Let's try to move beyond the superficial, journalistic claims that the
far right only appeared on the French political scene during the 1986
legislative elections. This complex and multifaceted political movement
has much deeper roots. Baptiste Roger-Lacan leads a team of researchers
and historians tasked with analyzing it in the book *A New History of
the Far Right (France 1780-2025)*, published by Seuil. The title itself
reveals that this history stretches back to the Ancien Régime. The
anti-Enlightenment movements emerged as early as 1750, and aristocratic
solidarity, in the face of attempts at innovation, defended the primacy
of privileges and the exclusivity of the military vocation. Montesquieu
described it as a "conspiracy against the Third Estate."
The term "far right" is perceived as a stigma by those it applies to.
Disputes arose over this issue. We are confronted with a radical,
counter-revolutionary right wing that rejects the notion of equality and
the concept of individual liberty, instead proclaiming an immutable
natural order often based on religious considerations. It frequently
thrives on conspiracy myths. Abbé Barruel created the myth of the
Masonic conspiracy behind the French Revolution, and today the novelist
Renaud Camus promotes the Great Replacement theory to sell his eponymous
book. Anti-modern, reactionary, and hostile to progress, these
extremists can reveal themselves to be technophiles, distinguishing
between technological and social progress. In any case, they never give
up. Their press calls for the regeneration of France, even if it leads
to assassinations like that of Jean Jaurès by Raoul Villain. Some
publications denounce the party of foreigners, of anti-patriots, even
resorting to the most shameless collaboration, such as Je suis partout.
Anti-Revolutionary Nostalgia
This book, A New History of the Far Right, unfolds a fascinating
historical panorama, revealing forgotten periods and little-known
behaviors, particularly during the Restoration, fueled by
anti-revolutionary nostalgia, bordering on the absurd with the
coronation of Charles X in Reims. The reader will witness the influence
of monarchists throughout the 19th century, including in the Chamber of
Deputies. A new restoration was narrowly averted after 1871. The Count
of Chambord demanded the fleur-de-lis flag, provoking the Pope's dismay,
who remarked: "All this fuss over a napkin!" This same papacy then took
up the mantle of reaction with the publication of the Syllabus, a symbol
of the Church's reactionary doctrines.
During the Third Republic, the far right fostered antisemitism, notably
through Drumont's "Jewish France," anti-parliamentarianism, Boulangism,
and the Dreyfus Affair, all fueled by scandals like the Panama Canal.
Debates became increasingly violent, particularly in Parliament.
Organizations proliferated to destabilize the regime. The pages devoted
to the expulsion of "foreigners," reflections on race, anti-communism,
and the rejection of Freemasons-all inspired by Maurras-foreshadowed
Vichy France. The temptation of fascism and Nazism was pervasive. Vichy
represented revenge against the revolutionary past and its reforms. The
idea of a National Revolution took hold, excluding, marginalizing, and
destroying protective legal mechanisms. Collaboration with the Milice
and the Legion of French Volunteers culminated in the SS Charlemagne
Division, defending Hitler's bunker. However, after the war, this far
right saw itself as a victim and a martyr. Holocaust denial emerged as
early as 1947. It also relied on the defense of the colonial empire,
recycling figures within the country's political and administrative
apparatus, taking advantage of amnesties.
The Rise to Power
Later, after May 1968, it developed its alliance with business
interests. And then, as we know better, the rise to power of the
National Front, the New Right, and the National Rally (a Pétainist
formula). Small groups capitalized on a so-called identity-based
counterculture thanks to new media. Alliances were displayed shamelessly.
Here we are. The far right operates on a long-term basis. The
international situation provides it with support. The authors of this
book clearly challenge the reader: "Whether one practices history,
sociology, or political science, the far right is no longer just an
object of study; it is now a possible future." I would add: accepted,
even in the circles it fought against.
* Collective work edited by Baptiste Roger-Lacan
A New History of the Far Right (France 1780-2025)
Éditions du Seuil, 2025
https://monde-libertaire.net/?articlen=8719
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
far right only appeared on the French political scene during the 1986
legislative elections. This complex and multifaceted political movement
has much deeper roots. Baptiste Roger-Lacan leads a team of researchers
and historians tasked with analyzing it in the book *A New History of
the Far Right (France 1780-2025)*, published by Seuil. The title itself
reveals that this history stretches back to the Ancien Régime. The
anti-Enlightenment movements emerged as early as 1750, and aristocratic
solidarity, in the face of attempts at innovation, defended the primacy
of privileges and the exclusivity of the military vocation. Montesquieu
described it as a "conspiracy against the Third Estate."
The term "far right" is perceived as a stigma by those it applies to.
Disputes arose over this issue. We are confronted with a radical,
counter-revolutionary right wing that rejects the notion of equality and
the concept of individual liberty, instead proclaiming an immutable
natural order often based on religious considerations. It frequently
thrives on conspiracy myths. Abbé Barruel created the myth of the
Masonic conspiracy behind the French Revolution, and today the novelist
Renaud Camus promotes the Great Replacement theory to sell his eponymous
book. Anti-modern, reactionary, and hostile to progress, these
extremists can reveal themselves to be technophiles, distinguishing
between technological and social progress. In any case, they never give
up. Their press calls for the regeneration of France, even if it leads
to assassinations like that of Jean Jaurès by Raoul Villain. Some
publications denounce the party of foreigners, of anti-patriots, even
resorting to the most shameless collaboration, such as Je suis partout.
Anti-Revolutionary Nostalgia
This book, A New History of the Far Right, unfolds a fascinating
historical panorama, revealing forgotten periods and little-known
behaviors, particularly during the Restoration, fueled by
anti-revolutionary nostalgia, bordering on the absurd with the
coronation of Charles X in Reims. The reader will witness the influence
of monarchists throughout the 19th century, including in the Chamber of
Deputies. A new restoration was narrowly averted after 1871. The Count
of Chambord demanded the fleur-de-lis flag, provoking the Pope's dismay,
who remarked: "All this fuss over a napkin!" This same papacy then took
up the mantle of reaction with the publication of the Syllabus, a symbol
of the Church's reactionary doctrines.
During the Third Republic, the far right fostered antisemitism, notably
through Drumont's "Jewish France," anti-parliamentarianism, Boulangism,
and the Dreyfus Affair, all fueled by scandals like the Panama Canal.
Debates became increasingly violent, particularly in Parliament.
Organizations proliferated to destabilize the regime. The pages devoted
to the expulsion of "foreigners," reflections on race, anti-communism,
and the rejection of Freemasons-all inspired by Maurras-foreshadowed
Vichy France. The temptation of fascism and Nazism was pervasive. Vichy
represented revenge against the revolutionary past and its reforms. The
idea of a National Revolution took hold, excluding, marginalizing, and
destroying protective legal mechanisms. Collaboration with the Milice
and the Legion of French Volunteers culminated in the SS Charlemagne
Division, defending Hitler's bunker. However, after the war, this far
right saw itself as a victim and a martyr. Holocaust denial emerged as
early as 1947. It also relied on the defense of the colonial empire,
recycling figures within the country's political and administrative
apparatus, taking advantage of amnesties.
The Rise to Power
Later, after May 1968, it developed its alliance with business
interests. And then, as we know better, the rise to power of the
National Front, the New Right, and the National Rally (a Pétainist
formula). Small groups capitalized on a so-called identity-based
counterculture thanks to new media. Alliances were displayed shamelessly.
Here we are. The far right operates on a long-term basis. The
international situation provides it with support. The authors of this
book clearly challenge the reader: "Whether one practices history,
sociology, or political science, the far right is no longer just an
object of study; it is now a possible future." I would add: accepted,
even in the circles it fought against.
* Collective work edited by Baptiste Roger-Lacan
A New History of the Far Right (France 1780-2025)
Éditions du Seuil, 2025
https://monde-libertaire.net/?articlen=8719
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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