The text reproduced below was created in 2023 by the Union Communiste
Libertaire, a libertarian communist federation based in France and hasbeen translated by the comrades of the Gender Commission. ---- We would
like to thank all the people who make up the organization for the great
collective work of theoretical and strategic reflection that has allowed
the creation of this document. With this translation, we hope to promote
the approach to the trans issue in political action and reflection in
our surroundings and organizations. ---- In this same medium, we will
share the reflections that we have developed from the Liza Gender
Commission inspired by the text of our comrades and aiming to make a
humble contribution to the analysis of the current situation and the
possibilities of the trans struggle in our context.
For any questions or suggestions, you can contact us at
comision.genero.liza@gmail.com
For several years now, a large-scale reactionary offensive has been
directed against the trans population, particularly in the United States
and the United Kingdom, where it is having catastrophic effects. In
these countries, and increasingly in France, transphobic discourse is a
strategic priority for the far right, which uses it as a springboard to
control bodies and push society towards fascism. It is our duty as
libertarians to confront this situation.
In this document, we reaffirm our support for trans struggles and expose
their ideological, demands and strategic contours. Likewise, we clarify
our analysis of trans identities on materialist and open bases,
rejecting reductionist models and mistaken strategies. We will expose
our points of agreement and disagreement with queer analyses in order to
achieve a common understanding and, therefore, a unified work.
Finally, we outline UCL's action on these issues. Firstly, within our
own communities, where we need to provide training on trans struggles
and foster internal counter-power. In addition, we aim to encourage
left-wing organisations, including reformist ones, to take a stand, as
well as to undertake long-term strategic actions within unitary
frameworks. We aim to raise awareness of trans issues in society, for
which we must work together with specific organisations in order to
inform, demand and support even beyond borders.
A reactionary offensive aimed at extermination and fascism
For several years now, the United States has been witnessing a
large-scale offensive to roll back the rights of trans people and turn
public opinion against them. Led by an organised group of Christian
nationalist fundamentalists and supported by the Republican Party, this
offensive has seen increasingly reactionary and violent laws passed in
many states over the past three years, forcing trans people and their
families to flee, becoming refugees in their own countries. We have also
seen them denied access to essential healthcare, civil status
procedures, sport or even public space altogether.
The promoters of this offensive no longer have any qualms about
revealing their true intentions. Trump has announced his intention to
prevent any kind of attention or recognition for trans people if he is
re-elected, while a call for the "eradication of transsexuality"
received a standing ovation in a conservative forum, a year after a
Republican candidate recommended putting trans people in front of a
firing squad.
In a context of fascistisation of the Republican Party, this offensive
has catastrophic consequences that go beyond the main objectives: it
legitimises and accustoms the population to control over their bodies,
taking advantage of a subject about which they are poorly informed. It
is combined with attacks on the right to abortion and the LGBTI
community as a whole. It is the same dynamic, organised by the same
political groups, in favour of a fascist and theocratic regime. This
offensive is not limited to the United States: fundamentalists are
striving to create an international network to export their work. Russia
has just passed one of the most repressive laws in its history, which
prohibits all forms of medical and administrative transition and
deprives trans people of the right to marry or have children.
In a less radical way, but for a longer period of time, the United
Kingdom has also been affected: the tabloid press, public figures such
as JK Rowling, mainstream media (such as The Guardian and the BBC) and
politicians do everything they can to fan transphobic hatred in the
country, so that reactionary and pseudo-feminist arguments serve as a
framework for the social "debate" that is generated. This campaign has a
morbid success, of which the murder of Brianna Ghey in February 2023 is
an example.
At the legislative level, progress on rights has stalled, with the
Conservative government even scrapping a Scottish Parliament bill
(sponsored by the pro-independence SNP) for the first time since it was
reinstated in 1998.
The Labour Party is divided and its leader, Keir Starmer, has decided to
supplant the Scottish branch of the Labour Party in downplaying trans
rights, using transphobic arguments. What we have here is a real
international arc of the far right, with each party and organisation
drawing inspiration from the other, picking up and sharing the work done
by each in an increasingly organised way.
In France, too, a transphobic movement is rapidly being organised and
expanded, bringing together the media, celebrities, political parties
and organisations, "techno-critical" activists, self-proclaimed feminist
associations, groups of parents with varying degrees of influence, etc.
Transphobic moral panics are making headlines, transphobic figures and
those opposed to the ban on conversion therapies for trans people are
being welcomed into the Ministry and praised by LREM deputies, and
transphobic arguments are gaining ground both generally and in left-wing
circles.
The situation has recently been accelerated by the parliamentary
offensives led by the Republicans and the National Rally ( Rassemblement
National ) and threatens to become as critical as in the countries
mentioned above if we do not find a solution.
Wherever this offensive gains momentum, it is accompanied by an
explosion of violence, from online harassment to terrorist attacks,
which extends more widely to the LGBTI population. This violence already
disproportionately affects trans people, especially women.
Trans struggles are now an imperative. It is up to the left, in its
broadest sense, to clarify its positions, actively support trans people
and push back against the reactionary offensive around the world.
Millions of lives are at stake. To achieve this, a purely defensive
stance will not suffice: we must frontally counter transphobia, bring
about a change in society and win the rights that are still cruelly
lacking. From a libertarian communist point of view, we need to push
back against patriarchy, unify our class and prepare an inclusive future
for trans people and all minorities.
Our enemies are increasingly making transphobia an ideological and
tactical priority. We need to adapt accordingly. We need a real
counteroffensive.
UCL's place in the trans movement . A reminder of our position
We "consider transphobia[...]as[a]manifestation of patriarchy.[...]We
combat these oppressions by recognizing the intersection and
specificities of LGBTI struggles." (UCL Manifesto)
At the first UCL conference in Fougères, we detailed and refined our
feminist positions. On the theoretical level, we reaffirmed the
inseparable nature of LGBTI and anti-patriarchal struggles and
incorporated materialist feminism, intersectional feminism and class
struggle feminism as analytical roots.
We called for the collective use of these tools. In response to this
call and the need to clarify our positions within the trans movement,
this text proposes a more detailed materialist analysis of trans struggles.
On a practical level, the Fougères congress called on us to unite,
strengthen, support and even create LGBTI organisations, to support the
work and mutual aid systems of our comrades, to promote the advancement
of LGBTI struggles within counter-powers (especially trade unions) and
to focus on training within our own ranks.
This text is a continuation of the work carried out internally since
2021, in particular through our decisions in the Federal Coordinator and
our validation of internal anti-patriarchal and LGBTI training courses.
A divided trans movement
The trans activist movement, like the LGBTI movement in general, is
divided by ideological and strategic differences. Specifically, there
are two major analytical frameworks, which can be subdivided into
various positions: queer models and materialist models. The dialogue
between these two major axes is very complicated. This is due to:
1. Differences in theoretical foundations, vocabulary and strategies,
which are sources of confusion and misunderstandings.
2. To harmful practices, such as exaggerations, caricatures, camp logic
and the solidification of interpersonal conflicts.
3. His history and affiliations.
On this last point in particular, an important tension arises from the
fact that a part of transphobic feminism (known as TERF, for
"trans-exclusionary radical feminists") claims to be based on
materialism. The same goes for a set of positions reviled within the
trans movement, which can be grouped under the term transmedicalism. It
is therefore up to us to specify exactly what materialism we claim.
For a non-dogmatic materialist analysis
For us, materialism is a tool for analysing reality that allows us to
perceive and analyse systems of exploitation and oppression within
society. This means that our analysis must evolve based on the facts and
our understanding of them. We must be careful not to essentialise our
models, that is, to apply them to reality when they no longer seem
adequate. Instead, we must start from reality to develop them. Taking
trans experiences into account has caused a split within materialist
feminism. A part of the movement, now known as TERF, has attempted to
use materialist analysis to justify transphobic positions and the
exclusion of trans women from feminist circles. We argue that this
movement, which has largely focused on transphobia as the only axis of
struggle, has essentialised its analysis rather than updating it and has
contradicted the basic principles of both materialism and the feminist
struggle. In particular, this movement defends a biological (rather than
social) origin for the oppression of women and insists on the
insurmountable nature of "primary socialization," that is, of behaviors
instilled in early childhood.
In contrast, the current analysis of the Libertarian Communist Union
consists in considering two classes of sex, "men" and "women," to which
each individual is assigned by a social mechanism, imposed by society.
This assignment is supposed to be fixed, but in reality it takes place
not only at birth but throughout life, in every social interaction, on
the basis of gender markers (elements of the individual's appearance and
behavior, marital status, etc.).
Sex classes - in the original, "les classes de sexe". We have respected
the differentiated use that UCL makes between " sexe" and " genre" ,
understanding that it is a thoughtful use in which they start from the
conceptualization of sex as a social construction - allow the
exploitation of the class of women by men, and patriarchal society
imposes its binarity and rigidity to achieve this.
Trans people are specifically oppressed by patriarchy because they
contravene these principles. The very process of class mobility -
becoming sex class defectors - is an affront to the binarism of the
system, an affront repeated by people who refuse to be assigned to one
of the only two classes considered legitimate. Transphobia is the
oppression that punishes these affronts.
Trans women in particular see their social position degraded from the
first steps of their transition, and are subject to transmisogyny, which
combines misogyny and transphobia. Trans men, for their part, are
subjected to the logic of infantilisation, with the aim, on the one
hand, of denying them or making it difficult for them to enter the male
class and, on the other, to serve as a banner for transphobic
"feminists" by denying their autonomy and their representation as
victims, once again resorting to sexist clichés. Trans struggles are
therefore an integral part of anti-patriarchal struggles, and trans
women are an integral part of feminist struggles.
We reject essentialist positions. In our analysis, we consider that each
individual's place in the system of patriarchal oppression does not
depend on their biology or past socialization, but on their current
social position. We respect and support trans people in their transition
to the gender they desire, regardless of their conformity to patriarchal
expectations. Our struggle is aimed at abolishing this system and its
sex classes, and we act in accordance with this goal.
Part of the trans movement, which also tends to claim to be materialist,
argues that being trans is a pathology for which medical transition is
the cure. This trend therefore generally advocates maintaining the
psychiatric pathologisation of transitions. This position, called
transmedicalism, is more strategic than ideological: it is about
presenting the trans condition in a way that is more acceptable to the
patriarchal system, and thus, in theory, protecting trans people.
While we understand the concerns and individual strategies that trans
people deploy to access healthcare, we reject transmedicalism as a
political strategy. We believe that transmedicalism cannot protect us
from reactionary reactions or from patriarchy as a whole, which it does
not combat. In particular, it expels all trans people who cannot submit
to the dictates of the system: non-binary people, homosexuals,
bisexuals, neurodivergents, etc. For us, depsychiatrization is a central
demand of trans struggles.
Finally, we reject reductionist positions that do not take into account
psychological violence as a material condition. We note in particular
that being in the closet is a very difficult situation and that social
transition processes (coming out, changes in appearance and behaviour,
etc.) also entail a real danger for trans people, due to all the forms
of violence that transphobic society unleashes in response. The result
is astronomical rates of depression and suicide.
For a calm unitary work
Most of the trans movement adopts analytical perspectives derived from
queer theories. We have points of consensus, but also political
disagreements with these theories, which need to be clarified in order
to work together. But a common source of tension can also be a simple
difference of priorities. Whatever the case, we affirm that what unites
us, the conquest of rights and the end of patriarchy, will always be
stronger and more important than what divides us.
Trans organisations focus much of their energy on the urgent and vital
needs of trans people, through mutual aid and support (particularly with
regard to access to health care and administrative procedures), as well
as moral support and the creation of social spaces, which are cruelly
lacking for trans people, who are often victims of rejection and
isolation. It is a huge task, which we must salute and support.
This perfectly logical approach to the immediate needs of the trans
community can justify an emphasis on individuality. Someone who has been
rejected and denied their humanity needs to be legitimised. We therefore
do not judge these actions but share the desire behind them to create a
society in which every individual can flourish without fear. As a
political organisation, UCL does not aim to replace self-help groups,
which it must support from the outside. Our aim is to push society to
move towards acceptance and integration of trans people until the
patriarchal system of oppression is eliminated, in combination with
feminist and LGBTI struggles. In this field of action, we believe that
individualistic approaches are harmful: we need to create a collective,
based on shared experiences.
We want to bring together everything that transitioning (or wanting to
transition) means in our patriarchal society, laying the foundations for
our common criticisms, fears and demands. This implies creating broad
and democratic counterpowers and balances. We therefore do not focus on
individual figures or affinity groups, although we applaud their work
and can collaborate with them. This position is not incompatible with
the recognition of the diversity of transition paths.
These political advances will benefit everyone, regardless of the steps
that each individual actually takes. It is not for us to judge the
"legitimacy" of this or that identity. Our analysis is based on the
material conditions of existence: we fight for all people whose material
conditions are affected by transphobia, as by other systems of
oppression. For us, this means an approach that is open to the outside
world, that confronts society, and that is neither excessively
intellectualized and abstract nor lacking in theoretical analysis.
Another common source of tension between queer and materialist
strategies is the use of vocabulary. Queer strategies, which involve
redefining gender-related terms with a view to emancipating and
"destabilising" gender, propose that terms of sexual identity and
orientation be appropriated at the individual level: that each person
chooses the labels that apply to them in order to understand or find
themselves.
At UCL, our approach takes a different starting position and thus
translates into a use of vocabulary adapted to our analytical
perspective. Without calling into question the principle of
self-determination, we start from transition as a social fact and then
study the logic of oppression that it engenders. Our vocabulary thus
refers to people structurally affected by these oppressions, such as
those who initiate or have the desire to initiate a process of
transition (including medical and administrative aspects as well as
social ones).
These differences in vocabulary use, linked to different analyses and
strategies, do not, in our view, constitute a relevant source of
opposition on their own: we should therefore clarify our terms where
necessary without getting entangled in dictionary wars.
At the same time, we have our reservations about certain radical ideas,
which we fear are unheard of in today's society. Without ever denying
our revolutionary ambitions, we prefer to use strategy and fight a
long-term battle, gaining legitimacy among our class and advancing
society at the pace we believe achievable.
We have presented our views and disagreements here to clarify our
position, not to draw a line of division with other political
orientations, but to enable us to work with them in full knowledge of
the facts. We must prevent these disagreements from becoming conflicts
through exchange, the search for consensus and diversity of action. More
than ever, we need to be united. Despite the differences in practices
and strategies, our objective is the same. The principle of working
together is one of the imperatives of our organization and must always
guide our actions.
Identifying our enemies and confronting them with the demands of the
trans community
This is a brief summary of French transphobic movements and their
arguments. It is necessary to learn to refute them and contrast them
with the real situation of the trans population.
As an organisation, we support most of the demands of trans activists
that we detail, albeit non-exhaustively, in the second subsection.
Opposition from across the political spectrum
The actors who spread transphobia in France (as everywhere) claim to
belong to all political currents.
Among them are, of course, right-wing and far-right parties. Zemmour,
for example, has created groups of "parent watchdog" groups that launch
pressure campaigns against schools, in line with the strategy of the
American far right. The Republicans have also adopted this strategy
against "wokeism" by launching an offensive media and parliamentary
campaign against an alleged transgender ideology that threatens children.
The National Rally, Marine Le Pen's line, takes a strategically silent
or instrumentalist stance on the rights of women and gay people. While
hiding its true reactionary positions, it is giving way to a more open
line in the cultural war being waged on the other side of the Atlantic.
Her group in the National Assembly ( Assemblée Nationale ) is also
launching a legislative offensive, targeting trans people's access to sport.
It is a more subtle and gradual strategy than LR's, but with the same
objective: to legitimise and promote the oppression of trans people. In
addition to the parties, among the most active reactionary groups on
this issue is the Observatoire de la Petite Sirène (Little Mermaid
Observatory) , close to the circles of The Demonstration for All ( Le
Manif Pour Tous) and the Republicans, who have influence over the
Ministry of Education and who have also tried to take their arguments to
the very heart of the DILCRAH ( Inter-Ministerial Delegation to Fight
Against Racism, Anti-Semitism and Anti-LGBT Haine) .
The arguments that this political faction has developed are based on the
usual clichés: the "protection" of children or even of civilization, an
affront to the natural or biblical order, and they resort to the usual
conspiracy and anti-Semitic discourses. As developed in the first part
of this text, the fight against transphobia is today an anti-fascist
imperative.
But in this fight against trans rights, the far right has support.
Liberal "universalist" feminism, while claiming to respect trans people,
contrasts their rights with those of women, is outraged by the language
used to include trans men in reproductive health and denounces the
alleged advantage of trans women in sport, invoking once again the
supposed threat that trans people pose to society.
Less subtly, the issue of single-sex spaces for women (particularly
public toilets) is used to portray trans women as aggressors, echoing
the classic stigma of LGBTI people as sexual perverts. On this point and
on many others, this liberal feminism is joined by the transphobic
sector of radical feminism, with which it is increasingly fused, and
which insists, as already mentioned, on the primacy of biology or
"primary socialisation" as the source of patriarchal oppressions.
In this transphobic assumption that identifies trans women as
aggressors, TERFs see trans men and transmasculinities as lesbian
victims of "transactivists," regardless of their actual sexual
orientation and based on misogynistic infantilization.
Environmental circles are not spared. In addition to naturopathic gurus,
transphobic tendencies can be found in techno-critical and primitivist
movements such as Pièces et main-d'oeuvre (PMO) and Deep Green
Resistance (DGR), which often have closer ties to ecofascism than to
militant environmentalism. These groups present gender transitions as
unnatural and derived from a transhumanist ideology.
All these components are linked and mutually supportive, regardless of
their declared political affiliations: transphobia becomes the common
denominator that unites currents that should be opposed to each other.
Figures known on social media for their frenetic transphobic activism
claim to be feminists but accept invitations from pro-Putin far-right media.
PMO quotes members of the Little Mermaid Observatory (OPS) and,
meanwhile, libertarians give pride of place to transphobic liberal
feminism. A former DGR activist shares transphobic arguments on her blog
and is invited to pseudo-feminist podcasts that are equally obsessed
with the subject. In this way, she acts as a relay for Ypomoni, a group
close to the PAHO that promotes conversion therapies and exerts pressure
on both the media and doctors.
This mix of origins demonstrates the true common ground of transphobia:
a reactionary and confusing ideology.
Many rights to conquer
In the face of transphobic misinformation, we campaign for better
information about trans people, including better identification and
condemnation of transphobia and the violence that goes with it. We fight
against discrimination and the precariousness of the trans population,
we campaign for them to have access to healthcare. This means ending
discrimination and medical violence, but also through better training of
doctors in caring for trans people and in prescribing and monitoring
their treatments. We are in favour of the real and effective
depsychiatrisation of transition processes, both for medical practice
and for reimbursement - in the original, "nous sommes pour la
dépsychiatrisation réelle et effective des parcours de transition, que
ce soit au sein des pratiques Médicales ou pour leur remboursement." -.
We demand a genuine public health policy, which puts an end to the
practices of the multidisciplinary teams of the former SoFECT (Société
française d'études et de prise en charge de la transidentité), which
were extremely psychiatric, rigid and patriarchal, and which responds
correctly to the needs of both minors and adults, providing adequate
treatment.
In short, we demand a stronger social security system, controlled by our
class, in tune with the needs of the trans population, and which covers
all health expenses, without the need for mutual insurance companies or
the recognition of chronic diseases (ALD). We fight against the
capitalist logic at work in the health system, which is creating a
multi-speed medical system based on the means of the patients.
We also demand that the processes for changing civil status be
simplified so that they are based on a single certificate issued in a
single affidavit. We are in favour of the abolition of the sex marker,
an archaic symbol of state control over bodies and families, which
exposes people to discrimination. At the very least, we ask that the
procedure for changing this marker be diverted from the courts. In order
to protect trans people from registration and discrimination, changes in
civil status must be fully retroactive.
We are in favour of trans people having access to medically assisted
reproduction (MAP), regardless of their marital status, sexual
orientation or gender, as well as automatic recognition of family lines.
We demand that trans people be guaranteed access to spaces dedicated to
their gender. This includes sports associations and competitions,
toilets, shelters against violence, etc. We believe that the limitations
imposed on women's bodies, even supposedly in the name of their own
safety, generate dangers and discrimination for both trans and cis
women, particularly LGBTI and racialized women.
Strategy for a trans counter-offensive . Advance the lines in our
environments
It is essential that the left, in its broadest sense, and counter-powers
take a clear stance in favour of trans struggles. As we have seen
internationally, a divided, indecisive or poorly formed left is a
breeding ground for the worst rhetoric, including the persecution of
trans people.
Firstly, this requires a better understanding of trans realities within
counter-powers. UCL members must be the driving force behind training
and information initiatives within the counter-powers in which they are
involved. To do so, they will be assisted by internal training courses
and material designed by the anti-patriarchal commission.
The promotion of these causes within trade unions is of particular
importance. Just as with feminist, anti-racist or anti-ableist
struggles, trade unions must be able to support trans people, victims of
serious discrimination in employment and the workplace, in order to
establish themselves as a relevant tool for them.
As places of proletarian organisation, they have the potential to unite
our class through the convergence of struggles, including therefore
trans struggles. And this is certainly a potential that we must try to
realise.
In addition to our counterpowers, we must work to advance trans
struggles across the left, and to push back against transphobia.
This includes reformist parties, which have a large audience among the
population, so we should not underestimate their role. It is in our
interest to invite them to participate in our initiatives on this issue
and to open a dialogue with the same logic and the same reasons as those
concerning anti-fascism.
In inter-organizational frameworks, especially feminist ones, we will
make it one of our priorities to make transphobic positions a minority.
To do this, we must equip ourselves with a long-term strategy that does
not rely on ineffective positioning or on impotent passivity.
UCL is alert to situations where the issue of trans struggles seems to
provoke discomfort or is marginalised as being outside the feminist
movement. We must engage, persuade and support organisations that may be
reluctant to address these issues due to lack of training or fear of
conflict. We need to gain legitimacy and support within these frameworks
if we are to push forward our vision of a clear and unified
anti-patriarchal front .
Once this is achieved, we need to be a driving force for proposals that
ensure that trans issues are taken into account and that opposition to
them is overcome. On the other hand, organisations that are positioned
as transphobic must be expelled from our spaces.
As long as we are not present in a broad feminist unitary framework with
a significant audience, we will try to reach it, provided that the
majority of its public positions coincide with ours, even if
organizations that are reluctant to support trans struggles are
represented. The idea is that, on our scale, it will be more effective
to wage an internal struggle alongside organizations that support trans
causes than to boycott them.
Similarly, the decision to sign or not to sign press releases issued by
organisations in which we are absent at the time, must take into account
the prospects of engaging and moving the lines in the direction of trans
struggles. If texts are signed that do not take into account trans
struggles, we will add an accompanying document on the subject in the
publication that we make as an organisation.
On the other hand, when a unified framework appears to be controlled or
blocked by transphobic organisations, we will encourage the creation of
a framework that confronts them. This decision must be based above all
on the criterion of effectiveness. It must be taken into account that it
cannot be done without allies and that it implies working over the long
term to build the legitimacy of the union.
Sustaining trans struggles, both on a daily basis and in the long term
The Union Communiste Libertaire supports trans associations,
organisations and counter-powers. We offer our support to their
initiatives within the framework of our political positions. We
participate in the training of their activists and in their collective
defence and we work with them on communications and events, putting them
in contact with our networks and counter-powers and inviting them to our
open spaces. We involve trans organisations in common frameworks of
struggle against fascism and the extreme right.
We use our communication tools to educate and inform society as widely
as possible. We develop the perspectives of trans struggles in our
productions whenever relevant. Every year we participate in the "
ExisTransInter" march - a demonstration of trans and intersex people
held since 1997 with national representation throughout France - by
producing political material , holding public meetings in collaboration
with trans organisations whenever possible and providing logistical
and/or financial support.
As an organisation, we encourage the expansion of this manifestation in
our localities, we support trans people beyond our borders (particularly
in countries where they are most at risk, in the most precarious
situations and where they are directly attacked by reactionary
offensives). We carry out these actions through our internationalist
networks, which we need to develop through this axis, and directly
through support for refugees, actions in front of embassies, etc.
Without taking the place of specific organizations, and in the spirit of
self-determination of struggles, we encourage the creation of
counterpowers and unitary frameworks around trans struggles and the
defense against transphobic movements.
In short, the Union Communiste Libertaire puts its forces at the service
of trans struggles, in conjunction with its other struggles. We denounce
transphobic arguments put forward in the public sphere, even when their
promoters claim to be left-wing or feminist.
The organisation is alert to reactionary attacks: when the enemies of
our social field make transphobia their strategic priority, we will
redouble our efforts to counter them in this area as well as in other
political areas. We are fully committed to a genuine trans counteroffensive.
Translation by Liza's Gender Commission .
https://www.regeneracionlibertaria.org/2025/01/16/hacia-una-contraofensiva-trans/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
Geen opmerkingen:
Een reactie posten