WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE BULGARIA - news journal UPDATE - (en) Bulgaria, FAB: Theory: Fascism is not the opposite of democracy but its evolution in times of crisis (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 When all desired forms of reality collapse, the world turns out to be at

its most hideous, but also at its most insolent: the true structures
that govern us these days become increasingly visible and clear. When
the masks fall, we see the frayed skin of the lips, where the words are
born, the saliva that forms in their wake, and the meaning reduced to
phlegm thrown at us. ---- What lies between the past and the present?
Between the past and the present lies everything that has failed. Hence
the illusion that it is enough to look at what was to understand what is
now. Of course, in these dark times, in order to better see where we
stand, we are tempted to redirect the glimmers of the present to the
past and ask it to answer us. But we are condemned to be today, and this
is enough to tell us that the most important thing is to get out of it.
The past has never prevented the present from happening and it happens
regardless of the lessons we have been taught. No! Looking into the past
does not help us understand the present, quite the opposite: only the
present allows us to understand the past. Today's fascists are not the
same as they were in the past: on their side is the bourgeois bloc that
swears by the "democratic" order. They have realized that resorting to
war is futile, that the only war to be waged is against their own
people, not between one people and another. They are waging a war
against memory, and that is enough for them: all who are not part of
that memory will be suspected to be imprisoned and deported and
forgotten. For the rest, it remains only to continue the great liberal
work that paves the way for fascism.

The bourgeoisie always chooses fascism when it feels that it is losing
ground under its feet. Fascism is not the opposite of democracy, but its
evolution in times of crisis. Of course, there is stubborn hatred
between conservative forces and reactionaries, but also a natural,
parasitic symbiosis, like the bacteria in the intestines of animals.
Neither of them would survive the death of the other, and each lives at
the expense of the other. In power, conservatives practice "to each
according to need" for a small number dominating and austerity for
everyone else - thereby strengthening the reactionaries who demagogue
with their promises to the disaffected. This dance of two is brutally
accelerated by the force of circumstances: soon the fascists will be
presented as the "lesser evil" and everything will be fulfilled.

We must learn from this that the fight against fascism will not go
without a fight against the very democracy that not only allowed it to
happen, but nurtured it and even justified it as a means of protection.
We are assured that the votes are cast for the sole purpose of opposing
fascism. But the fact that this idea has become a major driver of every
vote, across the political spectrum, should be enough to convince us
that if we're losing (in) all elections, it's because the game is set up
just right for that. And that in the end it is not a twist of fate that
leads to fascists taking power through the ballot box, but a fatal
mechanism.

What can we do until then? The question is fraught with pitfalls, as if
we have the luxury of waiting; then, when "doing" is reduced to choice,
it is assumed that there is nothing more we can do, or that there is
nothing to do. But since the situation calls for it, we must fill this
"doing" with something as much as we can. Between two adversaries, one
of whom is about to slaughter us and the other is slowly poisoning us,
we will have to see the account first of the one who holds the dagger.
Then we will deal with those who promise us that the happy days depend
on the institution that made fascism possible, nurtured it, and makes it
inevitable, that it is this institution that makes it possible to guard
against it, while it is precisely this institution that favors it.

The bad days will not end if we do not end this poison drip, the
infusion of representative democracy that does not immunize but
anesthetizes. What needs to be done away with is more than the weak
actors, the mediocre playwright, the sets and the costumes with the
ties, it is the play itself, the idea of the play. Let nothing remain of
the stands and the stage. And to give birth to something else that does
not yet exist.

It is said that the tragedies in Athens were performed at nightfall,
because the theater of Dionysius faced the setting sun and the
spectators saw nothing of the miracle that was happening before their
eyes, and that the miracle was the spectacle: apparently invisible, but
whose invisibility it had an effect, a spectacle that made them weep
with horror, with pity, with the very dazzle that made them mistake the
prey for the shadow. When it was all over, it was night. They returned
home, happy that they were sad, not knowing what they had really seen
and if they had seen anything at all. People still live with the idea,
with the fantasy, that Athens invented theater and democracy in one fell
swoop, as if by magic. It is less often said that the tragedy was played
out with sunshine in its eyes, and that this democracy was founded on
slavery and war. The point is to turn the theater upside down or reverse
the direction of the sun.

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