The term "common house" has emerged in recent months during the process
of rapprochement between the CGT and the FSU. It can be understood as a
step towards a strengthened unity of fighting trade unionism. But how
can this be translated concretely into grassroots trade union activism,
far from the negotiations between trade union leaders? ----- The
revolutionary trade unionists of the UCL adopted an orientation "for a
unification of fighting trade unionism" at the Angers congress[1]. In
this respect, we welcome the recent echo found by the idea of a "common
house" between the CGT and the FSU. We hope that in the long term it
will be able to welcome fighting trade unionists regardless of their
union label and that it will thus be able to prefigure a deeper
restructuring. The federal mandate of the FSU to work as a three-way
team with Solidaires and without exclusion is a positive signal. But for
now, the mandates of the CGT congresses and Solidaires are to keep
Solidaires at a distance.
This common house cannot be built from above. Far from the decisions of
the congresses, it is the union teams on the ground who must give
substance to this united and class orientation. Here are three
ingredients that seem essential to us.
Get into the habit of campaigning together
With colleagues, in the workplace, fighting unionism is stronger, more
credible, more readable, when it is united. Each union action, from
welcoming employees in individual distress to calling for a strike,
including unionization and staff representation, must be an opportunity
to raise the question of collaboration between union organizations,
their complementarity, and to open up initiatives to other union
partners. The possible inter-union arc will always depend more on the
realities on the ground than on grand declarations about the
CGT-Solidaires-FSU trio (in the private sector, the FSU does not exist;
in many sectors, FO, CFDT or Unsa can be correct interlocutors, or even
with fighting practices; attracting a hesitant CFDT to an initiative can
then make it possible to bring together a full inter-union arc, more
credible with employees, etc.). Without falling into compromise, it is a
question of letting each organization take its responsibilities in the
face of slogans of struggle, demands, credible, listening to workers.
The public sector strike of December 5 was organized in particular by
the CGT-Solidaires-FSU trio. Martin Noda / Hans Lucas
Beyond unionism in the workplace, inter-unionism must be a permanent
concern at all professional and inter-professional levels, local,
departmental, national. The idea remains the same: let other
organizations position themselves on an axis of "class struggle versus
class collaboration", let's not decide for them, and let's win our
struggles together instead of losing them alone.
The worst enemy of generalized inter-union work, and therefore of the
common house, is sectarianism in the union chapel. This can be motivated
in different ways but often results from a history of conflict:
disagreement between union leaders, splits, exclusions, construction
"against" the neighboring union, denunciation of the control of a
political party, etc.
The rejection of union sectarianism
These divisions may have been legitimate, and still are, but they can in
no way justify a weakening of fighting unionism to the detriment of
workers. When the conditions are met for these conflicts to be overcome,
they must be, in the name of the higher interest of class unity. It is
therefore the responsibility of revolutionary activists to behave in a
way that rebuilds bridges, and not on the contrary to burn the remaining
bridges. Rebuild between fighting organizations first, and then between
all union organizations, without exclusivity, so that the pole of
struggle can regain ground on the co-management pole. Regain ground by
convincing colleagues who are perplexed by the union division at the
same time as the union teams "opposite".
So we must forbid ourselves the jokes heard about such and such a
confederation that would be expert in treason or such and such another
confederation that would be permeable to the extreme right, and not
superfluously fuel the identity competition between Solidaires and the
CGT. We must encourage our fellow unionists to understand that each
organization has its interests to defend, its strategies, its
contradictions and internal tensions too, and that snap judgments do not
faithfully reflect these complex and contrasting realities.
A deep reflection on our union tools
A good daily union "praxis", articulated around the two previous
ingredients, is essential but insufficient. Indeed, unionism puts our
noses in the handlebars of individual defenses, professional elections,
demonstration logistics, meetings of bodies, etc. In these conditions,
it is difficult to pose the fundamental debates. However, the foundation
of a common house is precisely a fundamental debate.
The moments of breathing in this daily unionism, which are the union
congresses, the general assemblies of sections, the confederal or union
congresses, must be exploited to put these issues on the table, while
respecting internal democracy and without developing theoretical or
absolutist positions out of touch. These moments must be an opportunity
to recall the fundamentals of revolutionary unionism, the double task,
the crucial distinction between union independence and political
neutrality, the legitimacy of unionism to propose a social project and
to express itself on all subjects that concern the working classes, and
so on. Questioning the union tool, drawing up assessments and
perspectives, in a context of strengthening crises of capitalism, the
rise of the extreme right and the decline of militant unionism, must
allow us to desacralize the union forms that we know today and to ask
ourselves: "what would we do if we started from scratch today?". It is a
safe bet that if we started from scratch, we would build a common house
on it.
Auguste (UCL Lyon)
Validate
[1]"Revolutionary unionist reflection", 2nd UCL congress (Angers, 3-5
November 2023).
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Unification-syndicale-Les-fondations-de-la-maison-commune
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
of rapprochement between the CGT and the FSU. It can be understood as a
step towards a strengthened unity of fighting trade unionism. But how
can this be translated concretely into grassroots trade union activism,
far from the negotiations between trade union leaders? ----- The
revolutionary trade unionists of the UCL adopted an orientation "for a
unification of fighting trade unionism" at the Angers congress[1]. In
this respect, we welcome the recent echo found by the idea of a "common
house" between the CGT and the FSU. We hope that in the long term it
will be able to welcome fighting trade unionists regardless of their
union label and that it will thus be able to prefigure a deeper
restructuring. The federal mandate of the FSU to work as a three-way
team with Solidaires and without exclusion is a positive signal. But for
now, the mandates of the CGT congresses and Solidaires are to keep
Solidaires at a distance.
This common house cannot be built from above. Far from the decisions of
the congresses, it is the union teams on the ground who must give
substance to this united and class orientation. Here are three
ingredients that seem essential to us.
Get into the habit of campaigning together
With colleagues, in the workplace, fighting unionism is stronger, more
credible, more readable, when it is united. Each union action, from
welcoming employees in individual distress to calling for a strike,
including unionization and staff representation, must be an opportunity
to raise the question of collaboration between union organizations,
their complementarity, and to open up initiatives to other union
partners. The possible inter-union arc will always depend more on the
realities on the ground than on grand declarations about the
CGT-Solidaires-FSU trio (in the private sector, the FSU does not exist;
in many sectors, FO, CFDT or Unsa can be correct interlocutors, or even
with fighting practices; attracting a hesitant CFDT to an initiative can
then make it possible to bring together a full inter-union arc, more
credible with employees, etc.). Without falling into compromise, it is a
question of letting each organization take its responsibilities in the
face of slogans of struggle, demands, credible, listening to workers.
The public sector strike of December 5 was organized in particular by
the CGT-Solidaires-FSU trio. Martin Noda / Hans Lucas
Beyond unionism in the workplace, inter-unionism must be a permanent
concern at all professional and inter-professional levels, local,
departmental, national. The idea remains the same: let other
organizations position themselves on an axis of "class struggle versus
class collaboration", let's not decide for them, and let's win our
struggles together instead of losing them alone.
The worst enemy of generalized inter-union work, and therefore of the
common house, is sectarianism in the union chapel. This can be motivated
in different ways but often results from a history of conflict:
disagreement between union leaders, splits, exclusions, construction
"against" the neighboring union, denunciation of the control of a
political party, etc.
The rejection of union sectarianism
These divisions may have been legitimate, and still are, but they can in
no way justify a weakening of fighting unionism to the detriment of
workers. When the conditions are met for these conflicts to be overcome,
they must be, in the name of the higher interest of class unity. It is
therefore the responsibility of revolutionary activists to behave in a
way that rebuilds bridges, and not on the contrary to burn the remaining
bridges. Rebuild between fighting organizations first, and then between
all union organizations, without exclusivity, so that the pole of
struggle can regain ground on the co-management pole. Regain ground by
convincing colleagues who are perplexed by the union division at the
same time as the union teams "opposite".
So we must forbid ourselves the jokes heard about such and such a
confederation that would be expert in treason or such and such another
confederation that would be permeable to the extreme right, and not
superfluously fuel the identity competition between Solidaires and the
CGT. We must encourage our fellow unionists to understand that each
organization has its interests to defend, its strategies, its
contradictions and internal tensions too, and that snap judgments do not
faithfully reflect these complex and contrasting realities.
A deep reflection on our union tools
A good daily union "praxis", articulated around the two previous
ingredients, is essential but insufficient. Indeed, unionism puts our
noses in the handlebars of individual defenses, professional elections,
demonstration logistics, meetings of bodies, etc. In these conditions,
it is difficult to pose the fundamental debates. However, the foundation
of a common house is precisely a fundamental debate.
The moments of breathing in this daily unionism, which are the union
congresses, the general assemblies of sections, the confederal or union
congresses, must be exploited to put these issues on the table, while
respecting internal democracy and without developing theoretical or
absolutist positions out of touch. These moments must be an opportunity
to recall the fundamentals of revolutionary unionism, the double task,
the crucial distinction between union independence and political
neutrality, the legitimacy of unionism to propose a social project and
to express itself on all subjects that concern the working classes, and
so on. Questioning the union tool, drawing up assessments and
perspectives, in a context of strengthening crises of capitalism, the
rise of the extreme right and the decline of militant unionism, must
allow us to desacralize the union forms that we know today and to ask
ourselves: "what would we do if we started from scratch today?". It is a
safe bet that if we started from scratch, we would build a common house
on it.
Auguste (UCL Lyon)
Validate
[1]"Revolutionary unionist reflection", 2nd UCL congress (Angers, 3-5
November 2023).
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Unification-syndicale-Les-fondations-de-la-maison-commune
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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