[The following article is hosted in the 8th page of the anarchist
political newspaper of the western suburbs "Mavrokkini Simea"]On July 5, it will be 9 years since the referendum of 2015, which was
the forerunner, not of course of the "rupture with the memorandums", as
many naively believed at the time, but of the 3rd and more difficult
loan agreement. Into the trap of the referendum, all the political
forces fell, which even before 2015, in one way or another reinforced
the illusions about social democratic governance, doing the same all the
way up to the 3rd memorandum, either by participating in pro-government
demonstrations on the side of the government negotiation, either
supporting the large gathering of "NO" with the then prime minister
Tsipras as the only speaker, or dancing insurgent and eamitic songs for
the "victory against the memorandums" (sic). To this day, these forces
feed the same story of "butt-flipping" and "betrayal" of "NO" by the
SYRIZANEL government, refusing to self-criticize their stance, thus
continuing, albeit with a smaller sphere of influence, the misleading
the working people who in vain based their hopes on the end of the
memorandums at the ballot box.
In fact, the July 5 referendum was called under a vague question whose
answers both produced a memorandum. The "proud negotiation" of the
SYRIZA-ANEL government under Varoufakis at the helm had already locked
in the extension of the 2nd loan agreement in February 2015, paying the
IMF handsomely throughout its duration, while the social majority was
moaning. According to the government's account at the time, the
eurogroup agreement of 20 February 2015 was intended to achieve "time
extension" to shape better negotiating terms. Of course, as it has been
confirmed, even by the minister of "frugal life" himself, the government
had "given" both the primary surpluses of 3.5% and a series of
neoliberal measures, long before the referendum. If anything was up for
grabs, it was a minor debt restructuring in return for earlier austerity
measures. Not even this, in the end, was achieved.
The referendum in the tragic memorandum history played no more than the
role of a communication bluff, targeting not the "institutions" to avoid
a new memorandum, but the "inside" of the country: for the appearance of
the new memorandum as "necessary evil' and the appearance of the
government as 'fighting heroically'. In other words, something had to be
found in order to compensate for the communication and electoral costs
of the new memorandum and to consolidate once and for all socially, what
the right and PASOK failed to do until then: the absence of an
alternative. It was also necessary, in a way, to equalize the
responsibilities for the new memorandum and give the message to the
deceived people, "together we fought, together we lost". As a result,
this strategy was successful. A few months later, SYRIZANEL became the
first memorandum government to renew its mandate, providing precious
breaths of "normality" to a political system that has been characterized
by a deep crisis of social legitimacy for 15 years.
The joint government of SYRIZA/ANEL did not "sell out" NO or fool anyone
about its intentions. He had already ratified the extension of the 2nd
loan agreement, he had already committed to new memorandum measures and
he had already made it clear that the Eurosingle road is a given
regardless of the popular verdict in the "YES or NO" ballot box. Her
initial declaration of the country's "European path" irreparably exposed
the "tacticians" who hoped that "NO" would mean a possible exit from the
EU. and the eurozone, within the framework of the bourgeois state. An
"exit" that we must note would be accompanied by a heavy price for the
working class and the poor popular strata of the country, who would also
be called upon in this eventuality to "pay the marble" and that, of
course, such an "exit" it would have nothing to do with the historically
necessary "exit" from capitalism and the state and the set of
international institutions and associations of the powerful. Of course,
this "exit" can only come revolutionary and not through systemic referenda.
In the end, history has recorded that the third memorandum was the most
burdensome, assessing both its direct effects on social life and the
fact that through it the conditions were built for the subsequent
commitment to the fiscal memorandum chains, which he would shoulder for
for many decades the vast majority of people living in this country. At
least, until they decide to break them. At the same time, the 3rd
memorandum hastened the procedures for the sale of public property, the
privatization of everything and the depth of the domestic crisis for a
long time, on the one hand with the further giantization of the debt and
on the other hand, with the stagnation of economic growth, where until
today , which the political system triumphs over the so-called
"development" and the "end of the memorandums", has not managed to
return to the pre-memorandum levels. We should not forget, however, that
the results of capitalist development are, in any case, reaped by a
small handful of exploiters. And finally, we should not forget that the
crisis of the system is always present, even if each episode or symptom
of it is presented as an "unstable factor" or a "new crisis". Whether we
turn the crisis into an opportunity for the revolutionary overthrow of
this rotten and outdated system is still in our own hands.
https://protaanka.espivblogs.net/2024/07/06/9-chronia-apo-tin-pagida-toy-dimopsifismatos/
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