instance judges and chambermaids, butmainly deputies and senators. What is expected, rather than resolvingthe legitimacy of the decree, is to politically negotiate the reform ofthe State. It seems that the need and urgency of the decree have notaffected the judiciary.Our democratic and republican institutions do not seem to have efficientmechanisms to stop in time the arbitrariness of a president who assumeslegislative powers and launches a profound transformation of nationallegislation by decree and whim.This not only reflects the weakness of our blessed republicaninstitutions, but also reaffirms that the fundamental issues of socialconflict are not resolved through the law. If Milei does what he does itis because he can. And if he can it is because no one stops him.The workers' struggle is called struggle and workers. This is becausesociety is divided into classes with antagonistic interests that are notresolved amicably or with parliamentary debates. Fantasy law works moreor less well when the secondary benefits of negotiation outweigh therisk and effort of maintaining a permanent confrontation, especially ifneither party has achieved victory. But as long as the contradictionpersists, this situation is temporary, and since the contradiction istypical of the economic system, what is achieved by law will always besubordinated to the strength that the working class has to keep at baythe constant attempts of the class that owns fatten the income with thethinness of the salary.Workers must come to terms with the fact that we cannot rely on laborlegislation to bring anything resembling justice, nor anythingresembling peace of mind. When things seem to find a path (good or badbut none) the waters shake again. Faced with the crisis, we go out intothe streets, we make contact with organizations and we activate,outraged by the injustice and the audacity of the representatives,hoping that things will settle down again, in some way, dreaming of aworld that works as they say it works. , in which the institutions lookafter us and we can live a little more peacefully. But that doesn'twork. An unjust system will always bring the conflict that determinesit. No. You can stick your head in a hole and hide from reality.When working class organizations are politicized and established aspermanent institutions intended for the negotiation of workingconditions, they become an instrument of government and end upfunctioning as departments of State. The concept of the working class isconfused with a national identity, recognized and administered by theState, and constitutive, therefore, of the social order. The strugglebecomes a negotiation delegated to an accommodating leadership and amonthly subscription to union services. That is what is called classconciliation.In other words, the idea of fundamentally resolving the conflicts thatreappear again and again is abandoned, showing the injustice of thesocial system whose inequality is seen in the material and symboliccontradiction between owners and the dispossessed.What we are experiencing now is the consequence of having given up onthe workers' struggle in favor of political organizations thatvindicated the workers to negotiate the conditions of their plundering.The result is sadly noticeable: today the union leaders, far fromconsidering the abolition of capitalism, negotiate the implementation ofa deregulation of the markets and the consequent concentration of wealthin exchange for preserving some of their own privilege.This surrender has been notorious in recent years as it has been in the90s. The scrapping of railways and the handover of public companies,with tens of thousands of layoffs nationwide, was accompanied in thoseyears by a complicit silence of unionism. who accompanied Menem'sPeronist government in the deregulation and foreignization of the localeconomy. In recent years, the union leadership has also accompanied thefall in wages and the disorder of public accounts of crazy magnitudes.Today they speculate in tune with parliament while Milei advances in thesame direction as Menem, but at a frenetic speed and with the ambitionto go much further.Menem took office with the promise of high salaries and a productiverevolution. They were very hard times in which the economy of theAlfonsín government had collapsed, multiplying poverty exponentially inits last months, hand in hand with hyperinflation. Milei's case isunique because he took office in a critical situation but not socritical, much less serious and urgent than that one, but he managed toestablish such a catastrophic perspective that he achieved popularacceptance for a savage adjustment. Milei anticipated the adjustment andnot the high salary, he announced a nightmare and promised a fantasyworld for which we must wait 40 years.Milei clearly said that he was going to destroy the currency until itdisappeared, that he was going to privatize everything that is public,that he was going to deregulate the markets, take away compensation andother labor rights (less and less massive, by the way) and finance thereactivation with the competitiveness of the economy, that is, with thefall in wages, the precariousness of work and an increase inproductivity from which the owning class would benefit. For the firsttime in history, a crowd in the plaza, on the day of his inauguration,sang in favor of adjustment and police authority, chanting "there is nomoney," "chainsaw," and "police."Such a proposal would have been rejected outright at any other time inour history.There is something of a self-fulfilling prophecy in all this. Mileipushed inflation from 12% monthly to 30% in one month. If everythinggoes well and there is no hyperinflationary escalation, the followingmonths will have a similar inflation pushed by the increase in rates andservices. In this scheme, the only force capable of slowing inflation isthe cooling of the economy, that is, recession. All the signs convergein a serious increase in poverty and in the generation of a trulycritical situation for workers.If the Milei project advances, what awaits us is worse than what weexperienced in the 90s. The destruction of the productive apparatus andthe dogmatic deregulation of the economy will have a very severe impacton the economic capacity of the working class and on our conditions. oflife. If Milei achieves dollarization (and there are those who say thathe has already started it) he will create a general conditioning of theeconomy from which it will be very difficult and traumatic to escape. Insuch a context we cannot trust the union leadership and therepresentatives of the people. It is necessary to create and promotelabor organization outside the orbit of political parties and corporateleaders.It is necessary to join forces in the creation of a labor movementcapable of facing the economic and social devastation that is coming. Itis the imperative need to build truly working-class organizations inwhich workers can take the reins of our own destiny. It is a historicalnecessity that is imposed on us today as an emergency. Today the needhas become urgency.https://organizacion-obrera.fora.com.ar/2024/01/08/necesidad-y-urgencia/_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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