At the same time, while the Senate approves the reform of the
premiership in first reading, the Chamber in a night session approves
the introduction of differentiated autonomy, producing as a first effect
a first united response from the opposition in the streets, third
chicken excluded . This is the attempt by the Prime Minister with the
pig's eye, to put the refoundation of the institutions and of the
Republic at the center of the political debate, to erase the foundations
of the Republic born from the Resistance and that a new Republic was
born, managed by a Prime Minister who governs without a balance of
powers, an Italian-style democracy, unique in the world. The path of the
first reform is still long because it will require a double reading and
double approval in a compliant text, as well as the approval of a
majoritarian electoral law yet to come that assigns a majority bonus to
the Prime Minister's party, so as to ensure that it still has control of
a weakened Parliament deprived of all power. It will thus happen that
with an ever decreasing number of votes it will be possible to control
the executive and hold power without any checks and balances on
government activity. At the same time, the reform cancels many powers of
the President of the Republic and produces a cascade of impoverishment
of those of the Constitutional Court and all the other rebalancing and
counterbalancing bodies, imagined by the Constituent Assembly in 1947 to
ensure the democratic nature of the system. Furthermore, since it is a
constitutional reform, the law must be submitted to a confirmatory
referendum and therefore there seem to be all the conditions to avert
the danger shared by 190 constitutionalists who signed Liliana Segre's
speech criticizing the measure, delivered in the Senate at the beginning
of the debate. But it will be necessary
for the united opposition to be able to mobilize the country, civil
society, against this authoritarian dirigistic turn, opening a debate
that involves everyone in the awareness that the cornerstones of
coexistence are being called into question.
The political exchange
While the first stage of the debate on institutional reforms was taking
place before the Senate, the Chamber, after having approved the proposal
for justice reform which however requires further stages, has approved
the law on differentiated autonomy increases territorial imbalances,
destroys solidarity, puts national unity at risk, accentuates the
imbalances already existing between territories, between metropolitan
and internal areas, between centers and peripheries. Furthermore, the
law with which the conditions for the activation of differentiated
autonomy are established undermines the foundations of solidarity
between the different Regions, the unity of the Republic on the
territory. Those who will pay the price will be those in difficulty;
there will be a further
weakening of the National Health System as a whole, the inequalities
already existing will be accentuated, especially in the field of health
care. This is because the resources necessary to support it derive from
the financial availability of each Region and this can only affect the
quality of the service and the times and methods of delivery. Due to the
reduction of available resources, the possibilities of bearing the cost
of so-called health tourism will decrease, the size of which will also
grow due to the fact that the Regions that have more resources will see
an improvement in the quality of the specialist services provided to the
detriment of those regions that will not have the resources necessary to
support investments in structures and hiring of not only medical but
paramedical personnel, with an overall impact on the quality and
quantity of the services provided.
The system of autonomies, combined with the principle of subsidiarity,
not coincidentally non-existent in the Italian Constitution until the
infamous reform of the fifth title of 2001, of art. 118 of the
Constitution wanted by the left with a very small number of votes, opens
up further spaces for the market in social and essential services that
are an inalienable part of the
rights of the person and for private intervention in the provision of
such services, diminishing and mortifying the primary and essential role
that should be assigned to public structures. These evident distortions
of the system are declared to be remedied through the introduction of
the LEP, or essential levels of performance that should take into
account «the effective definition of the essential levels of performance
relating to civil and social rights» that must be «guaranteed uniformly
throughout the national territory» because «there is no development
without solidarity, attention to the least, valorization of differences
and co-responsibility in promoting the common good».
A reform out of time
Differentiated autonomy, initially conceived as a secessionist
hypothesis in the context of the transformation of Italy into a Federal
Republic, was born out of time compared to 1991, the era in which it was
conceived by Bossi and Miglio.
Then as now the point of reference for the northern regions of the
country was constituted by the economic area that gravitates around
Bavaria and which at the time acted as a driving force in the management
of the German economy in close alliance with Rhine capitalism. Today the
Bavarian hegemony over German politics is in crisis, as is Germany, and to
catch its breath it is building an alliance in some of its components
with Lutheran Saxony, hypothesizing a future alliance between CSU and
AfD (Christian Social Union in Bavaria and Allianz fur Deutscheland).
This is the not least reason that pushes Salvini's League to place
itself on the extreme right of the political spectrum in Europe and to
identify a dialogue with AfD at a European level. The intermediate
political framework of the League, the various Fontana, Zaia, Federica,
seem not to realize all this and are marching quickly towards the abyss,
leaving the leader of their political formation to try to gather
consensus and profits by procuring lucrative contracts for companies
that will invest in the pharaonic
and unlikely construction of the bridge over the Strait of Messina,
cultivating relationships with the local mafia. More cunningly, the
founder of the League seems to have intuited this scenario and has
distanced himself from the League and from differentiated autonomy.
What to do
What to do now that differentiated autonomy is the law of the State:
according to many constitutionalists, an abrogative referendum would
probably be inadmissible. But even if it were not so, there probably
would not be a vote before 2026. Negotiations for differentiated
autonomy agreements with individual Regions can instead start
immediately - as Zaia already requests - at least for the subjects
and/or functions not conditioned by the prior determination of essential
levels of performance (LEP) impossible to do due to the absolute lack of
resources.
In this regard, it is worth opening a parenthesis: now that it will be
necessary to apply the stability pact that the government has committed
to respect with the European Union, it will be necessary to find 25
billion for next year's budget, therefore an impact to which to allocate
to the renewal of the reduction of the tax wedge and 10 billion in
savings on the budget to be found by reviewing the distribution of
resources. With these moonlights and the impossibility of balancing the
accounts, it is decidedly impossible to hypothesize the identification
of resources for the implementation of differentiated autonomy.
However, there are in the subjects that are in principle devolvable
about 200 state functions out of a total of 500, which do not require
funding and which are independent of the LEP as they do not directly
concern levels of performance. On these, the negotiation will be in the
hands of the regional presidents and the government. This will be the
phase of greatest risk for the one and indivisible Republic. If even
just one or two regions were to get their hands on the school, a much
sought-after objective by the regional political class, a domino effect
could be produced that would induce other governors to formulate similar
requests, which at that point would be difficult to refuse.
The PD's opposition to the test
However, it would be possible for one or more regions to appeal to the
Constitutional Court. It should be remembered that a popular initiative
law was presented to the Regional Council of Emilia Romagna, still
chaired by Bonaccini, Vice President Schlein, and signed by 6,000
citizens who asked that the Regional Council vote to withdraw from the
2018 agreement signed by Emilia Romagna, following the requests of
Lombardy Veneto, formulated after a false referendum independently
called, in support of the initiative of the respective Regional Councils to
request the opening of devolution on a set of matters. It seems that
Bonaccini has given his availability in this regard. It would be, for
once, a demonstration of political loyalty, common sense and intelligence.
On the other hand, the CGIL is pushing in this direction with the
initiative la via maestra that has formulated a request in this sense to
all regional presidents, inviting them to present a question of
constitutional legitimacy relating to the law on differentiated autonomy
just approved. This initiative is not isolated and is developing
together with the campaign for the four referendum questions against job
insecurity, formulated by the CGIL which should lead to the de facto
repeal of the Job Act or at least of those parts of it that increase job
insecurity and reduce protections related to the defense of the job and
that have dismantled the labor process as provided for by the Workers'
Statute,
canceling the role and function of legislation and the labor judiciary.
It is necessary that the opposition as a whole equips itself with a set
of tools that are partly legal, partly institutional, but also
mobilization in the streets and in the workplace, in order to dictate
the political agenda and impose on Parliament and the government its own
solutions on issues that concern equality and protection, health and
social needs, rights and welfare, not that support poverty and
marginalization, that fight job insecurity, underpaid and poor work, to
give real values to wages and the necessary dignity to work.
The left must rediscover its unity in the face of the threat to the
founding values of coexistence and, precisely for this purpose, must
clearly resolve the dilemma regarding its position on war, clarifying
the radical rejection of conflict as a solution to international
disputes. In this regard, it is not enough
the sacrosanct opposition to the Arab-Israeli conflict through the
support of a solution that provides for the formation of two States that
agree to coexist, but a serious distancing from the causes and effects
of the conflict in Ukraine is needed, with respect to which the reasons
and instrumental nature of this war must be taken into account, in order
to arrive at a chalked-out fire and negotiations on the future structure
of that territory that cannot arise from the continuous fueling of the
war through the supply of weapons, allowing a proxy war to take place,
with the massacre of the Ukrainian and Russian people to the full
benefit of the economic and commercial interests of the extra-European
powers.
The growing poverty of the peoples of Europe needs the resources now
burned by the war so that they can be used to finance the greater
well-being of the populations of the continent and action of solidarity
towards that most disadvantaged part of the world that needs support,
help, well-being.
GL
https://www.ucadi.org/2024/06/30/il-paese-con-il-cappio-al-collo/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
premiership in first reading, the Chamber in a night session approves
the introduction of differentiated autonomy, producing as a first effect
a first united response from the opposition in the streets, third
chicken excluded . This is the attempt by the Prime Minister with the
pig's eye, to put the refoundation of the institutions and of the
Republic at the center of the political debate, to erase the foundations
of the Republic born from the Resistance and that a new Republic was
born, managed by a Prime Minister who governs without a balance of
powers, an Italian-style democracy, unique in the world. The path of the
first reform is still long because it will require a double reading and
double approval in a compliant text, as well as the approval of a
majoritarian electoral law yet to come that assigns a majority bonus to
the Prime Minister's party, so as to ensure that it still has control of
a weakened Parliament deprived of all power. It will thus happen that
with an ever decreasing number of votes it will be possible to control
the executive and hold power without any checks and balances on
government activity. At the same time, the reform cancels many powers of
the President of the Republic and produces a cascade of impoverishment
of those of the Constitutional Court and all the other rebalancing and
counterbalancing bodies, imagined by the Constituent Assembly in 1947 to
ensure the democratic nature of the system. Furthermore, since it is a
constitutional reform, the law must be submitted to a confirmatory
referendum and therefore there seem to be all the conditions to avert
the danger shared by 190 constitutionalists who signed Liliana Segre's
speech criticizing the measure, delivered in the Senate at the beginning
of the debate. But it will be necessary
for the united opposition to be able to mobilize the country, civil
society, against this authoritarian dirigistic turn, opening a debate
that involves everyone in the awareness that the cornerstones of
coexistence are being called into question.
The political exchange
While the first stage of the debate on institutional reforms was taking
place before the Senate, the Chamber, after having approved the proposal
for justice reform which however requires further stages, has approved
the law on differentiated autonomy increases territorial imbalances,
destroys solidarity, puts national unity at risk, accentuates the
imbalances already existing between territories, between metropolitan
and internal areas, between centers and peripheries. Furthermore, the
law with which the conditions for the activation of differentiated
autonomy are established undermines the foundations of solidarity
between the different Regions, the unity of the Republic on the
territory. Those who will pay the price will be those in difficulty;
there will be a further
weakening of the National Health System as a whole, the inequalities
already existing will be accentuated, especially in the field of health
care. This is because the resources necessary to support it derive from
the financial availability of each Region and this can only affect the
quality of the service and the times and methods of delivery. Due to the
reduction of available resources, the possibilities of bearing the cost
of so-called health tourism will decrease, the size of which will also
grow due to the fact that the Regions that have more resources will see
an improvement in the quality of the specialist services provided to the
detriment of those regions that will not have the resources necessary to
support investments in structures and hiring of not only medical but
paramedical personnel, with an overall impact on the quality and
quantity of the services provided.
The system of autonomies, combined with the principle of subsidiarity,
not coincidentally non-existent in the Italian Constitution until the
infamous reform of the fifth title of 2001, of art. 118 of the
Constitution wanted by the left with a very small number of votes, opens
up further spaces for the market in social and essential services that
are an inalienable part of the
rights of the person and for private intervention in the provision of
such services, diminishing and mortifying the primary and essential role
that should be assigned to public structures. These evident distortions
of the system are declared to be remedied through the introduction of
the LEP, or essential levels of performance that should take into
account «the effective definition of the essential levels of performance
relating to civil and social rights» that must be «guaranteed uniformly
throughout the national territory» because «there is no development
without solidarity, attention to the least, valorization of differences
and co-responsibility in promoting the common good».
A reform out of time
Differentiated autonomy, initially conceived as a secessionist
hypothesis in the context of the transformation of Italy into a Federal
Republic, was born out of time compared to 1991, the era in which it was
conceived by Bossi and Miglio.
Then as now the point of reference for the northern regions of the
country was constituted by the economic area that gravitates around
Bavaria and which at the time acted as a driving force in the management
of the German economy in close alliance with Rhine capitalism. Today the
Bavarian hegemony over German politics is in crisis, as is Germany, and to
catch its breath it is building an alliance in some of its components
with Lutheran Saxony, hypothesizing a future alliance between CSU and
AfD (Christian Social Union in Bavaria and Allianz fur Deutscheland).
This is the not least reason that pushes Salvini's League to place
itself on the extreme right of the political spectrum in Europe and to
identify a dialogue with AfD at a European level. The intermediate
political framework of the League, the various Fontana, Zaia, Federica,
seem not to realize all this and are marching quickly towards the abyss,
leaving the leader of their political formation to try to gather
consensus and profits by procuring lucrative contracts for companies
that will invest in the pharaonic
and unlikely construction of the bridge over the Strait of Messina,
cultivating relationships with the local mafia. More cunningly, the
founder of the League seems to have intuited this scenario and has
distanced himself from the League and from differentiated autonomy.
What to do
What to do now that differentiated autonomy is the law of the State:
according to many constitutionalists, an abrogative referendum would
probably be inadmissible. But even if it were not so, there probably
would not be a vote before 2026. Negotiations for differentiated
autonomy agreements with individual Regions can instead start
immediately - as Zaia already requests - at least for the subjects
and/or functions not conditioned by the prior determination of essential
levels of performance (LEP) impossible to do due to the absolute lack of
resources.
In this regard, it is worth opening a parenthesis: now that it will be
necessary to apply the stability pact that the government has committed
to respect with the European Union, it will be necessary to find 25
billion for next year's budget, therefore an impact to which to allocate
to the renewal of the reduction of the tax wedge and 10 billion in
savings on the budget to be found by reviewing the distribution of
resources. With these moonlights and the impossibility of balancing the
accounts, it is decidedly impossible to hypothesize the identification
of resources for the implementation of differentiated autonomy.
However, there are in the subjects that are in principle devolvable
about 200 state functions out of a total of 500, which do not require
funding and which are independent of the LEP as they do not directly
concern levels of performance. On these, the negotiation will be in the
hands of the regional presidents and the government. This will be the
phase of greatest risk for the one and indivisible Republic. If even
just one or two regions were to get their hands on the school, a much
sought-after objective by the regional political class, a domino effect
could be produced that would induce other governors to formulate similar
requests, which at that point would be difficult to refuse.
The PD's opposition to the test
However, it would be possible for one or more regions to appeal to the
Constitutional Court. It should be remembered that a popular initiative
law was presented to the Regional Council of Emilia Romagna, still
chaired by Bonaccini, Vice President Schlein, and signed by 6,000
citizens who asked that the Regional Council vote to withdraw from the
2018 agreement signed by Emilia Romagna, following the requests of
Lombardy Veneto, formulated after a false referendum independently
called, in support of the initiative of the respective Regional Councils to
request the opening of devolution on a set of matters. It seems that
Bonaccini has given his availability in this regard. It would be, for
once, a demonstration of political loyalty, common sense and intelligence.
On the other hand, the CGIL is pushing in this direction with the
initiative la via maestra that has formulated a request in this sense to
all regional presidents, inviting them to present a question of
constitutional legitimacy relating to the law on differentiated autonomy
just approved. This initiative is not isolated and is developing
together with the campaign for the four referendum questions against job
insecurity, formulated by the CGIL which should lead to the de facto
repeal of the Job Act or at least of those parts of it that increase job
insecurity and reduce protections related to the defense of the job and
that have dismantled the labor process as provided for by the Workers'
Statute,
canceling the role and function of legislation and the labor judiciary.
It is necessary that the opposition as a whole equips itself with a set
of tools that are partly legal, partly institutional, but also
mobilization in the streets and in the workplace, in order to dictate
the political agenda and impose on Parliament and the government its own
solutions on issues that concern equality and protection, health and
social needs, rights and welfare, not that support poverty and
marginalization, that fight job insecurity, underpaid and poor work, to
give real values to wages and the necessary dignity to work.
The left must rediscover its unity in the face of the threat to the
founding values of coexistence and, precisely for this purpose, must
clearly resolve the dilemma regarding its position on war, clarifying
the radical rejection of conflict as a solution to international
disputes. In this regard, it is not enough
the sacrosanct opposition to the Arab-Israeli conflict through the
support of a solution that provides for the formation of two States that
agree to coexist, but a serious distancing from the causes and effects
of the conflict in Ukraine is needed, with respect to which the reasons
and instrumental nature of this war must be taken into account, in order
to arrive at a chalked-out fire and negotiations on the future structure
of that territory that cannot arise from the continuous fueling of the
war through the supply of weapons, allowing a proxy war to take place,
with the massacre of the Ukrainian and Russian people to the full
benefit of the economic and commercial interests of the extra-European
powers.
The growing poverty of the peoples of Europe needs the resources now
burned by the war so that they can be used to finance the greater
well-being of the populations of the continent and action of solidarity
towards that most disadvantaged part of the world that needs support,
help, well-being.
GL
https://www.ucadi.org/2024/06/30/il-paese-con-il-cappio-al-collo/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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