The 1983 march "for equality and against racism" constitutes the public
birth certificate of what will be called the "second generation" ofchildren of immigrants. Attempts to recover and/or break these struggleswill impose the need to build their autonomy, an ever-present issue.---- The marches of the 1980s did not arise in a desert: a firstgeneration of activists born in the struggles for the independence oftheir country was succeeded by that of immigrant workers who would itsappearance during May 68, triggering the big strike at Renault. Thememory of their participation will be invisible to the point that wewill speak of the "May 68 of immigrants" for the march of 83,effectively dissociating them from the common narrative.In the 1970s, in the wake of the first Palestine committees[1], the MTA(Arab workers' movement) was created which launched a general strikeagainst racist crimes in 1973 (it was accused at the time of dividingthe workers) as well as as the struggles of the Sonacotra households in1976. We will also note the revolts of the children of Harkis to leavethe camps where they were parked and made invisible for 20 years, thestruggles of the West Indian populations against BUMIDOM (Bureau forDevelopment migration in the overseas departments), which will beabolished in 1981, accompanied by union victories (obtaining improvedleave).If these struggles are still those of the parents, children born inFrance are also starting to organize themselves. When AbdelkaderLareiche was killed on February 16, 1980 in Vitry-sur-Seine(Val-de-Marne), a mobilization of young people was organized and led toa rent strike. Through initiatives, particularly artistic, networks andcirculations from Marseille to Paris were created, as well as thenewspaper Sans frontières. These young people realize that the moststriking aspect which brings them together is the question of racistcrimes and the confrontation with the police. After the "Minguettesrodeo" tensions continued in the town of Vaulx-en-Velin. On March 23,1983, a police raid in Minguettes (ZUP created in 1963 straddling thecommunes of Vénissieux and Saint-Fons, in the southern suburbs of Lyon)turned into clashes. 11 young people launch a hunger strike and createthe "SOS Avenir Minguettes" association, demanding the renovation of theneighborhood.The 1983 marchIn July, Toumi Jiajia, president of the association, was shot at pointblank range while trying to free a young person from the fangs of apolice dog. He comes out of it miraculously. The prefecture and themedia allege the police officer's self-defense! "From being attacked Ibecame an aggressor" replied Toumi "the police officer shot like thatcoldly without warning, and I am fed up with official lies"[2]. With thesupport of the parish of Father Vincent Delorme, Protestant networks,Cimade and the newspaper Sans frontières, they came to the idea of anon-violent march inspired by those of Gandhi and Luther King.The march leaves the town of La Cayolle in Marseille on October 15, 1983after a tribute to the victims of October 17, 1961. It will take on anecumenical dimension. Some marchers will have a more radical discoursebut from the inside, in a desire to "mix together without excluding eachother", more meaningful than calls to boycott the march consideredpaternalistic by the most radical or by anti-religious people. In fact"there will be several steps in the dynamic of walking"[3]. Severalgroups welcome walkers at their stops to organize "justice forums".Initially modest, after arriving in Lyon the march grew, and there weremore than 100,000 people arriving in Paris. Following the alliance inDreux of the right and the extreme right as well as the terror of thedefenestration of young Habib Grizmi by three soldiers on theBordeaux-Ventimiglia train, the PS joined the march and Mitterrandwelcomed the marchers at the 'Elysium. Among the victories obtained wewill note the 10-year residence permit.When he arrived in Paris in 1983, the march was supported by thousandsof people.HOSAM KATANSOS racism and recoveryBut the PS does not view this anti-racist surge favorably: the period isalso that of major automobile strikes at PSA against layoffs, notablythat of Talbot-Poissy where the boss union, the CSL, organized the whiteskilled workers to break the strike of immigrant skilled workers,violently attacking them with cries of "to the oven, to the Seine". Dueto the demand for a prayer room, Mauroy will then speak of "holy Shiitestrikes"[4]whose demands are "not part of French realities", marking thebirth of contemporary Islamophobia. The state, in fact implementing the"neoliberal turn", leaves its neutrality in this social conflict tosupport restructuring with culturalist accusations.The marchers of 1983 will join forces with the Talbot workers, but theywill not be followed by the traditional anti-racist movement, thustaking note of the left's desire to divide generations. This will leadto the need for autonomy which is expressed during the second marchcalled "Convergence 84". Arriving in Paris by moped, the walkers anddemonstrators are handed out little yellow "don't touch my friend"hands. SOS racism was created to deradicalize the movement. With thehelp of the LCR (Revolutionary Communist League), seduced by theconstruction of an anti-Lepen front, the PS and Mitterrand will propelSOS racism in the media, which will be rightly denounced as a shamefulrecovery.SOS Racisme delegation received in Amsterdam, July 30, 1985George BiardThe first march will be renamed "march des beurs", ethnicized and itsactors and actresses objectified. During these years we will talk about"Beur fashion". However, the actors and actresses of the 1983 marchesalways refused the communitarianization of their struggles, while thatof 1984 brought together children from North Africa, sub-Saharan, WestIndian and Portuguese...Malik and Abdel "never again"The struggles continue, the "National Coordination of Families ofVictims" was created on March 21, 1984. 14 families met in front of theMinistry of Justice at Place Vendôme in Paris, to obtain an appointmentwith the Minister of Justice. Robert Badinter. Some 200 peopleaccompanied them, an appeal was launched with the help of DominiqueGrange so that the families could be received. They never will be. Themothers begin rounds; they will rename themselves the "crazy women ofPlace Vendômes"[5]and will initiate other gatherings on the square.During the second, on October 27, 1984, they insisted on the securitynature of the majority of cases, denouncing the ideology of "extenuatingcircumstances" which accompanied it. They will retire discouraged in thefollowing years.[6]With the return of the right in 1986 and the Pasqua laws, the movementsborn from the marches tried to revitalize themselves after havingdivided during the third march "Divergence 85". With the expulsion ofthe 101 Malians from Rosny-sous-Bois on October 18, 1986, hunger strikesand support committees were organized. The affair will crystallize theindignation of young people: the demands of opposition to the Pasquabill will converge with the student movement against the Devaquet lawand its elitist university project.Death of Abdel Benyahiadel killed by a police officer in Pantin in acafé - Demonstration in Paris against police violence, December 1986Olivier Victor Marius DUMAYa left that despises, a right that hitsThe murder of Malik Oussekine on the night of December 5 to 6, 1986, onthe sidelines of the evacuation by the CRS of the occupied Sorbonne,will mark public opinion. On December 10, 1986, 1 million peopledemonstrated in several cities in the name of "never again", thebrigades of motorized acrobats (the ancestors of the BRAV-M) weredissolved. The less publicized murder of Abdel in La Courneuve, the sameday as Malik, also triggered popular mobilization. But the committeewill feel boycotted by the students.During the demonstration on December 10, "they will have to jostle toimpose themselves at the head of the demonstration with their banners"Abdel, Malik, never again""[7]. However, making contact with otherfamily committees, Abdel's friends will also oppose the attempt tocontrol the mobilizations by SOS racism and Harlem Désir. The JusticeCommittee for Abdel and the others is created, the murderer will besentenced to 7 years in prison.A bitter-tasting assessmentDespite certain victories with the decline in racist crimes, securitycrimes do not stop. After the false hopes of Mitterrand's re-election,the period of "Beur-mania" quickly ended with the first veil affair of1989 in Creil: followed by the positive and sexualized figure of the"Beurette" who could be integrated into the figure of the woman veiledfundamentalist inassimilability. What followed was the Gulf War of 1991and the racist surges that accompanied it, dividing immigrationmovements between those wanting to oppose the war and those remainingsilent out of patronage. The 1980s, the start of the neoliberaloffensive, saw massive layoffs in the suburbs, and the redeployment ofFrench imperialism: repression of the Kanak separatists, coup d'étatagainst Thomas Sankara, intervention in Lebanon, etc.Throughout the decade, postcolonial immigrants and their French childrenwill have been a grain of sand in the well-oiled machine of the rulingclass. The latter attempted, depending on the balance of power, tointegrate them into their political agenda or, on the contrary, torepress them, while a new political force, the National Front, asserteditself. Left and right have exploited him, making a scarecrow, whileintegrating his obsessions and his elements of language[8]. Yesterday,the articulation between autonomy and alliance with the left to create abalance of power was essential, it is still seeking its contours today.Nicolas Pasadena (UCL anti-racist commission)To validate[1]"1970, birth of the first Palestine committees in France",Alternative libertaire, n°303, March 2020.[2]Quotidien de Paris, July 27, 1983.[3]Mogniss H. Abdallah, Get back in, we're coming! Chronicles of thestruggles against racist or security crimes, against the police andjudicial Hagra from the 1970s to the present day, Libertalia edition, 2012.[4]We are three years after the Iranian revolution, France is armingIraq against Iran and fighting Shiite militias in Lebanon, we are alsotwo months after the Drakkar attack in Beirut killing 58 French soldiers.[5]Encouraged by a representative of the movement of solidarity with themothers of the disappeared in Argentina called the "mad women of thePlaza de Mayo" (in fact the Asociación Madres de Plaza de Mayo) whosefight started in 1976 marked international opinion.[6]Mogniss H. Abdallah, "The mothers of Place Vendôme (1982-1986)",Plein Droit, 2007/1, no. 72.[7]Mogniss H. Abdallah, Get back in, we're coming! Chronicles of thestruggles against racist or security crimes, against the police andjudicial Hagra from the 1970s to the present day, Libertalia editions, 2012.[8]We still remember Laurent Fabius, then Prime Minister, who in 1984dared to say that in 1984 Jean-Marie Le Pen "asks good questions butprovides bad answers", it is the beginning of "lepenization spirits."https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?1983-Marches-pour-l-egalite-et-contre-le-racisme_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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