As the electoral deadlines amply demonstrate, in all countries the issue
of emigration is one of those on which the electoral victory or defeatof a political force and above all the destinies of the left are played.
Indeed, it can be said that the right's ability to ride the issues
connected to this problem is the key through which it scores its
victories, which it uses to implement an authoritarian and illiberal
transformation of the now old and worn-out liberal regimes, transforming
them into autocratic democracies. The examples are endless and range
from Orban to Bolsonaro, from Milei to Meloni, and finally, but only
lastly, to Trump.
The left-wing parties do not seem to have credible solutions to the
problem or simply viable proposals capable of providing, even if in
perspective, solutions, nor do they prove capable of developing
effective inclusion and integration strategies, which manage to avoid
conflicts between migrants and the native population. Even fewer prove
capable of managing and formulating credible proposals regarding the
repercussions of the presence of migrant populations on the problems of
security and public order.
They therefore take refuge in constant criticism of the policies adopted
by the right, accused of the most terrible atrocities in this regard;
they rightly criticize the initiatives of externalization of the
migration problem like those of Albania or Rwanda through the creation
of migrant detention camps outside national territories; they take
refuge in supporting a charitable reception policy, certainly useful in
alleviating the suffering of migrants, to attenuate the drama
constituted by the migrant condition, but which have absolutely no
impact on providing structural solutions to the problem.
And yet the production systems of the West, and the Italian one in
particular, need migrants, both for production reasons and for
demographic needs, in the face of the vertical fall in the birth rate, a
problem for which it is not possible to adopt short-term remedies
capable of meeting the need for manpower and supporting pension and
welfare systems. All this even though documented studies show that
emigration does not affect over time the possibility of providing
structural solutions to the demographic problem, because as integration
progresses, the birth rate of migrant women also drops inexorably,
conforming to that of the host society and ending up constituting an
index of the integration rate. This fact speaks volumes about the impact
of the lack of services in producing the fall in the birth rate due to
the impossibility of families to procreate and at the same time have the
economic possibilities and services necessary to manage their offspring.
This inability of the left to provide solutions to the migration problem
depends, in our opinion, on not wanting to understand what the deep
connection is between this problem and labor legislation and labor
market regulation, factors that determine the conditions of use of the
workforce and affect the relationship between the legal labor market,
wages, industrial reserve army, slave-like or quasi-slave-like models of
use of the workforce, labor cost management policies, all placed in
relation to the overall management of the various production factors, in
order to determine the economic compatibility of a production system.
European production model is Italian and management of the labor market
The economies of the countries of the economic area of the Union, faced
with the problem of competition between markets, have found themselves
faced with the need to review the costs of the various production
factors, in order to create the conditions of system competitiveness, so
as to guarantee themselves ever greater market shares and therefore
profits. In particular, Germany had built its production system on the
low cost of energy, managing to achieve competitiveness and profits and
at the same time to guarantee, through adequate wages, an acceptable
level of well-being to a large part of its working and white-collar
class, even if the German labor market was fueled in parallel by
precarious and occasional forms of work and by a large presence of
migrant, seasonal and often irregular and clandestine labor, which,
thanks to the particular structure of the German labor market and as
long as the economy continued to grow, gradually - albeit slowly -
absorbed part of this irregular labor market, supporting the production
system and the process of accumulation and the growth of profits. With
the lack of low-cost energy, due to the Ukrainian crisis and the
severing of the umbilical cord that linked Germany to Russia - and this
also as a consequence of a precise plan of the competitors who are part
of the Anglo-Saxon capital area - the German economic system has entered
into crisis, dragging the connected economies with it, and among these
the Italian one. However, the Italian economy had and has a relative
elasticity due to two factors: on the one hand, there is a part of the
Italian economy, especially related to the agri-food sector, but also to
the clothing, shipbuilding and other sectors, which is not strictly
dependent, like the mechanics and automotive sectors, on the German
economy and then because Italy has a labor market that can benefit from
a completely unstructured labor legislation, called to manage not only a
paralegal labor market, made up of declared October 2024 work, but also
by parallel labor markets, such as those of contract, project, and
agency work.[1]
occasional, and above all, having a vast, immense, illegal and
clandestine labor market, in turn divided into specific sectors, ranging
from the simply undeclared one, to the one aimed at work in the
undeclared and illegal economy, to the slave-like labor market,
particularly connected to food and agricultural production, to the
irregular and occasional labor market in services, and still other
economically significant segments. A careful and complete analysis of
the composition of the labor market is totally lacking on the left,
which is firm in rightly opposing the Jobs Act and its effects of
deregulation of the labor market and the legislation protecting it, but
should deal with investigating the much more complex composition of the
different segments that make up the labor market in the country today,
and to which we have referred, and which determine the conditions of
labor supply and demand. It must be admitted that capital has worked
well and effectively in recent years, has equipped itself with technical
skills, has been able to manage and legalize the forms of exploitation,
concluding the war between capital and labor that it largely won to its
advantage, against the result of being able to defeat workers'
resistance, at the same time sowing distrust in its own organizations.
If we worked to recover this delay, not only could the trade unions
effectively carry out their lost and misplaced function in concentrating
only, unfortunately and by necessity, on the defensive actions, albeit
praiseworthy and necessary, of existing, structured and guaranteed work,
but completely absent or almost, from intervening in most cases to
defend with a fight aimed at regulating the labor market that is truly
effective, the other more or less illegal segments of work activities
that are so widespread and used by the employers. The result of the lack
of an effective response is clearly demonstrated by the confusion that
pervades workers in all sectors throughout the country, whether they are
guaranteed workers, precarious workers, very precarious workers and
those who suffer from slave-like relationships, who experience
first-hand the competitive impact of the workforce made up of illegal
migrants who are forced by their living conditions to offer their work
at the lowest, most humiliating and degrading prices and conditions in
order to survive, but who end up competing ruthlessly with them, which
contributes significantly to depressing the cost of labor and wage
growth, to the point that wages in the country have not only not grown,
but have actually decreased in value, if compared to the inflation rate.
This particular condition of the labor market creates, as a whole, the
conditions for workers to see migrants, especially illegal ones because
they are more easily blackmailed, as enemies of their material condition
and to draw from this an indication of deep aversion that is added to
the cultural, ethnic, religious, traditional components that
differentiate them from newcomers, differences artfully fueled by those
who hold the management of the labor market and consider this particular
structure of the labor market convenient and functional to their profits
and do everything to preserve and feed it, through legislation on
migration that continually increases the clandestine labor market.
The feeding machine of this market has been so perfected and hated, to
the point that the legislation manages to ensure that the need for new
illegal emigration can be reduced to a minimum, through a mechanism of
legal transformation into illegal of the migrant worker. As soon as he
is expelled due to a productive restructuring or any other reason from
the legal labor market, he loses his condition and regresses towards the
clandestine labor market.
Albanian externalization as a decoy
If placed in the context, as we have reconstructed it, the
externalization of a certain number of migrants in the Albanian
concentration camp of Gjader. constitutes only one of the expedients
used by the managers of the system of exploitation of migrants to
artfully and painfully divert the debate and attention towards a false
problem and even more towards false solutions, in order to continue to
have a free hand in the management of the labor market, which as a whole
is functional to allow the government in office to boast of having
achieved a significant growth in the number of employed people, obtained
by doping and concealing criminal and unacceptable forms and methods of
management of the labor market, passing off as employment relationships
hourly and occasional services that are paid with very little change.
Having said all this, it is fine that the opposition is committed to
opposing in every way the transfer of migrants to Albania, that it
contests from a legal and economic point of view the choices of
externalization of migrants implemented by the government, denounces
their ineffectiveness, inhumanity and so on, but it should not believe
that in this way it has freed itself from the problem and has saved its
conscience, and this also because it remains easy for the right to
accuse the critics of its policy towards emigration of not having
proposals and of not proposing solutions.
This is one of the reasons, but only one, for which it is necessary for
the left to intervene as a priority on the regulation of the labor
market, because only through it can a real solution to the problem grow
in society and in the country that goes towards a healthy integration,
both in society and in the production and labor market of new migrants
who must be seen and treated as full citizens, placed to compete in a
healthy and transparent way and with precise rules, equal for all, on
the labor market.
[1]Destructuring of work and social classes, Newsletter Crescita
Politica, n. 190
Gianni Cimbalo
https://www.ucadi.org/2024/11/23/la-sinistra-e-la-questione-migratoria/
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